Bryan Schwartz - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Papers by Bryan Schwartz

Manitoba Law Journal, 2001

Manitoba Law Journal, 2018

Manitoba Law Journal, 2016

Manitoba Law Journal, 2019

This paper was prepared for the Law Commission of Canada under the title "Valuing Canadians: the ... more This paper was prepared for the Law Commission of Canada under the title "Valuing Canadians: the options for voting system reform in Canada." The views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Commission. The accuracy of the information contained in the paper is the sole responsibility of the author. i Contents ¦ Overview ¦ Democracy in Canada 1 ¦ Canadian Values and Electoral Criteria 2 ¦ Establishing Relevant Electoral Criteria 3 ¦ Constitutional Developments 4 ¦ Examining Proposals for Reform: Research Methodology and Findings 5 ¦ Relevant Proposals for Change 6 ¦ Finding the Right Fit: Examining the Five Proposed Models 7 ¦ Conclusion Appendix A Appendix B Appendix C Appendix D Democracy in Canada Canada adopted a template for democracy in 1867 that included a system of electing representatives to govern the country. One hundred and thirty-five years later, for many citizens that voting system no longer fits with who we are as a people and the times we live in. Canada's voting system is now routinely criticized-by academic experts, media pundits, political parties and social activists alike-as substantively unfair and undemocratic. Assuming for a moment their collective complaints have merit, is there any real possibility of changing the system? 1 And even if changes are possible, how do you begin to design a new Canadian voting system? The voting system any democracy uses should be designed to reflect the values of its citizens. This is the starting point for any democratic reform. But in a country as diverse as Canada, are there values that Canadians actually agree upon? And if by some remarkable turn of events Canadians agreed on broad political values might we still part company over which voting system best serves those values? Recent failures at constitutional reform, over the last two decades, show how hard it is to reach consensus. Why bother to engage in a political debate over the immutable? Although the obstacles to electoral reform appear formidable, on closer examination, they are not insurmountable. The task with respect to electoral reform is different from the task of ordinary law making. With electoral reform, citizens are not asked to agree on substantive political principles or specific policy outcomes. They are simply asked to achieve a reasonable measure of concurrence on a process for making political decisions. Canadians who may Similarly, when the Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing, the Lortie Commission 12 , surveyed Canadians in 1991, about half the respondents said they were "satisfied" with the first-past-the-post system. However, the respondent's answers depended on when in the interview the question was posed. Sometimes respondents were asked a series of detailed questions about the system first, and only then asked the general question "are you satisfied with the current system?" If this procedure was followed, Canadians were more likely to answer, "No, I am not satisfied with the current system." As the Lortie Commission researchers noted, if Canadians spent even a little time thinking about their voting system, they were more likely to express unhappiness with it. In this respect, the nature and firmness of Canadian's opinions on voting systems might change greatly once a focused public debate occurs-one in which the strengths and weakness of the current system were explored along with specific alternatives. Another route, besides poll taking, that might shed more useful light on the electoral criteria that are important to Canadians is to review Canadian laws, judicial decisions, reform proposals and commentaries on our current voting system for references to electoral criteria. 13 Our laws, and proposals to reform them, address our system in very specific and concrete terms. They do so by means that are relatively concise and easy to access. Laws, judicial pronouncements on our electoral system, and reform proposals indicate not only what values Canadians have, but how Parliament, the Courts, and interested parties balance and apply those values in specific contexts. 12 The Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing was appointed in 1989. In January 1990, the commission placed advertisements in national newspapers inviting Canadians to submit their ideas pertaining to reform of the federal electoral system. Ultimately, the commission received over 900 briefs, from groups, political practitioners, and private citizens. The committee held public hearings across Canada in 27 cities, with a total of 523 groups or individuals appearing to present their views. Royal

Supreme Court Law Review, 2006

The decision in Mikisew v. Canada clarifies that the proper analytical path is not to jump into t... more The decision in Mikisew v. Canada clarifies that the proper analytical path is not to jump into the Sparrow rights infringement analysis without first determining whether procedural process requirements have been met, see para. 59. 3

Osgoode Hall Law Journal, 1984

In this article, Herman Melville's short story, "Bartleby", is a springboard to discussing differ... more In this article, Herman Melville's short story, "Bartleby", is a springboard to discussing different aspects of interpretation in literature and law. "Semantic pluralism" in literature may mean that a work is well-crafted; in law, a multitude of possible meanings may allow a decision-maker to impose political choices undemocratically. The author illustrates this thesis by offering different interpretations of "Bartleby" and by contrasting these to the process of "legal" interpretation. The author concludes by relating the interpretations of "Bartleby" with the nature of lawyers' work.

Canadian Public Administration/Administration publique du Canada, 1997

The author contends that under current practice, public inquiries tend to be unreasonably protrac... more The author contends that under current practice, public inquiries tend to be unreasonably protracted and costly, vulnerable to political manipulation and threatening to civil liberties. The author proposes a number of avenues for reform. Public inquiries should be used more sparingly. Ordinary civil and criminal processes may be sufficient or may be rendered sufficient through a modest adaptation such as bringing in an outside prosecutor. The creation and oversight of public inquiries should be taken out of the exclusive control of governments, and more of a say should be given to bodies such as parliamentary committees. Inquiries are often hastily created in the heat of public controversy over a newly emerged tragedy or scandal. Instead, they should only be established after extensive investigation and deliberation. Any inquiry that is created should have a well-defined and manageable mandate and should be directed to observe an explicit set of safeguards for civil liberties. Once an inquiry is in operation, it should consider conducting at least the first part of its investigation through more efficient means than through a "trial" format. An initial compilation of interviews and documents may enable those in charge of an inquiry to narrow the issues and to select the limited set of witnesses whose evidence should be further developed and tested at the trial-like stage of the inquiry. Public inquiries Sommaire : Selon I'auteur, les pratiques actuelles font que les enquCtes publiques deviennent excessivement prolongees et coQteuses, vulnerables a la manipulation politique et une veritable menace aux libertb civiles. L'auteur propose plusieurs possibilites de reforme. On devrait faire appel moins frequemment aux commissions d'enquCte. En general, les processus civils et criminels pourraient suffire ou Ctre rendus suffisants par une modeste adaptation telle que l'ajout d'un procureur externe. La mise sur pied et la surveillance des enquCtes publiques ne devraient plus relever exclusivement des gouvemements, et Yon devrait donner leur mot 21 dire aux organismes tels que les comites parlementaires. Les commissions d'enquCte sont souvent creees 2I la hate, au coeur d'une controverse publique concernant une catastrophe ou un scandale qui vient de se produire. On devrait plutcit les etablir uniquement apres avoir mQrement rbflkhi et deliMr6. Toute commission d'enquGte ainsi erigbe devrait avoir un mandat bien defini et maniable et elle devrait respecter The author is professor, Faculty of Law, University of Manitoba.

Canadian law lacks a robust “regulatory takings” doctrine, a phenomenon partially explained by Ca... more Canadian law lacks a robust “regulatory takings” doctrine, a phenomenon partially explained by Canada’s unique constitutional backdrop. Some Canadian provinces have statutes that provide greater protection for certain property rights. Canada also has international trade obligations that require it to protect foreign investors’ property rights. The only indirect recognition and remuneration of regulatory takings is encompassed in a longstanding interpretive

Canadian Yearbook of international Law/Annuaire canadien de droit international

SommaireLes auteurs soulignent et analysent les facteurs qui favorisent l’efficacité d’un organis... more SommaireLes auteurs soulignent et analysent les facteurs qui favorisent l’efficacité d’un organisme international. Selon les auteurs, les organisations les plus réussies sont celles dont le rôle est précis et utilitaire. Elles ont notamment pour tâche de mettre en oeuvre des programmes très spécifiques. Ce sont aussi des organisations gérées par une bureaucratie qui se veut impartiale.Au départ modeste, leur champ d’activité et leurs membres croissent lentement, en fonction de l’évolution des besoins et de la situation internationale. Elles adoptent également de nombreuses décisions en suivant un processus décisionnel rapide qui préfère la règle du consensus à celle de l’unanimité. De plus, elles se composent d’États démocratiques. Finalement, les auteurs notent que le pouvoir de sanctionner ne représente pas une condition importante et essentielle à l’efficacité d’un organisme international.

Washington University Global Studies Law Review, 2007

Wash U Law. Academics: Home; Juris Doctor; Joint Degree Programs; Graduate Programs; Academic Pro... more Wash U Law. Academics: Home; Juris Doctor; Joint Degree Programs; Graduate Programs; Academic Programs; Registrar and Courses; Academic Calendar; Curriculum; Academic Journals; Events and Speakers. Career Services: Home; Admissions; For Students; For Employers; For Alumni; For Prospective Students; JD Advisors; Calendar; Contact Information. Centers / Institutes: Home; Center for Empirical Research in the Law; Center for the Interdisciplinary ...