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Papers by Carlos Meléndez

Conventional wisdom suggests Chile's party system is highly institutionalized. However, recen... more Conventional wisdom suggests Chile's party system is highly institutionalized. However, recent declines in participation and partisan-ship have begun to raise questions about this veneer of stability. This article assesses the current state of the Chilean party system, analyzing its ability to provide linkage. We specify a theoretical framework for identifying challenges to linkage and constraints on necessary adaptation. We then use this framework to evaluate linkage in the contemporary Chilean system, emphasizing how its representational profile has changed since the democratic transition. The analysis suggests the two partisan coalitions no longer present clear policy alternatives and programmatic representation increasingly depends on policy responsiveness and relics of old ideological divides. Significant institutional constraints impede parties' ability to incorporate demands from emerging social groups, and clien-telism remains a complementary but not core linkage mec...

El desarrollo académico en América Latina enfrenta desafíos propios de países del Tercer Mundo: l... more El desarrollo académico en América Latina enfrenta desafíos propios de países del Tercer Mundo: la influencia excesiva del régimen político, la insuficiencia de recursos financieros, la ausencia de patrones de profesionalización claramente establecidos, entre otros. La Ciencia Política, como una de las disciplinas de ciencias sociales más jóvenes, no ha estado ajena a estos retos. Los casos latinoamericanos –varios de ellos reseñados en el presente volumen– dan cuenta de la diversidad y heterogeneidad del desarrollo de la disciplina y del impacto de la academia norteamericana como referente inevitable –para bien o para mal– para la reflexión del futuro de ciencia política en la región.

resuMen se ha caracterizado la dinamica politica peruana como una gran continuidad tanto a nivel ... more resuMen se ha caracterizado la dinamica politica peruana como una gran continuidad tanto a nivel de regimen politico y economico, como de los factores que la condicionan: gobernabilidad como resultado de un equilibrio de baja intensidad compuesto por ejecutivos debiles pero sin oposiciones vinculadas con la movilizacion social. administraciones tanto pro- establishment como reformistas (como la reciente de Ollanta Humala) aparecen “atrapados por la historia”. se privilegia el “piloto automatico” tanto en sectores con resultados exitosos (economia, relaciones internacionales), como no (seguridad publica). sin embargo, recientes cambios institucionales (en la tecnocracia de las politicas sociales) permiten identificar indicios para hacer de este tipo de modelo de gobernabilidad mas popular que sus antecesores. Palabras clave: peru, democracia, conflictos sociales, gobernabilidad, revocatoria. AbstrAct Peruvian political dynamics has often been characterized as an enduring continuity. ...

Political Studies

Three different constituencies are becoming increasingly common across Western European electorat... more Three different constituencies are becoming increasingly common across Western European electorates: mainstream voters, non-voters and populist voters. Despite their distinct behaviours in electoral politics, we have limited empirical knowledge about the characteristics that distinguish these three groups, given the typical underrepresentation of non-voters in surveys and the relative recency of large-scale research on populist voters. To address this gap, we analyse novel survey data from contemporary Germany that oversamples non-voters and includes a sizeable share of both populist radical left and populist radical right party supporters. Two main findings with broader implications stand out. First, populist voters resemble their mainstream counterparts in their expectations about democracy but correspond more closely to non-voters regarding (dis-)satisfaction with democracy. Second, non-voters and populist voters seem to reject mainstream democratic politics in distinct ways, thr...

Democratization

ABSTRACT Democracy is under threat today and scholars agree that the main challenge is not sudden... more ABSTRACT Democracy is under threat today and scholars agree that the main challenge is not sudden regime breakdown, but rather the gradual erosion of key institutions and norms because of growing public support to political forces with illiberal tendencies. In the case of Western Europe, the major threat comes from the populist radical right. Although it is true that the latter has been gaining votes in Western Europe, scholars have not analysed the extent to which a sizeable share of the electorate dislikes this party family. Nevertheless, recent studies reveal that it is important to consider both those who feel close to and those who reject political parties, i.e. positive and negative partisanship. To address this research gap, in this contribution we rely on original survey data for 10 Western European countries to examine negative partisanship towards the populist radical right. The empirical analysis reveals that a large section of the Western European electorate has an aversion to this party family and this finding should be seen as an important sign of democratic resilience. In fact, those who dislike the populist radical right are strong supporters of both democracy per se and the liberal democratic regime.

Revista de ciencia política (Santiago)

Dos son los hitos más importantes que marcaron la política chilena durante el año 2020: la pandem... more Dos son los hitos más importantes que marcaron la política chilena durante el año 2020: la pandemia y el plebiscito constitucional. Mientras el primer fenómeno era absolutamente inesperado e implicó un giro importante en la agenda política del país, el segundo era bastante probable que terminara en un triunfo de la opción a favor del cambio constitucional, pero la contundencia del resultado fue sorpresiva. En este artículo analizamos ambos hitos en detalle. Por un lado, examinamos cómo el gobierno en particular, y el sistema político en general, reaccionaron frente a la irrupción y el desarrollo de la pandemia. Por otro lado, basándonos en una encuesta cara a cara representativa de la población-que se llevó a cabo justo después del plebiscito-mostramos empíricamente que el voto "Rechazo" se explica en gran medida por las variables que en estudios comparados se utilizan para predecir apoyo a fuerzas de derecha populista radical, mientras que el voto "Apruebo" se caracteriza por una alta heterogeneidad en términos ideológicos y sociológicos. En resumen, la evidencia aquí presentada refuerza los hallazgos de otras investigaciones que muestran un aumento de las tensiones al interior del bloque de centroderecha y, a su vez, permite pensar que en Chile están dadas las condiciones para que se establezca una fuerza de derecha populista radical.

This chapter deals with how populist parties reacted and engaged with the pandemic in Italy, one ... more This chapter deals with how populist parties reacted and engaged with the pandemic in Italy, one of the European countries most affected by the spread of the SARS-CoV-2 virus. The main argument of this chapter is that populist actors are successful in profiting from a crisis when they can credibly frame it as a failure of representation. The case of Italy, which has been defined as a “country of many populisms” (Tarchi 2008), is particularly insightful. Since the outset of the pandemic at the end of February of 2020, there were two populist parties in the system , both on the right of the political spectrum: the League (former Northern League) and Brothers of Italy. After a first period known as “rally around the flag” the two parties' strategy was somehow similar until they started to diverge substantially in February 2021. In general terms, we can say that—until the breakdown of the second Conte government—the League discursively attacked the government on managing the pandemi...

Revista de ciencia política (Santiago)

Party Politics

Political identities are crucial for understanding electoral behavior: individuals who identify w... more Political identities are crucial for understanding electoral behavior: individuals who identify with a political party behave as loyal supporters who would hardly vote for competitors old or new. Although this is an obvious observation, it has received little attention in the study of populism—a set of ideas that not only portrays established political parties as corrupt and self-serving entities but also depicts “the people” as a homogenous and virtuous community that should run the government. In this contribution, we develop a novel theory that claims that populism can thrive only when an antiestablishment political identity exists. This identity denotes an emotional and rational repulsion toward all established political parties in a given country. We test our theory by analyzing original survey data from contemporary Chile. The empirical analysis reveals not only that a limited segment of the electorate holds an antiestablishment political identity coalesced by populism but als...

American Journal of Political Science, 2012

Colombia Internacional, 2011

Journal of Politics in Latin America

Conventional wisdom suggests Chile's party system is highly institutionalized. However, recent de... more Conventional wisdom suggests Chile's party system is highly institutionalized. However, recent declines in participation and partisanship have begun to raise questions about this veneer of stability. This article assesses the current state of the Chilean party system, analyzing its ability to provide linkage. We specify a theoretical framework for identifying challenges to linkage and constraints on necessary adaptation. We then use this framework to evaluate linkage in the contemporary Chilean system, emphasizing how its representational profile has changed since the democratic transition. The analysis suggests the two partisan coalitions no longer present clear policy alternatives and programmatic representation increasingly depends on policy responsiveness and relics of old ideological divides. Significant institutional constraints impede parties' ability to incorporate demands from emerging social groups, and clientelism remains a complementary but not core linkage mechanism. This evidence indicates that while representation in Chile has not yet failed, the system contains serious vulnerabilities.

Su trabajo se centra en el estudio de los partidos políticos, las elecciones y el desarrollo de l... more Su trabajo se centra en el estudio de los partidos políticos, las elecciones y el desarrollo de la ciencia política en Colombia. Sus publicaciones recientes han aparecido en las revistas:

Conventional wisdom suggests Chile's party system is highly institutionalized. However, recen... more Conventional wisdom suggests Chile's party system is highly institutionalized. However, recent declines in participation and partisan-ship have begun to raise questions about this veneer of stability. This article assesses the current state of the Chilean party system, analyzing its ability to provide linkage. We specify a theoretical framework for identifying challenges to linkage and constraints on necessary adaptation. We then use this framework to evaluate linkage in the contemporary Chilean system, emphasizing how its representational profile has changed since the democratic transition. The analysis suggests the two partisan coalitions no longer present clear policy alternatives and programmatic representation increasingly depends on policy responsiveness and relics of old ideological divides. Significant institutional constraints impede parties' ability to incorporate demands from emerging social groups, and clien-telism remains a complementary but not core linkage mec...

El desarrollo académico en América Latina enfrenta desafíos propios de países del Tercer Mundo: l... more El desarrollo académico en América Latina enfrenta desafíos propios de países del Tercer Mundo: la influencia excesiva del régimen político, la insuficiencia de recursos financieros, la ausencia de patrones de profesionalización claramente establecidos, entre otros. La Ciencia Política, como una de las disciplinas de ciencias sociales más jóvenes, no ha estado ajena a estos retos. Los casos latinoamericanos –varios de ellos reseñados en el presente volumen– dan cuenta de la diversidad y heterogeneidad del desarrollo de la disciplina y del impacto de la academia norteamericana como referente inevitable –para bien o para mal– para la reflexión del futuro de ciencia política en la región.

resuMen se ha caracterizado la dinamica politica peruana como una gran continuidad tanto a nivel ... more resuMen se ha caracterizado la dinamica politica peruana como una gran continuidad tanto a nivel de regimen politico y economico, como de los factores que la condicionan: gobernabilidad como resultado de un equilibrio de baja intensidad compuesto por ejecutivos debiles pero sin oposiciones vinculadas con la movilizacion social. administraciones tanto pro- establishment como reformistas (como la reciente de Ollanta Humala) aparecen “atrapados por la historia”. se privilegia el “piloto automatico” tanto en sectores con resultados exitosos (economia, relaciones internacionales), como no (seguridad publica). sin embargo, recientes cambios institucionales (en la tecnocracia de las politicas sociales) permiten identificar indicios para hacer de este tipo de modelo de gobernabilidad mas popular que sus antecesores. Palabras clave: peru, democracia, conflictos sociales, gobernabilidad, revocatoria. AbstrAct Peruvian political dynamics has often been characterized as an enduring continuity. ...

Political Studies

Three different constituencies are becoming increasingly common across Western European electorat... more Three different constituencies are becoming increasingly common across Western European electorates: mainstream voters, non-voters and populist voters. Despite their distinct behaviours in electoral politics, we have limited empirical knowledge about the characteristics that distinguish these three groups, given the typical underrepresentation of non-voters in surveys and the relative recency of large-scale research on populist voters. To address this gap, we analyse novel survey data from contemporary Germany that oversamples non-voters and includes a sizeable share of both populist radical left and populist radical right party supporters. Two main findings with broader implications stand out. First, populist voters resemble their mainstream counterparts in their expectations about democracy but correspond more closely to non-voters regarding (dis-)satisfaction with democracy. Second, non-voters and populist voters seem to reject mainstream democratic politics in distinct ways, thr...

Democratization

ABSTRACT Democracy is under threat today and scholars agree that the main challenge is not sudden... more ABSTRACT Democracy is under threat today and scholars agree that the main challenge is not sudden regime breakdown, but rather the gradual erosion of key institutions and norms because of growing public support to political forces with illiberal tendencies. In the case of Western Europe, the major threat comes from the populist radical right. Although it is true that the latter has been gaining votes in Western Europe, scholars have not analysed the extent to which a sizeable share of the electorate dislikes this party family. Nevertheless, recent studies reveal that it is important to consider both those who feel close to and those who reject political parties, i.e. positive and negative partisanship. To address this research gap, in this contribution we rely on original survey data for 10 Western European countries to examine negative partisanship towards the populist radical right. The empirical analysis reveals that a large section of the Western European electorate has an aversion to this party family and this finding should be seen as an important sign of democratic resilience. In fact, those who dislike the populist radical right are strong supporters of both democracy per se and the liberal democratic regime.

Revista de ciencia política (Santiago)

Dos son los hitos más importantes que marcaron la política chilena durante el año 2020: la pandem... more Dos son los hitos más importantes que marcaron la política chilena durante el año 2020: la pandemia y el plebiscito constitucional. Mientras el primer fenómeno era absolutamente inesperado e implicó un giro importante en la agenda política del país, el segundo era bastante probable que terminara en un triunfo de la opción a favor del cambio constitucional, pero la contundencia del resultado fue sorpresiva. En este artículo analizamos ambos hitos en detalle. Por un lado, examinamos cómo el gobierno en particular, y el sistema político en general, reaccionaron frente a la irrupción y el desarrollo de la pandemia. Por otro lado, basándonos en una encuesta cara a cara representativa de la población-que se llevó a cabo justo después del plebiscito-mostramos empíricamente que el voto "Rechazo" se explica en gran medida por las variables que en estudios comparados se utilizan para predecir apoyo a fuerzas de derecha populista radical, mientras que el voto "Apruebo" se caracteriza por una alta heterogeneidad en términos ideológicos y sociológicos. En resumen, la evidencia aquí presentada refuerza los hallazgos de otras investigaciones que muestran un aumento de las tensiones al interior del bloque de centroderecha y, a su vez, permite pensar que en Chile están dadas las condiciones para que se establezca una fuerza de derecha populista radical.

This chapter deals with how populist parties reacted and engaged with the pandemic in Italy, one ... more This chapter deals with how populist parties reacted and engaged with the pandemic in Italy, one of the European countries most affected by the spread of the SARS-CoV-2 virus. The main argument of this chapter is that populist actors are successful in profiting from a crisis when they can credibly frame it as a failure of representation. The case of Italy, which has been defined as a “country of many populisms” (Tarchi 2008), is particularly insightful. Since the outset of the pandemic at the end of February of 2020, there were two populist parties in the system , both on the right of the political spectrum: the League (former Northern League) and Brothers of Italy. After a first period known as “rally around the flag” the two parties' strategy was somehow similar until they started to diverge substantially in February 2021. In general terms, we can say that—until the breakdown of the second Conte government—the League discursively attacked the government on managing the pandemi...

Revista de ciencia política (Santiago)

Party Politics

Political identities are crucial for understanding electoral behavior: individuals who identify w... more Political identities are crucial for understanding electoral behavior: individuals who identify with a political party behave as loyal supporters who would hardly vote for competitors old or new. Although this is an obvious observation, it has received little attention in the study of populism—a set of ideas that not only portrays established political parties as corrupt and self-serving entities but also depicts “the people” as a homogenous and virtuous community that should run the government. In this contribution, we develop a novel theory that claims that populism can thrive only when an antiestablishment political identity exists. This identity denotes an emotional and rational repulsion toward all established political parties in a given country. We test our theory by analyzing original survey data from contemporary Chile. The empirical analysis reveals not only that a limited segment of the electorate holds an antiestablishment political identity coalesced by populism but als...

American Journal of Political Science, 2012

Colombia Internacional, 2011

Journal of Politics in Latin America

Conventional wisdom suggests Chile's party system is highly institutionalized. However, recent de... more Conventional wisdom suggests Chile's party system is highly institutionalized. However, recent declines in participation and partisanship have begun to raise questions about this veneer of stability. This article assesses the current state of the Chilean party system, analyzing its ability to provide linkage. We specify a theoretical framework for identifying challenges to linkage and constraints on necessary adaptation. We then use this framework to evaluate linkage in the contemporary Chilean system, emphasizing how its representational profile has changed since the democratic transition. The analysis suggests the two partisan coalitions no longer present clear policy alternatives and programmatic representation increasingly depends on policy responsiveness and relics of old ideological divides. Significant institutional constraints impede parties' ability to incorporate demands from emerging social groups, and clientelism remains a complementary but not core linkage mechanism. This evidence indicates that while representation in Chile has not yet failed, the system contains serious vulnerabilities.

Su trabajo se centra en el estudio de los partidos políticos, las elecciones y el desarrollo de l... more Su trabajo se centra en el estudio de los partidos políticos, las elecciones y el desarrollo de la ciencia política en Colombia. Sus publicaciones recientes han aparecido en las revistas: