Chi Huang - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Papers by Chi Huang
選舉研究, Nov 1, 2018
The economic voting model has been established as a paradigm for studying electoral accountabilit... more The economic voting model has been established as a paradigm for studying electoral accountability based on past economic performances and future prospects. However, objective economic conditions may be a valence issue, and subjective evaluations of the national economy may still be positional. Recent "revisionist" commentators argue that economic voting is "endogenous" in the sense that partisanship strongly affects, if not distorts, voters' perceptions of macroeconomic performance. Different responses have been elicited to this "partisan bias" claim, but few directly address the causal effect of partisanship on economic perceptions. This study examined two competing theories of economic voting through investigating the partisan effects on sociotropic economic perceptions. By designing a narrow-window panel telephone survey conducted before and after the January 2016 presidential election in Taiwan, I constructed a two-way fixed effects (FE) model to test the existence of partisan bias. The estimates provided robust evidence of partisan effects on retrospective and prospective economic assessments. In other words, government party supporters evaluated both past and future economic performance favorably during the pre-election period but became pessimistic after their preferred party lost the election. By contrast, opposition party supporters discredited past economic performances during the government
Taiwanese Political Science Review, 2021
This study addresses an interesting question on political participation in direct versus represen... more This study addresses an interesting question on political participation in direct versus representative democracies. That is, are citizens more likely to turn out to vote in direct issue-oriented referendums or in indirect candidate-oriented public office elections? In order to answer this question, this study takes advantage of a rare case of a natural experiment in Taiwan's 2018 concurrent referendum and local elections. Capitalizing on a gap between the voting-age eligibility rule of 18 for referendums and 20 for local offices, this study develops rigorous regression-discontinuity (RD) designs in causal inference with the "two cutoffs model" for the referendums and "the standard single cutoff model" for the local elections. The two RD designs are then applied to a unique set of individual-level
Asian Journal of Communication, 2022
The rise of political polarization and its consequences for democracies have attracted much atten... more The rise of political polarization and its consequences for democracies have attracted much attention. But why the growing polarization? We argue that the main reason lies in the fact people act on the basis of not only their self-identities but also their perception of others, especially those viewed as the opposing group. In Taiwan, independence or unification with China is no doubt the most fundamental political cleavage. We therefore focus on the nature, sources, and consequences of such polarization in the mass public. This study (1) defines and operationalizes both perceived and actual polarization on independence-unification issue at individual level, (2) explores which individual characteristics such as Taiwanese-Chinese identity, partisanship, and media exposure are differentially related to the two types of polarization, and (3) compares consequences of perceived and actual polarization for citizens' affective polarization. We find that both an individual's Chinese-Taiwanese identity and partisanship contribute most to higher levels of perceived polarization, which in turn penetrates into social life and is significantly associated with negative emotions toward child's potential interparty marriage. The key implication of our study is that to prevent the self-perpetuating upward trend of political polarization, we should understand the determinants of the associated misperception.
Journal of Electoral Studies, 2018
The economic voting model has been established as a paradigm for studying electoral accountabilit... more The economic voting model has been established as a paradigm for studying electoral accountability based on past economic performances and future prospects. However, objective economic conditions may be a valence issue, and subjective evaluations of the national economy may still
Taiwanese Political Science Review, 2021
This study addresses an interesting question on political participation in direct versus represen... more This study addresses an interesting question on political participation in direct versus representative democracies. That is, are citizens more likely to turn out to vote in direct issue-oriented referendums or in indirect candidate-oriented public office elections? In order to answer this question, this study takes advantage of a rare case of a natural experiment in Taiwan's 2018 concurrent referendum and local elections. Capitalizing on a gap between the voting-age eligibility rule of 18 for referendums and 20 for local offices, this study develops rigorous regression-discontinuity (RD) designs in causal inference with the "two cutoffs model" for the referendums and "the standard single cutoff model" for the local elections. The two RD designs are then applied to a unique set of individual-level
The Journal of Politics, 1992
... Figure 1 presents an intrigu-ing picture of the "patterned chaos" (Rosenau ... more ... Figure 1 presents an intrigu-ing picture of the "patterned chaos" (Rosenau 1988) of the political econ-omy of global conflict during the 1954-1980 era; it shows there is a definite 15 For an introduction to Box-Jenkins techniques and the Q statistic see McCleary and Hay (1980). ...
Journal of Asian and African Studies, 2005
This study explores the most fundamental issue of identity politics in Taiwan, namely, the dimens... more This study explores the most fundamental issue of identity politics in Taiwan, namely, the dimensionality of and the delicate relationship between ethnic identity and national identity. By applying latent class (LC) factor analysis to 12 items of the Taiwan’s Election and Democratization Study (TEDS) 2001 survey, we first confirm that Taiwanese/Chinese identity and national identity are two analytically different dimensions. We then employ LC cluster analysis to determine the number of latent classes in each of these two dimensions. We find that the so-called ‘objective’ measure of the ‘four major ethnic groups’ based on respondents’ fathers’ ethnicity does not correspond very well with either of the two dimensions of identity. Furthermore, the distribution of national identity among ethnic groups displays much greater variation than only a Taiwanese/Chinese identity does. More specifically, mainlanders show the highest degree of homogeneity in national identity, whereas native Taiw...
Comparative Political Studies, 1989
The influence of a host state on direct foreign investment attracts the attention of scholars muc... more The influence of a host state on direct foreign investment attracts the attention of scholars much less than do the constraints of the latter on the former. This study addresses the impact of state regulatory policies on the roles of inward foreign investment in Taiwan and Singapore's manufacturing sector. The similarities between the two small Asian open economies are first discussed. The different roles played by the foreign investors in their economies are then compared. A review of the literature in orthodox theories and radical points of view reveals several possible explanatory variables for such differences. Through the logic of the “most similar systems” design, or method of difference, some seemingly plausible factors are ruled out, due to their similarities in the two chosen entities. It is found that some pull factors (such as geographic location, colonial legacy, external political environment, and indigenous industrial capacity) and conversion factors (such as state...
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2010
The premise of the intentional model of split-ticket voting is that some voters split their ticke... more The premise of the intentional model of split-ticket voting is that some voters split their tickets simply because they prefer divided government and believe in constant "checks and balances." This article examines whether this premise stands firm in an emerging democracy like Taiwan. That is, by using survey data in Taiwan, we explore whether one's attitude toward divided or unified government is "real." We hypothesize that a citizen's attitude toward "checks and balances" is subject to change, and conditional on whether her preferred party is in power. Specifically, we speculate that a citizen would tend to hold the balancing perspective or favor divided government, if her preferred party is in opposition. However, if her preferred party becomes the ruling party, she would be more likely to oppose (hold) the balancing (non-balancing) perspective or favor unified government. We then utilize panel survey data embedded in Taiwan's Election and Democratization Studies (TEDS) to verify our hypothesis.
Asian Survey, 2004
Widespread vote buying is a major characteristic of Taiwan's election politics. We examine th... more Widespread vote buying is a major characteristic of Taiwan's election politics. We examine the impact of political factors (including partisanship, whether persons are elected or not, and type of election) on court decisions at three levels for vote-buying litigation in southwestern Taiwan between 1990 and 1999. Findings reveal that political variables have considerably less effect than expected on trial outcomes.
Party Politics, 2007
Divided government exists where different political parties control the executive and legislative... more Divided government exists where different political parties control the executive and legislative branches in a political system. This has become a common feature of Taiwan's national and local political landscape. In the literature, scholars tend to disagree with each other concerning whether divided government leads to dysfunctional politics. This study artempts to shed some light on the issue by exploring the effects of divided government at the city/county level on the public's perceptions of their mayor/magistrate's performance in Taiwan. We take advantage of a 2002 survey of the public's evaluations of government performance and examine whether different forms of divided government affect residents' responses. Our findings indicate that residents in cities or counties under divided government express more negative views, although their party identification seems to be an important intervening variable in shaping their opinion.
選舉研究, Nov 1, 2018
The economic voting model has been established as a paradigm for studying electoral accountabilit... more The economic voting model has been established as a paradigm for studying electoral accountability based on past economic performances and future prospects. However, objective economic conditions may be a valence issue, and subjective evaluations of the national economy may still be positional. Recent "revisionist" commentators argue that economic voting is "endogenous" in the sense that partisanship strongly affects, if not distorts, voters' perceptions of macroeconomic performance. Different responses have been elicited to this "partisan bias" claim, but few directly address the causal effect of partisanship on economic perceptions. This study examined two competing theories of economic voting through investigating the partisan effects on sociotropic economic perceptions. By designing a narrow-window panel telephone survey conducted before and after the January 2016 presidential election in Taiwan, I constructed a two-way fixed effects (FE) model to test the existence of partisan bias. The estimates provided robust evidence of partisan effects on retrospective and prospective economic assessments. In other words, government party supporters evaluated both past and future economic performance favorably during the pre-election period but became pessimistic after their preferred party lost the election. By contrast, opposition party supporters discredited past economic performances during the government
Taiwanese Political Science Review, 2021
This study addresses an interesting question on political participation in direct versus represen... more This study addresses an interesting question on political participation in direct versus representative democracies. That is, are citizens more likely to turn out to vote in direct issue-oriented referendums or in indirect candidate-oriented public office elections? In order to answer this question, this study takes advantage of a rare case of a natural experiment in Taiwan's 2018 concurrent referendum and local elections. Capitalizing on a gap between the voting-age eligibility rule of 18 for referendums and 20 for local offices, this study develops rigorous regression-discontinuity (RD) designs in causal inference with the "two cutoffs model" for the referendums and "the standard single cutoff model" for the local elections. The two RD designs are then applied to a unique set of individual-level
Asian Journal of Communication, 2022
The rise of political polarization and its consequences for democracies have attracted much atten... more The rise of political polarization and its consequences for democracies have attracted much attention. But why the growing polarization? We argue that the main reason lies in the fact people act on the basis of not only their self-identities but also their perception of others, especially those viewed as the opposing group. In Taiwan, independence or unification with China is no doubt the most fundamental political cleavage. We therefore focus on the nature, sources, and consequences of such polarization in the mass public. This study (1) defines and operationalizes both perceived and actual polarization on independence-unification issue at individual level, (2) explores which individual characteristics such as Taiwanese-Chinese identity, partisanship, and media exposure are differentially related to the two types of polarization, and (3) compares consequences of perceived and actual polarization for citizens' affective polarization. We find that both an individual's Chinese-Taiwanese identity and partisanship contribute most to higher levels of perceived polarization, which in turn penetrates into social life and is significantly associated with negative emotions toward child's potential interparty marriage. The key implication of our study is that to prevent the self-perpetuating upward trend of political polarization, we should understand the determinants of the associated misperception.
Journal of Electoral Studies, 2018
The economic voting model has been established as a paradigm for studying electoral accountabilit... more The economic voting model has been established as a paradigm for studying electoral accountability based on past economic performances and future prospects. However, objective economic conditions may be a valence issue, and subjective evaluations of the national economy may still
Taiwanese Political Science Review, 2021
This study addresses an interesting question on political participation in direct versus represen... more This study addresses an interesting question on political participation in direct versus representative democracies. That is, are citizens more likely to turn out to vote in direct issue-oriented referendums or in indirect candidate-oriented public office elections? In order to answer this question, this study takes advantage of a rare case of a natural experiment in Taiwan's 2018 concurrent referendum and local elections. Capitalizing on a gap between the voting-age eligibility rule of 18 for referendums and 20 for local offices, this study develops rigorous regression-discontinuity (RD) designs in causal inference with the "two cutoffs model" for the referendums and "the standard single cutoff model" for the local elections. The two RD designs are then applied to a unique set of individual-level
The Journal of Politics, 1992
... Figure 1 presents an intrigu-ing picture of the "patterned chaos" (Rosenau ... more ... Figure 1 presents an intrigu-ing picture of the "patterned chaos" (Rosenau 1988) of the political econ-omy of global conflict during the 1954-1980 era; it shows there is a definite 15 For an introduction to Box-Jenkins techniques and the Q statistic see McCleary and Hay (1980). ...
Journal of Asian and African Studies, 2005
This study explores the most fundamental issue of identity politics in Taiwan, namely, the dimens... more This study explores the most fundamental issue of identity politics in Taiwan, namely, the dimensionality of and the delicate relationship between ethnic identity and national identity. By applying latent class (LC) factor analysis to 12 items of the Taiwan’s Election and Democratization Study (TEDS) 2001 survey, we first confirm that Taiwanese/Chinese identity and national identity are two analytically different dimensions. We then employ LC cluster analysis to determine the number of latent classes in each of these two dimensions. We find that the so-called ‘objective’ measure of the ‘four major ethnic groups’ based on respondents’ fathers’ ethnicity does not correspond very well with either of the two dimensions of identity. Furthermore, the distribution of national identity among ethnic groups displays much greater variation than only a Taiwanese/Chinese identity does. More specifically, mainlanders show the highest degree of homogeneity in national identity, whereas native Taiw...
Comparative Political Studies, 1989
The influence of a host state on direct foreign investment attracts the attention of scholars muc... more The influence of a host state on direct foreign investment attracts the attention of scholars much less than do the constraints of the latter on the former. This study addresses the impact of state regulatory policies on the roles of inward foreign investment in Taiwan and Singapore's manufacturing sector. The similarities between the two small Asian open economies are first discussed. The different roles played by the foreign investors in their economies are then compared. A review of the literature in orthodox theories and radical points of view reveals several possible explanatory variables for such differences. Through the logic of the “most similar systems” design, or method of difference, some seemingly plausible factors are ruled out, due to their similarities in the two chosen entities. It is found that some pull factors (such as geographic location, colonial legacy, external political environment, and indigenous industrial capacity) and conversion factors (such as state...
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2010
The premise of the intentional model of split-ticket voting is that some voters split their ticke... more The premise of the intentional model of split-ticket voting is that some voters split their tickets simply because they prefer divided government and believe in constant "checks and balances." This article examines whether this premise stands firm in an emerging democracy like Taiwan. That is, by using survey data in Taiwan, we explore whether one's attitude toward divided or unified government is "real." We hypothesize that a citizen's attitude toward "checks and balances" is subject to change, and conditional on whether her preferred party is in power. Specifically, we speculate that a citizen would tend to hold the balancing perspective or favor divided government, if her preferred party is in opposition. However, if her preferred party becomes the ruling party, she would be more likely to oppose (hold) the balancing (non-balancing) perspective or favor unified government. We then utilize panel survey data embedded in Taiwan's Election and Democratization Studies (TEDS) to verify our hypothesis.
Asian Survey, 2004
Widespread vote buying is a major characteristic of Taiwan's election politics. We examine th... more Widespread vote buying is a major characteristic of Taiwan's election politics. We examine the impact of political factors (including partisanship, whether persons are elected or not, and type of election) on court decisions at three levels for vote-buying litigation in southwestern Taiwan between 1990 and 1999. Findings reveal that political variables have considerably less effect than expected on trial outcomes.
Party Politics, 2007
Divided government exists where different political parties control the executive and legislative... more Divided government exists where different political parties control the executive and legislative branches in a political system. This has become a common feature of Taiwan's national and local political landscape. In the literature, scholars tend to disagree with each other concerning whether divided government leads to dysfunctional politics. This study artempts to shed some light on the issue by exploring the effects of divided government at the city/county level on the public's perceptions of their mayor/magistrate's performance in Taiwan. We take advantage of a 2002 survey of the public's evaluations of government performance and examine whether different forms of divided government affect residents' responses. Our findings indicate that residents in cities or counties under divided government express more negative views, although their party identification seems to be an important intervening variable in shaping their opinion.