Clive Jones - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Papers by Clive Jones
The History Teacher, 2004
Page 1. Israel Challenges to identity, democracy and the state Clive Jones and Emma C Murphy Lond... more Page 1. Israel Challenges to identity, democracy and the state Clive Jones and Emma C Murphy London and New York Also available as a printed book see title verso for ISBN details Page 2. Israel There can be few countries ...
Diplomacy & Statecraft, 2021
This analysis explores the nature of Anglo-Israeli intelligence relations between 1967 and 1974, ... more This analysis explores the nature of Anglo-Israeli intelligence relations between 1967 and 1974, focusing in particular on how the legacy of the British mandate in Palestine, the influence of senior British diplomats, as well as wider commercial interests shaped attempts by intelligence officials on both sides to move this relationship beyond the purely functional. Whilst Israel looked to barter access to recently captured Soviet equipment for greater collaboration with the British in weapons development and arms sales, London demurred. Despite the urging of some in Whitehall, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office limited any collaboration to functional exchanges and kept them firmly in the shadows. The aftermath of the October 1973 war revealed the price paid by Britain. With Israel now dependent on Washington for the bulk of its military equipment, London's ability to exercise any influence over Tel Aviv in reaching an accommodation with its Arab neighbours diminished greatly. Reciprocity has defined some of the closest intelligence relationships between democratic states. Not only are such relationships functional in terms of the intelligence shared and distributed but equally, shared norms, values, and even cultures that allow more junior partners to benefit exponentially inform them for the most part. They are so much more than utilitarian arrangements and, as such, have a durability, indeed longevity, which can and does survive periodic friction when political masters fall out. 1 It has often been noted, for example, that intelligence liaison and cooperation between Britain and the United States has allowed London to exercise influence in Washington's corridors of power that its otherwise diminished status as a global Power would have denied. 2 Equally, the 'Five Eyes' alliance, an Anglophone intelligence consortium pooling the signals and electronic capabilities of Australia, Britain, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States is perhaps the most notable example of an intelligence alliance built on shared cultural and political norms as well as common security interests. 3
Journal of Strategic Studies, 2015
Contemporary Security Policy
By drawing on the literature about security regimes, this article posits the idea of that a parti... more By drawing on the literature about security regimes, this article posits the idea of that a particular type of regime, what can be termed a "tacit security regime" has begun to emerge between Israel on the one hand, and several Gulf Arab states on the other. It is a regime which, unlike liberal institutional variants that attempt to privilege the promotion of collective norms, remains configured around perceptions of threats to be countered and strategic interests to be realized. By examining the development, scope and scale of this nascent tacit security regime, this article explores the extent to which Israel, mindful of Washington, DC's regional retrenchment, sees the emergence of such a regime as redefining the political and strategic contours of Israel's relations with much of the Middle East.
Civil Wars, 2003
Clive Jones is senior lecturer in the School for Politics and International Studies, University o... more Clive Jones is senior lecturer in the School for Politics and International Studies, University of Leeds. He has published widely in the field of Middle East policies and security studies and is author of Soviet Jewish Aliyah (Frank Cass, 1996), co-author of Israel: the Challenge to Democracy, Identity and the State (Routledge, 2002 with Emma Murphy) and co-editor of International Security in a Global Age (Frank Cass, 2000 with Caroline Kennedy-Pipe) <email: iiscaj@leeds.ac.uk>.
This article analyses the rationale behind the pursuit of nuclear energy by the United Arab Emira... more This article analyses the rationale behind the pursuit of nuclear energy by the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Saudi Arabia, a rationale that is best understood by a particular construct of “stateness”. While the drive towards nuclear energy is justified by a growing demographic, it is also about the projection of prestige which cuts to the very core of regime legitimacy. This in turn feeds into the growing ideational competition between and among the Gulf states and Iran, with nuclear energy increasingly being “securitised” in pursuit of this “stateless”. However, the development of a nuclear programme by Saudi Arabia in particular has come to test the normative frameworks that have hitherto regulated the transfer of nuclear technologies. With regionalism in retreat, and concern over the longer-term commitment of the United States to underpin Gulf security, the development of nuclear energy in the Gulf is leading to a truly “atomised” security complex, the dynamic of which can like...
Middle Eastern Studies, 2015
Middle Eastern Studies, 2014
Small Wars & Insurgencies, 2014
This article examines the role military intelligence played in the Dhofar campaign between 1970-1... more This article examines the role military intelligence played in the Dhofar campaign between 1970-1976. Drawing on an array of sources, it examines not only the crucial role played by military intelligence in prosecuting a successful operational campaign against a Marxist inspired insurgency, but equally, the importance that intelligence played in consolidating the Al-Bu-Said dynasty when across Oman and Dhofar itself, the material benefits to be had from the discovery and production of oil had yet to be realised.
Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 2011
Beset by multiple security challenges, not least the emergence of a powerful Al Qaeda franchise, ... more Beset by multiple security challenges, not least the emergence of a powerful Al Qaeda franchise, Yemen appears the antithesis of the “Weberian” state model. But while these challenges are acute, they should be seen as part of a wider “political field,” dominated by powerful tribes and conditioned by patrimonial networks that have long framed the modes of political exchange between the center and periphery. This remains crucial to understanding the wider eddies of tribal politics in Yemen, and in turn, the limits of a purely military response by Washington as it seeks to confront Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula.
Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 2003
While the world remains familiar with the ever present visual images of the ongoing violence betw... more While the world remains familiar with the ever present visual images of the ongoing violence between Israel and the Palestinians, relatively little attention has been paid to the manner in which intelligence has been used by Israel in its attempts to curb what it regards as Palestinian terrorism. This article looks at the way in which tactical or operational intelligence has come to be used by both the Israel Defence Forces and the political leadership to inform strategic choice, a position that favours a military rather than political solution to the ongoing violence. It examines closely the reasons for the emergence of this 'attitudinal prism' and concludes with a prescriptive call for the hitherto moribund National Security Council to be put on a statutory civilian footing if more balanced and coherent assessments regarding the nature and scope of Palestinian violence are to be reached.
Political Geography, 1998
Middle Eastern Studies, 2014
Middle Eastern Studies, 2012
This article explores intelligence collaboration between British Intelligence and the Jewish Agen... more This article explores intelligence collaboration between British Intelligence and the Jewish Agency during the Second World War. Most accounts of this period highlight the functional nature of this collaboration, accounts that inevitably have come to be viewed through the prism of the Holocaust, and with it the prevailing sense that Britain offered ‘too little too late to help’ in using its clandestine assets to help rescue the remnants of European Jewry. By focusing however on collaboration primarily between the British Secret Intelligence Service (MI6) and the Jewish Agency, this article argues that intelligence liaison and collaboration at an operational level was closer and less conditioned by adherence to stated British government policy than hitherto suggested
Middle Eastern Studies, 2013
Aviv’s advantage proved decisive . . . The fate of Wadi Salib was sealed primarily . . . by urban... more Aviv’s advantage proved decisive . . . The fate of Wadi Salib was sealed primarily . . . by urban planning, which brought about its final demise’, whereas the value of the houses declined, that of the urban land increased (p.164). In recent years, ‘in the wake of the construction of courts of law serving Haifa and the North . . . law and accountancy offices have begun to purchase plots in what was Wadi Salib’. In the ‘Epilogue’ (pp.177–83), Yfaat relates the story of a Palestinian refugee and his wife, Ghassan Kanafani, who tells the story of his youth in Haifa, from his present residence in Beirut. It was after the 1967 war; ‘Said and Safiya’, the protagonists of this story, are residents of Ramallah, and have been given the chance to visit Haifa where they were born. In the panic of their flight from Haifa in 1948 ‘Safiya had lost her son’, a few months old at the time. It was now nearly 20 years later and the couple had assumed that the toddler was killed during the battle. The couple was driving through streets they had not seen for 20 years, yet Said told his wife that ‘he was driving his car as though he had not been away those twenty bitter years’ (p.177). When Said and Safiya arrived at their previous home, they were met by its present occupant, Miriam Goshen, a holocaust survivor who had been given the empty apartment upon her arrival in Haifa in 1948. ‘Between them stands the intermediate link, the son, Khaldun-Dov, who enters the dwelling in Israeli army uniform. . .’ (p.179). Even his name is significant, Ibn Khaldun was a well-known Muslim historian, whereas Dov means ‘bear’ in Hebrew. The fact that Khaldun, Safiya’s and Said’s son, was in the Israeli army is rather significant. The story of Ghassan Kanafani has been retold many times, for instance by the Hebrew novelist, Sami Michael, an Iraqi Jewish author. However, Yfaat Weiss tells it in a different manner; her book emphasizes the human angle rather than the political.
The History Teacher, 2004
Page 1. Israel Challenges to identity, democracy and the state Clive Jones and Emma C Murphy Lond... more Page 1. Israel Challenges to identity, democracy and the state Clive Jones and Emma C Murphy London and New York Also available as a printed book see title verso for ISBN details Page 2. Israel There can be few countries ...
Diplomacy & Statecraft, 2021
This analysis explores the nature of Anglo-Israeli intelligence relations between 1967 and 1974, ... more This analysis explores the nature of Anglo-Israeli intelligence relations between 1967 and 1974, focusing in particular on how the legacy of the British mandate in Palestine, the influence of senior British diplomats, as well as wider commercial interests shaped attempts by intelligence officials on both sides to move this relationship beyond the purely functional. Whilst Israel looked to barter access to recently captured Soviet equipment for greater collaboration with the British in weapons development and arms sales, London demurred. Despite the urging of some in Whitehall, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office limited any collaboration to functional exchanges and kept them firmly in the shadows. The aftermath of the October 1973 war revealed the price paid by Britain. With Israel now dependent on Washington for the bulk of its military equipment, London's ability to exercise any influence over Tel Aviv in reaching an accommodation with its Arab neighbours diminished greatly. Reciprocity has defined some of the closest intelligence relationships between democratic states. Not only are such relationships functional in terms of the intelligence shared and distributed but equally, shared norms, values, and even cultures that allow more junior partners to benefit exponentially inform them for the most part. They are so much more than utilitarian arrangements and, as such, have a durability, indeed longevity, which can and does survive periodic friction when political masters fall out. 1 It has often been noted, for example, that intelligence liaison and cooperation between Britain and the United States has allowed London to exercise influence in Washington's corridors of power that its otherwise diminished status as a global Power would have denied. 2 Equally, the 'Five Eyes' alliance, an Anglophone intelligence consortium pooling the signals and electronic capabilities of Australia, Britain, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States is perhaps the most notable example of an intelligence alliance built on shared cultural and political norms as well as common security interests. 3
Journal of Strategic Studies, 2015
Contemporary Security Policy
By drawing on the literature about security regimes, this article posits the idea of that a parti... more By drawing on the literature about security regimes, this article posits the idea of that a particular type of regime, what can be termed a "tacit security regime" has begun to emerge between Israel on the one hand, and several Gulf Arab states on the other. It is a regime which, unlike liberal institutional variants that attempt to privilege the promotion of collective norms, remains configured around perceptions of threats to be countered and strategic interests to be realized. By examining the development, scope and scale of this nascent tacit security regime, this article explores the extent to which Israel, mindful of Washington, DC's regional retrenchment, sees the emergence of such a regime as redefining the political and strategic contours of Israel's relations with much of the Middle East.
Civil Wars, 2003
Clive Jones is senior lecturer in the School for Politics and International Studies, University o... more Clive Jones is senior lecturer in the School for Politics and International Studies, University of Leeds. He has published widely in the field of Middle East policies and security studies and is author of Soviet Jewish Aliyah (Frank Cass, 1996), co-author of Israel: the Challenge to Democracy, Identity and the State (Routledge, 2002 with Emma Murphy) and co-editor of International Security in a Global Age (Frank Cass, 2000 with Caroline Kennedy-Pipe) <email: iiscaj@leeds.ac.uk>.
This article analyses the rationale behind the pursuit of nuclear energy by the United Arab Emira... more This article analyses the rationale behind the pursuit of nuclear energy by the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Saudi Arabia, a rationale that is best understood by a particular construct of “stateness”. While the drive towards nuclear energy is justified by a growing demographic, it is also about the projection of prestige which cuts to the very core of regime legitimacy. This in turn feeds into the growing ideational competition between and among the Gulf states and Iran, with nuclear energy increasingly being “securitised” in pursuit of this “stateless”. However, the development of a nuclear programme by Saudi Arabia in particular has come to test the normative frameworks that have hitherto regulated the transfer of nuclear technologies. With regionalism in retreat, and concern over the longer-term commitment of the United States to underpin Gulf security, the development of nuclear energy in the Gulf is leading to a truly “atomised” security complex, the dynamic of which can like...
Middle Eastern Studies, 2015
Middle Eastern Studies, 2014
Small Wars & Insurgencies, 2014
This article examines the role military intelligence played in the Dhofar campaign between 1970-1... more This article examines the role military intelligence played in the Dhofar campaign between 1970-1976. Drawing on an array of sources, it examines not only the crucial role played by military intelligence in prosecuting a successful operational campaign against a Marxist inspired insurgency, but equally, the importance that intelligence played in consolidating the Al-Bu-Said dynasty when across Oman and Dhofar itself, the material benefits to be had from the discovery and production of oil had yet to be realised.
Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 2011
Beset by multiple security challenges, not least the emergence of a powerful Al Qaeda franchise, ... more Beset by multiple security challenges, not least the emergence of a powerful Al Qaeda franchise, Yemen appears the antithesis of the “Weberian” state model. But while these challenges are acute, they should be seen as part of a wider “political field,” dominated by powerful tribes and conditioned by patrimonial networks that have long framed the modes of political exchange between the center and periphery. This remains crucial to understanding the wider eddies of tribal politics in Yemen, and in turn, the limits of a purely military response by Washington as it seeks to confront Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula.
Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 2003
While the world remains familiar with the ever present visual images of the ongoing violence betw... more While the world remains familiar with the ever present visual images of the ongoing violence between Israel and the Palestinians, relatively little attention has been paid to the manner in which intelligence has been used by Israel in its attempts to curb what it regards as Palestinian terrorism. This article looks at the way in which tactical or operational intelligence has come to be used by both the Israel Defence Forces and the political leadership to inform strategic choice, a position that favours a military rather than political solution to the ongoing violence. It examines closely the reasons for the emergence of this 'attitudinal prism' and concludes with a prescriptive call for the hitherto moribund National Security Council to be put on a statutory civilian footing if more balanced and coherent assessments regarding the nature and scope of Palestinian violence are to be reached.
Political Geography, 1998
Middle Eastern Studies, 2014
Middle Eastern Studies, 2012
This article explores intelligence collaboration between British Intelligence and the Jewish Agen... more This article explores intelligence collaboration between British Intelligence and the Jewish Agency during the Second World War. Most accounts of this period highlight the functional nature of this collaboration, accounts that inevitably have come to be viewed through the prism of the Holocaust, and with it the prevailing sense that Britain offered ‘too little too late to help’ in using its clandestine assets to help rescue the remnants of European Jewry. By focusing however on collaboration primarily between the British Secret Intelligence Service (MI6) and the Jewish Agency, this article argues that intelligence liaison and collaboration at an operational level was closer and less conditioned by adherence to stated British government policy than hitherto suggested
Middle Eastern Studies, 2013
Aviv’s advantage proved decisive . . . The fate of Wadi Salib was sealed primarily . . . by urban... more Aviv’s advantage proved decisive . . . The fate of Wadi Salib was sealed primarily . . . by urban planning, which brought about its final demise’, whereas the value of the houses declined, that of the urban land increased (p.164). In recent years, ‘in the wake of the construction of courts of law serving Haifa and the North . . . law and accountancy offices have begun to purchase plots in what was Wadi Salib’. In the ‘Epilogue’ (pp.177–83), Yfaat relates the story of a Palestinian refugee and his wife, Ghassan Kanafani, who tells the story of his youth in Haifa, from his present residence in Beirut. It was after the 1967 war; ‘Said and Safiya’, the protagonists of this story, are residents of Ramallah, and have been given the chance to visit Haifa where they were born. In the panic of their flight from Haifa in 1948 ‘Safiya had lost her son’, a few months old at the time. It was now nearly 20 years later and the couple had assumed that the toddler was killed during the battle. The couple was driving through streets they had not seen for 20 years, yet Said told his wife that ‘he was driving his car as though he had not been away those twenty bitter years’ (p.177). When Said and Safiya arrived at their previous home, they were met by its present occupant, Miriam Goshen, a holocaust survivor who had been given the empty apartment upon her arrival in Haifa in 1948. ‘Between them stands the intermediate link, the son, Khaldun-Dov, who enters the dwelling in Israeli army uniform. . .’ (p.179). Even his name is significant, Ibn Khaldun was a well-known Muslim historian, whereas Dov means ‘bear’ in Hebrew. The fact that Khaldun, Safiya’s and Said’s son, was in the Israeli army is rather significant. The story of Ghassan Kanafani has been retold many times, for instance by the Hebrew novelist, Sami Michael, an Iraqi Jewish author. However, Yfaat Weiss tells it in a different manner; her book emphasizes the human angle rather than the political.