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Papers by Daniel Bodi
Time and History in the Ancient Near East
Tradition and Innovation in the Ancient Near East
Ur in the Twenty-First Century CE
Law and (Dis)Order in the Ancient Near East
Encyclopedia of the Bible Online
Ktema, 2008
Le present article offre une analyse des differents genres de la « correspondance divine » du Pro... more Le present article offre une analyse des differents genres de la « correspondance divine » du Proche-Orient ancien. Cette appellation generique designe: a) les lettres que des hommes ecrivent aux divinites: b) les lettres que des dieux adressent aux humains; c) les comptes rendus de campagnes militaires que les rois destinent a leurs maitres divins; d) une lettres incantatoire adressee au dieu personnel d'un individu. Cet article revient sur la suggestion qui a etefaite auparavant concernant les origines de cette « correspondance divine», origines qui se situeraient dans certaines suppliques sumeriennes. Nous examinons en outre les textes hittites, egyptiens et hebraiques (2 Rois 19,14 // Esaie 37,14) temoignant d'un «echange» epistolaire entre les hommes et leurs dieux.
Die Welt des Orients, 2015
Summary This article analyzes two major ancient Near Eastern literary, iconographic and religious... more Summary This article analyzes two major ancient Near Eastern literary, iconographic and religious motifs that have found their way in the vision described in Ezek. 47:1-12. These are the double current flowing from the Temple in Jerusalem in conjunction with the trees of healing growing on the river banks. Ezekiel text uses both motifs combined in the way they are found in ancient Near Eastern texts and iconography which makes it probable to see Ezek. 47:1-12 as the initial point of entry of a Babylonian tradition into the Hebrew Bible. We follow D. Barthelemy, who points out that the original reading in v. 9 is naḥalayim “rivers, double current,” and that the versions that transform it into a singular represent an obvious lectio facilior. The double current echoes the iconographic and textual motifs of two rivers encompassing the fa.ade of several Mesopotamian temples. The trees of healing are found in Middle and Neo-Assyrian healing incantations. In Ezekiel’s exilic prophecy, these motifs illustrate the...
This article deals with a specific aspect of the so-called diplomatic marriages. It analyzes the ... more This article deals with a specific aspect of the so-called diplomatic marriages. It analyzes the practice of ancient Near Eastern rulers to offer two of their female family members, usually royal daughters and princesses to the same vassal or fellow king as wives. While female family members are used as “exchange money” or bargaining chips in sealing alliances and political transactions, what is the reason in offering two daughters to the same man? This phenomenon is analyzed in a series of ancient Near Eastern texts and a probable raison d’être and meaning are suggested for each case. The following examples are analyzed in chronological order: 1. In the Amorite realm, the case of Zimrī-Līm offering his two daughters Kirûm and Šimātum to his vassal Ḫāya-Sūmû (eighteenth century BCE). 2. In the Egyptian realm, the two daughters of Hatshepsut given to their half-brother Thutmose III (fifteenth century BCE). 3. In the Hittite-Egyptian realm, the two Hittite princesses given to Ramses I...
Revue des Études Juives, 2010
Cette contribution mentionnera d'abord quelques definitions de l'apocalyptique biblique p... more Cette contribution mentionnera d'abord quelques definitions de l'apocalyptique biblique proposees par differents auteurs, puis les opinions des assyriologues Hallo, Biggs, Grayson, Lambert et Borger concernant un corpus de textes akkadiens appeles «apocalypses» ou «propheties» akkadiennes. Elle mettra en valeur la necessite de reprendre ce dossier considere comme difficile en raison du caractere souvent fragmentaire de ces textes. Neanmoins, la recherche a realise quelques progres depuis les premieres publications et les biblistes trouveront matiere a entreprendre un travail comparatiste entre les deux corpus. En dernier lieu, quelques points communs apparaitront entre les textes apocalyptiques akkadiens et bibliques autour du theme de la restauration: 1) Ez 47, 1-12; Jl 4, 18 et Za 14, 8 ou le motif de la prosperite retrouvee grâce aux fleuves fertilisants; 2) le reve de Nabuchodonosor en Dn 2: la statue composite et la periodisation schematique du deroulement de l'histoire du monde (la these de G. Hasel); 3) l'alternance schematique de «bons» et de «mauvais» rois ou regnes dans les apocalypses akkadiennes. Pour notre sujet sur l'apocalyptique, il est possible d'operer un rapprochement entre la carriere de Nabuchodonosor dans l'apocalypse de Dn 4 et celle mentionnee dans la priere de Nabonide: le roi retrouve la raison et la sante apres sa conversion au vrai dieu et au vrai culte. Le recit se deroule selon le schema mauvais debut, mais bonne fin.
This research attempts to demonstrate the likelihood that in the formulation of certain themes an... more This research attempts to demonstrate the likelihood that in the formulation of certain themes and motifs of the Book of Ezekiel, its author or redactor knew and used a contemporary Akkadian composition called the Poem of Erra. Twelve features shared by both works have been analyzed. These points of contact have been divided into two categories following a descending degree of probability. In the first category are four features which appear uniquely in the Book of Ezekiel. In the second category are eight features which are present in Ezekiel and in the rest of the Old Testament. The source of the first four features would most probably be extra-biblical, and more specifically the Poem of Erra. The source of the second category of motifs would be in antecedent Old Testament prophetic traditions. Nevertheless, the Poem of Erra might have influenced the formulation and presentation of some aspects of these motifs. By virtue of the comparisons established in this research the book offers a detailed analysis of twelve features of the Poem of Erra thus contributing to a better understanding of this remarkable piece of Akkadian literature. The survey of research on the Babylonian influence on the Book of Ezekiel offers a richly documented review of the over one hundred years old tradition of the interpretatio Babylonica of the Book of Ezekiel. The concluding section explores the particular poetic strategy used in the composition of a major theme and motifs of the Book of Ezekiel defined as literary emulation-creative synthesis of traditional material. This research strikes one by the straightforwardness of this working hypothesis and the elegant solution it offers to the problems raided in this book. It has the marked advantage of bringing all the parallel to a single source-the relatively short Babylonian Poem of Erra. It offers guidelines and a demonstration of some principles of the comparative-contrastive approach, showing the considerable heuristic value but also the limitations of the comparative study of the Ancient Near Eastern literature.
L'article suivant etudie l'usage d'une locution proverbiale: «monter au ciel ou desce... more L'article suivant etudie l'usage d'une locution proverbiale: «monter au ciel ou descendre aux enfers » dans les textes akkadiens ainsi que dans les textes bibliques. Cette locution apparait plusieurs fois dans les textes akkadiens: deux fois dans les Archives Royales de Mari datant du XVIII e siecle avant notre ere, une fois dans les textes d'Alalah (de la meme l'epoque), une fois dans une lettre d'El-Amarna du XIV e s. av. notre ere, une fois dans l'Epopee d'Erra du XI e s. av. notre ere et deux fois dans une composition neobabylonienne appelee Ludlul bel nemeqi datant du VII e s. av. notre ere. L'expression « monter au ciel ou descendre aux enfers » apparait dans deux passages bibliques (Am 9,2-3 et Ps 139,8). Enfin, nous verrons comment la presence de gloses cananeennes (samema) dans le texte d'El-Amarna souvent designees comme etant du «proto-hebreu», suggere le milieux cananeen comme transmetteur de cette locution proverbiale aux anciens Hebreux.
... Outraging the Resident-Alien King David, Uriah the Hittite, and an El-Amarna Parallel Daniel ... more ... Outraging the Resident-Alien King David, Uriah the Hittite, and an El-Amarna Parallel Daniel Bodi, Bischheim This article compares the treatment ... Z. Cochavi-Rainey, "Tenses and Modes in Cuneiform Texts Written by Egyptian Scribes in the Late Bronze Age", UF 22 (1990) 5-23 ...
ARAM, 2019
The paper analyzes some aspects of the Suḫu battle accounts found on several copies of Neo Babylo... more The paper analyzes some aspects of the Suḫu battle accounts found on several copies of Neo Babylonian cuneiform tablets excavated at the Middle Euphrates area at Sūr Jarʿā in Iraq and dating from the middle of the 8 th century BCE. The tablets were written by the scribes of the governor (šaknu) of the 'land of Suḫu and of the land of Mari' by the name of Ninurta-kudurrī-uṣur. They describe his victory over marauding troops of 2000 Arameans and how he mutilated their bodies. On the one hand, the battle report follows a formal structure with 'stereotyped syntagms' comparable to the twenty-nine Yahweh-war accounts in the Hebrew Bible. On the other hand, although the text is in Akkadian, it is replete with Aramaic words, hence the importance of these inscriptions providing an early witness of the Aramaic language. Several terms are here brought in relationship with corresponding ones found in biblical narratives. In particular, the Aramaic terms in these Akkadian tablets bring new light on several hapax legomena found in the Book of Ezekiel: gallābîm 'barbers' in Ezek 5.1 and sārāb: 'brier/thistle' in Ezek 2.6. A series of Aramaic terms written in syllabic cuneiform that occur in these inscriptions are analyzed: A warlord named Iâʾa (Yāʾe), the son of Balammu (m ba-la-am-mu, S.0.1002.2 i.17 m ba-li-am-mu S.0.1002.3 i.8), from the Amatu (amat-a-a) tribe, and the possible relationship with Balaam in Num 22.5. The names of the three wells *Makir (rare in Akkadian, 'The Irrigator' mkr), Gallābu '(Well of the) Barbers' and Suribū (Dunash 10 th CE and Rashi 1045-1105, related to Ezekiel's Hebrew/Aramaic sārab: 'brier/thistle' in Ezek 2.6, hence '(Well of the) 'Briars/Nettles'); the terms *gepen 'fruit tree'; kirû 'orchard', being both Akkadian and Aramaic; the rare usage of the verb naṭalu; ni-iq-bu-ú-nu 'the waters we gathered' related to Syriac qbo; *kneśśet designates the assembled men in charge of erecting a military post in the steppe corresponding to kinaltu in the Babylonian version; gudūdu (cf. the Aramean armed bands g e dûdîm in Elisha cycle in 2 Kgs 5.2; 6.23, and of the Moabites 2 Kgs 13.23).
Rumeurs et renommées dans la Bible et ses lectures., 2021
The notion of making oneself a name is closely associated with the human concern with death and t... more The notion of making oneself a name is closely associated with the human concern with death and the quest for immortality. The evidence on this topic is culled from Mesopotamian literature (Epic of Gilgameš, Mari texts, incantations), and contrasted with some corresponding biblical responses to the same issue, showing how it is both similar and different from the one found in Akkadian literature. The issue is analyzed first in the Epic of Gilgameš which offers several answers to the question of how to make oneself a name: a) By undertaking monumental building projects; b) By leaving a written record of one’s exploits for posterity; c) By acquiring a progeny that would perpetuate one’s memory. In the Hebrew Bible the reference is made to the construction of the city and the Tower of Babel where the builders want to “to make themselves a name” in Gen. 11:4 This statement is seen as being in a dialectic tension with the Call of Abram, where God offers to make him a great name in Gen. 12:2. The topic is further traced in an Old Babylonian Mari letter, where the warlord Šamši-Addu admonishes his younger son Yasmaḫ-Addu to make himself a name through a military victory like his older brother Išme-Dagan. This feature is compared to Joab admonishing his overlord David to acquire military glory by conquering the city of Rabbat-Ammon in Transjordan and having his name attached to this great victory, as found in the story of David in 1 Sam. 11-12.
Time and History in the Ancient Near East
Tradition and Innovation in the Ancient Near East
Ur in the Twenty-First Century CE
Law and (Dis)Order in the Ancient Near East
Encyclopedia of the Bible Online
Ktema, 2008
Le present article offre une analyse des differents genres de la « correspondance divine » du Pro... more Le present article offre une analyse des differents genres de la « correspondance divine » du Proche-Orient ancien. Cette appellation generique designe: a) les lettres que des hommes ecrivent aux divinites: b) les lettres que des dieux adressent aux humains; c) les comptes rendus de campagnes militaires que les rois destinent a leurs maitres divins; d) une lettres incantatoire adressee au dieu personnel d'un individu. Cet article revient sur la suggestion qui a etefaite auparavant concernant les origines de cette « correspondance divine», origines qui se situeraient dans certaines suppliques sumeriennes. Nous examinons en outre les textes hittites, egyptiens et hebraiques (2 Rois 19,14 // Esaie 37,14) temoignant d'un «echange» epistolaire entre les hommes et leurs dieux.
Die Welt des Orients, 2015
Summary This article analyzes two major ancient Near Eastern literary, iconographic and religious... more Summary This article analyzes two major ancient Near Eastern literary, iconographic and religious motifs that have found their way in the vision described in Ezek. 47:1-12. These are the double current flowing from the Temple in Jerusalem in conjunction with the trees of healing growing on the river banks. Ezekiel text uses both motifs combined in the way they are found in ancient Near Eastern texts and iconography which makes it probable to see Ezek. 47:1-12 as the initial point of entry of a Babylonian tradition into the Hebrew Bible. We follow D. Barthelemy, who points out that the original reading in v. 9 is naḥalayim “rivers, double current,” and that the versions that transform it into a singular represent an obvious lectio facilior. The double current echoes the iconographic and textual motifs of two rivers encompassing the fa.ade of several Mesopotamian temples. The trees of healing are found in Middle and Neo-Assyrian healing incantations. In Ezekiel’s exilic prophecy, these motifs illustrate the...
This article deals with a specific aspect of the so-called diplomatic marriages. It analyzes the ... more This article deals with a specific aspect of the so-called diplomatic marriages. It analyzes the practice of ancient Near Eastern rulers to offer two of their female family members, usually royal daughters and princesses to the same vassal or fellow king as wives. While female family members are used as “exchange money” or bargaining chips in sealing alliances and political transactions, what is the reason in offering two daughters to the same man? This phenomenon is analyzed in a series of ancient Near Eastern texts and a probable raison d’être and meaning are suggested for each case. The following examples are analyzed in chronological order: 1. In the Amorite realm, the case of Zimrī-Līm offering his two daughters Kirûm and Šimātum to his vassal Ḫāya-Sūmû (eighteenth century BCE). 2. In the Egyptian realm, the two daughters of Hatshepsut given to their half-brother Thutmose III (fifteenth century BCE). 3. In the Hittite-Egyptian realm, the two Hittite princesses given to Ramses I...
Revue des Études Juives, 2010
Cette contribution mentionnera d'abord quelques definitions de l'apocalyptique biblique p... more Cette contribution mentionnera d'abord quelques definitions de l'apocalyptique biblique proposees par differents auteurs, puis les opinions des assyriologues Hallo, Biggs, Grayson, Lambert et Borger concernant un corpus de textes akkadiens appeles «apocalypses» ou «propheties» akkadiennes. Elle mettra en valeur la necessite de reprendre ce dossier considere comme difficile en raison du caractere souvent fragmentaire de ces textes. Neanmoins, la recherche a realise quelques progres depuis les premieres publications et les biblistes trouveront matiere a entreprendre un travail comparatiste entre les deux corpus. En dernier lieu, quelques points communs apparaitront entre les textes apocalyptiques akkadiens et bibliques autour du theme de la restauration: 1) Ez 47, 1-12; Jl 4, 18 et Za 14, 8 ou le motif de la prosperite retrouvee grâce aux fleuves fertilisants; 2) le reve de Nabuchodonosor en Dn 2: la statue composite et la periodisation schematique du deroulement de l'histoire du monde (la these de G. Hasel); 3) l'alternance schematique de «bons» et de «mauvais» rois ou regnes dans les apocalypses akkadiennes. Pour notre sujet sur l'apocalyptique, il est possible d'operer un rapprochement entre la carriere de Nabuchodonosor dans l'apocalypse de Dn 4 et celle mentionnee dans la priere de Nabonide: le roi retrouve la raison et la sante apres sa conversion au vrai dieu et au vrai culte. Le recit se deroule selon le schema mauvais debut, mais bonne fin.
This research attempts to demonstrate the likelihood that in the formulation of certain themes an... more This research attempts to demonstrate the likelihood that in the formulation of certain themes and motifs of the Book of Ezekiel, its author or redactor knew and used a contemporary Akkadian composition called the Poem of Erra. Twelve features shared by both works have been analyzed. These points of contact have been divided into two categories following a descending degree of probability. In the first category are four features which appear uniquely in the Book of Ezekiel. In the second category are eight features which are present in Ezekiel and in the rest of the Old Testament. The source of the first four features would most probably be extra-biblical, and more specifically the Poem of Erra. The source of the second category of motifs would be in antecedent Old Testament prophetic traditions. Nevertheless, the Poem of Erra might have influenced the formulation and presentation of some aspects of these motifs. By virtue of the comparisons established in this research the book offers a detailed analysis of twelve features of the Poem of Erra thus contributing to a better understanding of this remarkable piece of Akkadian literature. The survey of research on the Babylonian influence on the Book of Ezekiel offers a richly documented review of the over one hundred years old tradition of the interpretatio Babylonica of the Book of Ezekiel. The concluding section explores the particular poetic strategy used in the composition of a major theme and motifs of the Book of Ezekiel defined as literary emulation-creative synthesis of traditional material. This research strikes one by the straightforwardness of this working hypothesis and the elegant solution it offers to the problems raided in this book. It has the marked advantage of bringing all the parallel to a single source-the relatively short Babylonian Poem of Erra. It offers guidelines and a demonstration of some principles of the comparative-contrastive approach, showing the considerable heuristic value but also the limitations of the comparative study of the Ancient Near Eastern literature.
L'article suivant etudie l'usage d'une locution proverbiale: «monter au ciel ou desce... more L'article suivant etudie l'usage d'une locution proverbiale: «monter au ciel ou descendre aux enfers » dans les textes akkadiens ainsi que dans les textes bibliques. Cette locution apparait plusieurs fois dans les textes akkadiens: deux fois dans les Archives Royales de Mari datant du XVIII e siecle avant notre ere, une fois dans les textes d'Alalah (de la meme l'epoque), une fois dans une lettre d'El-Amarna du XIV e s. av. notre ere, une fois dans l'Epopee d'Erra du XI e s. av. notre ere et deux fois dans une composition neobabylonienne appelee Ludlul bel nemeqi datant du VII e s. av. notre ere. L'expression « monter au ciel ou descendre aux enfers » apparait dans deux passages bibliques (Am 9,2-3 et Ps 139,8). Enfin, nous verrons comment la presence de gloses cananeennes (samema) dans le texte d'El-Amarna souvent designees comme etant du «proto-hebreu», suggere le milieux cananeen comme transmetteur de cette locution proverbiale aux anciens Hebreux.
... Outraging the Resident-Alien King David, Uriah the Hittite, and an El-Amarna Parallel Daniel ... more ... Outraging the Resident-Alien King David, Uriah the Hittite, and an El-Amarna Parallel Daniel Bodi, Bischheim This article compares the treatment ... Z. Cochavi-Rainey, "Tenses and Modes in Cuneiform Texts Written by Egyptian Scribes in the Late Bronze Age", UF 22 (1990) 5-23 ...
ARAM, 2019
The paper analyzes some aspects of the Suḫu battle accounts found on several copies of Neo Babylo... more The paper analyzes some aspects of the Suḫu battle accounts found on several copies of Neo Babylonian cuneiform tablets excavated at the Middle Euphrates area at Sūr Jarʿā in Iraq and dating from the middle of the 8 th century BCE. The tablets were written by the scribes of the governor (šaknu) of the 'land of Suḫu and of the land of Mari' by the name of Ninurta-kudurrī-uṣur. They describe his victory over marauding troops of 2000 Arameans and how he mutilated their bodies. On the one hand, the battle report follows a formal structure with 'stereotyped syntagms' comparable to the twenty-nine Yahweh-war accounts in the Hebrew Bible. On the other hand, although the text is in Akkadian, it is replete with Aramaic words, hence the importance of these inscriptions providing an early witness of the Aramaic language. Several terms are here brought in relationship with corresponding ones found in biblical narratives. In particular, the Aramaic terms in these Akkadian tablets bring new light on several hapax legomena found in the Book of Ezekiel: gallābîm 'barbers' in Ezek 5.1 and sārāb: 'brier/thistle' in Ezek 2.6. A series of Aramaic terms written in syllabic cuneiform that occur in these inscriptions are analyzed: A warlord named Iâʾa (Yāʾe), the son of Balammu (m ba-la-am-mu, S.0.1002.2 i.17 m ba-li-am-mu S.0.1002.3 i.8), from the Amatu (amat-a-a) tribe, and the possible relationship with Balaam in Num 22.5. The names of the three wells *Makir (rare in Akkadian, 'The Irrigator' mkr), Gallābu '(Well of the) Barbers' and Suribū (Dunash 10 th CE and Rashi 1045-1105, related to Ezekiel's Hebrew/Aramaic sārab: 'brier/thistle' in Ezek 2.6, hence '(Well of the) 'Briars/Nettles'); the terms *gepen 'fruit tree'; kirû 'orchard', being both Akkadian and Aramaic; the rare usage of the verb naṭalu; ni-iq-bu-ú-nu 'the waters we gathered' related to Syriac qbo; *kneśśet designates the assembled men in charge of erecting a military post in the steppe corresponding to kinaltu in the Babylonian version; gudūdu (cf. the Aramean armed bands g e dûdîm in Elisha cycle in 2 Kgs 5.2; 6.23, and of the Moabites 2 Kgs 13.23).
Rumeurs et renommées dans la Bible et ses lectures., 2021
The notion of making oneself a name is closely associated with the human concern with death and t... more The notion of making oneself a name is closely associated with the human concern with death and the quest for immortality. The evidence on this topic is culled from Mesopotamian literature (Epic of Gilgameš, Mari texts, incantations), and contrasted with some corresponding biblical responses to the same issue, showing how it is both similar and different from the one found in Akkadian literature. The issue is analyzed first in the Epic of Gilgameš which offers several answers to the question of how to make oneself a name: a) By undertaking monumental building projects; b) By leaving a written record of one’s exploits for posterity; c) By acquiring a progeny that would perpetuate one’s memory. In the Hebrew Bible the reference is made to the construction of the city and the Tower of Babel where the builders want to “to make themselves a name” in Gen. 11:4 This statement is seen as being in a dialectic tension with the Call of Abram, where God offers to make him a great name in Gen. 12:2. The topic is further traced in an Old Babylonian Mari letter, where the warlord Šamši-Addu admonishes his younger son Yasmaḫ-Addu to make himself a name through a military victory like his older brother Išme-Dagan. This feature is compared to Joab admonishing his overlord David to acquire military glory by conquering the city of Rabbat-Ammon in Transjordan and having his name attached to this great victory, as found in the story of David in 1 Sam. 11-12.