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Books by Thomas D Venter
The present volume sets forth to analyse illustrative aspects of the deep-rooted immersion of the... more The present volume sets forth to analyse illustrative aspects of the deep-rooted immersion of the populations of the eastern coasts of Africa in the vast network of commercial, cultural and religious interactions that extend to the Middle-East and the Indian subcontinent, as well as the long-time involvement of various exogenous military, administrative and economic powers (Ottoman, Omani, Portuguese, Dutch, British, French and, more recently, European-Americans).
The present volume is the product of one of the main activities of this CRG: organizing AEGIS international thematic conferences on African in the Indian Ocean. The second such conference
took place in Lisbon, at ISCTE-University Institute of Lisbon, on April 10th April 2015, convened by the Centre of International Studies, and organized by Iain Walker (Max Plank Institute), Manuel João Ramos (CEI-IUL), and Preben Kaarsholm (Roskilde University). The chapters in this book are a selection of reviewed and revised contributions to that conference.
The chapters are presented chronologically, from the 16th century to the present day, and are contextually paired (Eastern Africa and Madagascar, the Horn, and South Africa).
This is certainly not a comprehensive and final book on the intertwining relationship between African participation in the regional trading and cultural networks of the Indian Ocean and the hegemonic presence of world powers in the area. Its purpose is rather to contribute, with a few meaningful exemplary case-studies, to assert the need for further and more inclusive investigation. It touches upon questions that have been independently addressed by different regional and inter-regional research networks (African studies, Gulf studies, Indian Ocean studies, Southwest Asian studies, etc.). The role of the Indian Ocean in global security, the increasing involvement of India and China in the economies of contemporary African states and the cultural links that bind eastern Africa to the Indian Ocean littoral are both intricate and temporally deep. The editors of this book hope that it may serve as a useful tool to bridge the different social sciences and regional studies areas, and create a clearer awareness of the deep-rooted, and evolving, ties between Africa and the Indian Ocean.
Papers by Thomas D Venter
Africa in the New International Order
Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe, Jun 9, 2018
Hoofnavorser in Politiek en Internasionale Betrekkinge en, voor sy uittrede, Uitvoerende Direkteu... more Hoofnavorser in Politiek en Internasionale Betrekkinge en, voor sy uittrede, Uitvoerende Direkteur aan die Afrika-Instituut van Suid-Afrika. Na voor-en nagraadse studie aan die Universiteit van Pretoria, behaal hy die DLitt et Phil-graad in Politieke Wetenskappe aan die Universiteit van Suid-Afrika in Pretoria. Sedert 2000 bedryf hy 'n eenheid vir politieke en ekonomiese risiko-analise, Africa Consultancy & Research. Vir 'n dekade (1995-2005) dien hy as Vise-Voorsitter van die Raad van die Internasionale Afrika-Instituut (IAI) in London. Van Augustus 2010 tot Junie 2011 beklee hy die Nelson Mandela-Leerstoel in die Sentrum vir Afrikastudies, Skool vir Internasionale Studies aan die Jawaharlal Nehru-Universiteit, New Delhi, Indië. Met sy terugkeer na Suid-Afrika word hy aangestel as Senior Navorsingsgenoot in Politiek en Regeerkunde (2012-) aan die Universiteit van Johannesburg (UJ), en Navorsingsgenoot in Politieke Studies en Regeerkunde (2013-) aan die Universiteit van die Vrystaat (UV) in Bloemfontein. Hy publiseer talle vakkundige artikels en boekbydraes:een van die mees onlangse is "Tackling Corruption in Politics and Public Service: Instruments to Enhance Integrity in Governance", in Davis, Brenda (ed.). 2016.
African Political Parties
Insight on Africa, 2021
There are a daunting number of maritime security threats and challenges in the north-western Indi... more There are a daunting number of maritime security threats and challenges in the north-western Indian Ocean region, both extant and potential. Indeed, the mere fact that the Indian Ocean constitutes the world’s largest swath of maritime space that is prone to the major menace of piracy (in the Gulf of Oman, the Arabian Sea, the Gulf of Aden and in the waters off the north-east African coastline), as well as the sporadic threat of terrorism (by Islamic militias of Al-Shabaab in Somalia and Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula in Yemen), signifies that the region will arguably remain the maritime area with the greatest array of security challenges. However, while anti-piracy measures ought to have shaped regional policymaking, and the resources that a large and diverse group of states has devoted to addressing these maritime challenges have never been adequate to the task, largely successful coalition-building exercises and joint naval task-force operations have been encouraging. The trans...
Africa insight, 1989
Denis Venter, a senior researcher at the Africa Institute, has recently returned from a visit to ... more Denis Venter, a senior researcher at the Africa Institute, has recently returned from a visit to Malawi. Here he provides some insights into the economic problems threatening the country.
In the 2010s, in conjunction with an expansion of India’s naval capabilities, there has been a si... more In the 2010s, in conjunction with an expansion of India’s naval capabilities, there has been a significant extension of India’s maritime security relationships throughout the Indian Ocean region. Much of the emphasis has been on developing relationships with small states (Mauritius, the Seychelles, and Oman) at, or near, the key points of entry into the Western Indian Ocean. Arguably, the extreme asymmetries in size have made the development of such relationships relatively easy, as there is no question of competition or rivalry. Some of these states have long seen India as a benign security provider and have maritime policing needs that India can usefully fulfil. In some cases, India may effectively act as a security guarantor, as is arguably the case with Mauritius and the Maldives.But gaps inevitably remain in India’s strategic posture and New Delhi needs to further strengthen its hand in coastal Africa and on the Arabian Peninsula. Also, littoral states on the African seaboard look towards regional power centres for assistance in maintaining maritime order and addressing security challenges. Countries with enhanced maritime capabilities like India, South Africa, Australia, and the US could assist by not only co-operating amongst themselves, but also by taking other littoral states on board as part of multilateral efforts towards the maintenance of maritime order. A challenge for New Delhi is to maintain perceptions of India as a benign and non-hegemonic power in the Indian Ocean region as it moves towards achieving great power status
Indian Journal of African Studies, 1997
Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 1984
Africa Institute Bulletin, 1978
L Afrique Politique, 1996
Indian Journal of African Studies, 1996
The present volume sets forth to analyse illustrative aspects of the deep-rooted immersion of the... more The present volume sets forth to analyse illustrative aspects of the deep-rooted immersion of the populations of the eastern coasts of Africa in the vast network of commercial, cultural and religious interactions that extend to the Middle-East and the Indian subcontinent, as well as the long-time involvement of various exogenous military, administrative and economic powers (Ottoman, Omani, Portuguese, Dutch, British, French and, more recently, European-Americans).
The present volume is the product of one of the main activities of this CRG: organizing AEGIS international thematic conferences on African in the Indian Ocean. The second such conference
took place in Lisbon, at ISCTE-University Institute of Lisbon, on April 10th April 2015, convened by the Centre of International Studies, and organized by Iain Walker (Max Plank Institute), Manuel João Ramos (CEI-IUL), and Preben Kaarsholm (Roskilde University). The chapters in this book are a selection of reviewed and revised contributions to that conference.
The chapters are presented chronologically, from the 16th century to the present day, and are contextually paired (Eastern Africa and Madagascar, the Horn, and South Africa).
This is certainly not a comprehensive and final book on the intertwining relationship between African participation in the regional trading and cultural networks of the Indian Ocean and the hegemonic presence of world powers in the area. Its purpose is rather to contribute, with a few meaningful exemplary case-studies, to assert the need for further and more inclusive investigation. It touches upon questions that have been independently addressed by different regional and inter-regional research networks (African studies, Gulf studies, Indian Ocean studies, Southwest Asian studies, etc.). The role of the Indian Ocean in global security, the increasing involvement of India and China in the economies of contemporary African states and the cultural links that bind eastern Africa to the Indian Ocean littoral are both intricate and temporally deep. The editors of this book hope that it may serve as a useful tool to bridge the different social sciences and regional studies areas, and create a clearer awareness of the deep-rooted, and evolving, ties between Africa and the Indian Ocean.
Africa in the New International Order
Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe, Jun 9, 2018
Hoofnavorser in Politiek en Internasionale Betrekkinge en, voor sy uittrede, Uitvoerende Direkteu... more Hoofnavorser in Politiek en Internasionale Betrekkinge en, voor sy uittrede, Uitvoerende Direkteur aan die Afrika-Instituut van Suid-Afrika. Na voor-en nagraadse studie aan die Universiteit van Pretoria, behaal hy die DLitt et Phil-graad in Politieke Wetenskappe aan die Universiteit van Suid-Afrika in Pretoria. Sedert 2000 bedryf hy 'n eenheid vir politieke en ekonomiese risiko-analise, Africa Consultancy & Research. Vir 'n dekade (1995-2005) dien hy as Vise-Voorsitter van die Raad van die Internasionale Afrika-Instituut (IAI) in London. Van Augustus 2010 tot Junie 2011 beklee hy die Nelson Mandela-Leerstoel in die Sentrum vir Afrikastudies, Skool vir Internasionale Studies aan die Jawaharlal Nehru-Universiteit, New Delhi, Indië. Met sy terugkeer na Suid-Afrika word hy aangestel as Senior Navorsingsgenoot in Politiek en Regeerkunde (2012-) aan die Universiteit van Johannesburg (UJ), en Navorsingsgenoot in Politieke Studies en Regeerkunde (2013-) aan die Universiteit van die Vrystaat (UV) in Bloemfontein. Hy publiseer talle vakkundige artikels en boekbydraes:een van die mees onlangse is "Tackling Corruption in Politics and Public Service: Instruments to Enhance Integrity in Governance", in Davis, Brenda (ed.). 2016.
African Political Parties
Insight on Africa, 2021
There are a daunting number of maritime security threats and challenges in the north-western Indi... more There are a daunting number of maritime security threats and challenges in the north-western Indian Ocean region, both extant and potential. Indeed, the mere fact that the Indian Ocean constitutes the world’s largest swath of maritime space that is prone to the major menace of piracy (in the Gulf of Oman, the Arabian Sea, the Gulf of Aden and in the waters off the north-east African coastline), as well as the sporadic threat of terrorism (by Islamic militias of Al-Shabaab in Somalia and Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula in Yemen), signifies that the region will arguably remain the maritime area with the greatest array of security challenges. However, while anti-piracy measures ought to have shaped regional policymaking, and the resources that a large and diverse group of states has devoted to addressing these maritime challenges have never been adequate to the task, largely successful coalition-building exercises and joint naval task-force operations have been encouraging. The trans...
Africa insight, 1989
Denis Venter, a senior researcher at the Africa Institute, has recently returned from a visit to ... more Denis Venter, a senior researcher at the Africa Institute, has recently returned from a visit to Malawi. Here he provides some insights into the economic problems threatening the country.
In the 2010s, in conjunction with an expansion of India’s naval capabilities, there has been a si... more In the 2010s, in conjunction with an expansion of India’s naval capabilities, there has been a significant extension of India’s maritime security relationships throughout the Indian Ocean region. Much of the emphasis has been on developing relationships with small states (Mauritius, the Seychelles, and Oman) at, or near, the key points of entry into the Western Indian Ocean. Arguably, the extreme asymmetries in size have made the development of such relationships relatively easy, as there is no question of competition or rivalry. Some of these states have long seen India as a benign security provider and have maritime policing needs that India can usefully fulfil. In some cases, India may effectively act as a security guarantor, as is arguably the case with Mauritius and the Maldives.But gaps inevitably remain in India’s strategic posture and New Delhi needs to further strengthen its hand in coastal Africa and on the Arabian Peninsula. Also, littoral states on the African seaboard look towards regional power centres for assistance in maintaining maritime order and addressing security challenges. Countries with enhanced maritime capabilities like India, South Africa, Australia, and the US could assist by not only co-operating amongst themselves, but also by taking other littoral states on board as part of multilateral efforts towards the maintenance of maritime order. A challenge for New Delhi is to maintain perceptions of India as a benign and non-hegemonic power in the Indian Ocean region as it moves towards achieving great power status
Indian Journal of African Studies, 1997
Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 1984
Africa Institute Bulletin, 1978
L Afrique Politique, 1996
Indian Journal of African Studies, 1996
Politikon, 1978
This article focusses on South Africa's position regarding the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty; ... more This article focusses on South Africa's position regarding the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty; an issue which was pushed into prominence by the Russian allegation in August 1977 that the Republic was on the verge of testing a nuclear device. The Soviet Union's objective was to embarrass the Western powers during the Lagos Conference on Apartheid, as well as to bring them in disrepute among African countries during the sessions of various United Nations bodies where South Africa's nuclear potential was discussed. Subsequent reaction from especially the United States shows that the Carter Administration will use continued nuclear cooperation with the Republic as a lever to press for political change and to secure South Africa's adherence to the NPT. The Republic has however steadfastly declined to sign the NPT. although it has made clear on several occasions that it will not allow its uranium sales to be used to increase the number of nuclear-weapon states. South Africa's refusal to sign the NPT does not necessarily reflect any desire to acquire nuclear weapons, but rather a fear that the application of "safeguards" might be economically harmful to the Republic's uranium mining industry, while the development of a new enrichment process has finally raised real concerns about possible commercial espionage. It would seem very unlikely that South Africa has in actual fact produced a nuclear device, but it would also seem imperative for the Republic neither to surrender nor to exercise the nuclear option-especially seen in the light of the peculiar politico-economic and military-strategic position it finds itself in in the international arena. South Africa's high-level nuclear technology is seen as a valuable diplomatic and strategic bargaining counter with the super powers, as well as with Black Africa. The Republic is in potential conflict with African states over its racial policies, and should its present superiority in conventional weapons be eroded by UN mandatory arms embargoes, South African strategists may begin to consider a nuclear deterrent not only as feasible, but indeed as absolutely essential. Presently, however, it is difficult to see the military value of nuclear weapons for a state whose main threat takes the form of insurgency promoted from beyond its borders. •This is the text of a talk given to the Transkei Branch of the SAIIA in Umtata on 16 November, 1977, and is based on short comments made at the Institute's monthly meeting on current international developments on