Yasmine Dabbous - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Papers by Yasmine Dabbous
Journal of Textile Design Research and Practice
This study examined journalistic press criticism between 1865 and 1930. It sought to understand h... more This study examined journalistic press criticism between 1865 and 1930. It sought to understand how the first modern journalists conceived of their profession in a period of great transitions. As the study revealed, journalists writing about journalism between 1865 and 1930 discussed recurring themes such as commercialization, sensationalism, advertising, and ethics. They expressed ambivalence toward the rise of big business in their field and the consequences it could have on the quality of the work. In the process, journalists also defined journalism as a profession providing a public service or as a business aiming solely for circulation and profit. Definitions shifted depending on the period during which the journalists wrote. Criticism during the period under study often reflected the social and cultural trends journalists witnessed. During the postbellum era, it mirrored the belief in the American Dream of wealth, well-being, and democracy. In the 1890s, criticism focused on the downsides of commercialism, expressing the fears people felt toward the new corporate giants. During the progressive period, the writings of press critics revealed the pride they felt in the civic services journalism provided. But World War I brought an end to progressivism. During the 1920s, disillusioned journalists criticized "mediocre" journalism. Their frustration echoed that of the old generation of progressives. Underlying the journalists" criticism was also the perception they had of news. Excited about the democratic promise of this new concept, postbellum critics praised journalism more than they criticized it. During the 1890s, and despite the downsides of commercialism, journalists never lost hope because, for them, news democratized information. The progressive period seemed to confirm the democratic potentials of news, promoting pride among critics. But the v propaganda campaigns of World War I broke the spell, as critics realized that news was potentially susceptible to propaganda. The establishment of public relations as a profession based on the spinning of news during the 1920s further aggravated the problem. Journalists, who had kept their optimism throughout the previous fifty years, became concerned, in the 1920s, that many newspapers did not live up to the democratic promise of the press.
The Mapping Digital Media project examines the global opportunities and risks created by the tran... more The Mapping Digital Media project examines the global opportunities and risks created by the transition from traditional to digital media. Covering 60 countries, the project examines how these changes affect the core democratic service that any media system should provide: news about political, economic, and social affairs. Lebanon is considered one of the freest countries in a region dominated by dictatorships. However, it is plagued by sectarian divisions and a confessional government system. Political groups often form around sects and traditional feudal leaders, almost all of whom are supported by foreign countries. Media development, and digital media development in particular, reflects this harsh reality. Thanks to digital media, Lebanon's residents have access to a variety of news platforms, from 24-hour cable channels to internet sites and text message services. Despite easy access to Al Jazeera, Al Arabiya, CNN, BBC, and others through subscriptions to pirated cable bun...
Al-Raida Journal, 1970
Playing against a dramatic backdrop of a map sketched by al-Idrisi, Hassan (Andrew Joshi) and his... more Playing against a dramatic backdrop of a map sketched by al-Idrisi, Hassan (Andrew Joshi) and his mother (Samantha Adams) stand about 1.5 meters away from each other. They simultaneously cross their arms across their chests, slightly squeezing themselves as one does to another in an embrace. Together, they tilt their heads to one shoulder then release their arms at the same time.
Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 2013
This research explores the potential relational dialectics emerging in arranged marriages among M... more This research explores the potential relational dialectics emerging in arranged marriages among Muslim families in Beirut, Lebanon. The study focuses on the tensions rising during the pre-wedding stages of the arranged relationship, during which candidates evolve from total strangers, to fiancés, and ultimately to spouses. Based on a thematic analysis of interviews with sixteen couples, the study revealed six major dialectical tensions emerging along partners’ socio-religious, emotionl, and gender differences, or due to parental interventions: Arranged vs. romantic script, interpersonal vs. social frames, commitment vs. autonomy, traditional vs. liberal gender roles, emotions vs. reason, and family inclusion vs. seclusion. The couples coped with tensions mostly by resorting to religion and to other family members for guidance, by reframing their conditions according to their ideal relational script.
Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication, 2014
Between 1920 and 2000, Lebanon’s national currency changed both in shape and form over six times,... more Between 1920 and 2000, Lebanon’s national currency changed both in shape and form over six times, the last being during the post-civil war era of the 1990s. But despite their eventful chronicle, the country’s banknotes preserved the same oriental ornamentation and theme of cultural tourism. It was not until the 1990s, with the end of the civil war and the advent of a new non-feudal leadership, that the iconic character of the Lebanese pound changed completely. This paper explores the currency change using semiotic analysis developed by Barthes and Baudrillard in order to compare the currency designs of the 1960s and the 1990s. It proposes that the postwar replacement of national currency reflects, among other things, a conscious effort on the part of the new Lebanese leadership to change Lebanon’s national identity and slowly deemphasize sectarian tensions in the collective memory of its people. To achieve this objective, the postwar government resorted to postmodern banknotes, almo...
International Journal of Communication, Jun 22, 2010
Investigating why fairness and balance are not priorities in Lebanon, this article suggests that ... more Investigating why fairness and balance are not priorities in Lebanon, this article suggests that the country's historical and sociopolitical evolution favored a partisan model where press institutions are either owned by or supportive of political blocs, parties, or personalities. Factors such as the za'im system, foreign patronization, institutionalized sectarianism, social inequality, and the civil war reinforced partisan affiliations and created a double, unwritten social contract: An unspoken pact joins journalists and media owners, with the former serving the interests of the latter through their reporting. At the same time, an unwritten agreement connects journalists and citizens, who see the media as indicators of political opinion. Background Information Lebanon today is divided among several parties, forming two major blocs that reflect the tensions in the larger Middle East. Until this article was written, the Saudi-backed, pro-Western Future Movement was allied with both the Lebanese Forces and the Qornet Shehwan Gathering. Dubbed collectively as the "March 14 alliance," the three parties championed the withdrawal of Syrian forces from Lebanon in 2005, following the assassination of the Future Movement's leader, Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri. 1 At the heart of the second bloc is the Iranian-backed, pro-Syrian Hizbullah. The alliance Hizbullah maintains with Amal, a secular socialist party, as well as with the Syrian Nationalists, the Free Patriotic Movement, and the Giants Movement, is known collectively as the "March 8 alliance." Although this binary divide may suggest a civilizational tension in the Samuel Huntington style, Lebanon's political reality is much more complex, with alliances often shifting to reflect larger tensions in the tumultuous Middle East. Given the multiple troubles afflicting the area, it is very difficult to speak briefly of the stakes without simplifying the region's numerous issues. At the center of the knot are Lebanon's two neighbors, Syria and Israel. The intervention by Damascus in Lebanon, going back to the
International Journal of Cultural Studies, 2010
• Pasted on public and private building walls, political posters commemorating martyrs were a fam... more • Pasted on public and private building walls, political posters commemorating martyrs were a familiar feature of Lebanon’s civil war. Twenty-five years later, they serve as a window into the culture of the era. Based on 86 political posters collected from the 1960s through the 1980s in Beirut, this research examines how people viewed martyrdom during that period. Using a
Encyclopedia of Journalism
Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication, 2009
As part of their 'War on Terror', Washington policy makers launched a massive public dipl... more As part of their 'War on Terror', Washington policy makers launched a massive public diplomacy campaign hoping to 'gain Muslim hearts and minds.' Their efforts, including the production of advertisements and documentaries, culminated with the inauguration of Al-Hurra, a commercial-free satellite station broadcasting in Arabic. Despite the substantial amount of money poured into it, Al-Hurra's success was strongly questioned among media scholars and US policy experts. And yet, Al-Hurra has generated very little academic research testing its effectiveness as an instrument of public diplomacy. This article reports the results of a survey administered in seven Lebanese universities to assess the performance of Al-Hurra among the country's college students. More specifically, it examines Al-Hurra's viewership, credibility, and trustworthiness in comparison to Al-Jazeera and Al-Arabiya. The paper also tests the relation between Al-Hurra's viewership and aud...
Journal of Gender Studies, 2010
... 200519. Heldman, C., Carroll, SJ and Olson, S. 2005. 'She brought only a skirt&#... more ... 200519. Heldman, C., Carroll, SJ and Olson, S. 2005. 'She brought only a skirt': print media coverage of Elizabeth Dole's bid for the Republican presidential nomination. ... Moreover, in their analysis of Elizabeth Dole's coverage in the 2000 elections, Heldman et al. (200519. ...
This study explored the relational dialectics experienced by couples in Lebanese Muslim arranged ... more This study explored the relational dialectics experienced by couples in Lebanese Muslim arranged marriages. It specifically examined how the dyads' attitudes toward relationships articulated the tensions they experienced and sought to understand the coping strategies arranged ...
Journal of Textile Design Research and Practice
This study examined journalistic press criticism between 1865 and 1930. It sought to understand h... more This study examined journalistic press criticism between 1865 and 1930. It sought to understand how the first modern journalists conceived of their profession in a period of great transitions. As the study revealed, journalists writing about journalism between 1865 and 1930 discussed recurring themes such as commercialization, sensationalism, advertising, and ethics. They expressed ambivalence toward the rise of big business in their field and the consequences it could have on the quality of the work. In the process, journalists also defined journalism as a profession providing a public service or as a business aiming solely for circulation and profit. Definitions shifted depending on the period during which the journalists wrote. Criticism during the period under study often reflected the social and cultural trends journalists witnessed. During the postbellum era, it mirrored the belief in the American Dream of wealth, well-being, and democracy. In the 1890s, criticism focused on the downsides of commercialism, expressing the fears people felt toward the new corporate giants. During the progressive period, the writings of press critics revealed the pride they felt in the civic services journalism provided. But World War I brought an end to progressivism. During the 1920s, disillusioned journalists criticized "mediocre" journalism. Their frustration echoed that of the old generation of progressives. Underlying the journalists" criticism was also the perception they had of news. Excited about the democratic promise of this new concept, postbellum critics praised journalism more than they criticized it. During the 1890s, and despite the downsides of commercialism, journalists never lost hope because, for them, news democratized information. The progressive period seemed to confirm the democratic potentials of news, promoting pride among critics. But the v propaganda campaigns of World War I broke the spell, as critics realized that news was potentially susceptible to propaganda. The establishment of public relations as a profession based on the spinning of news during the 1920s further aggravated the problem. Journalists, who had kept their optimism throughout the previous fifty years, became concerned, in the 1920s, that many newspapers did not live up to the democratic promise of the press.
The Mapping Digital Media project examines the global opportunities and risks created by the tran... more The Mapping Digital Media project examines the global opportunities and risks created by the transition from traditional to digital media. Covering 60 countries, the project examines how these changes affect the core democratic service that any media system should provide: news about political, economic, and social affairs. Lebanon is considered one of the freest countries in a region dominated by dictatorships. However, it is plagued by sectarian divisions and a confessional government system. Political groups often form around sects and traditional feudal leaders, almost all of whom are supported by foreign countries. Media development, and digital media development in particular, reflects this harsh reality. Thanks to digital media, Lebanon's residents have access to a variety of news platforms, from 24-hour cable channels to internet sites and text message services. Despite easy access to Al Jazeera, Al Arabiya, CNN, BBC, and others through subscriptions to pirated cable bun...
Al-Raida Journal, 1970
Playing against a dramatic backdrop of a map sketched by al-Idrisi, Hassan (Andrew Joshi) and his... more Playing against a dramatic backdrop of a map sketched by al-Idrisi, Hassan (Andrew Joshi) and his mother (Samantha Adams) stand about 1.5 meters away from each other. They simultaneously cross their arms across their chests, slightly squeezing themselves as one does to another in an embrace. Together, they tilt their heads to one shoulder then release their arms at the same time.
Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 2013
This research explores the potential relational dialectics emerging in arranged marriages among M... more This research explores the potential relational dialectics emerging in arranged marriages among Muslim families in Beirut, Lebanon. The study focuses on the tensions rising during the pre-wedding stages of the arranged relationship, during which candidates evolve from total strangers, to fiancés, and ultimately to spouses. Based on a thematic analysis of interviews with sixteen couples, the study revealed six major dialectical tensions emerging along partners’ socio-religious, emotionl, and gender differences, or due to parental interventions: Arranged vs. romantic script, interpersonal vs. social frames, commitment vs. autonomy, traditional vs. liberal gender roles, emotions vs. reason, and family inclusion vs. seclusion. The couples coped with tensions mostly by resorting to religion and to other family members for guidance, by reframing their conditions according to their ideal relational script.
Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication, 2014
Between 1920 and 2000, Lebanon’s national currency changed both in shape and form over six times,... more Between 1920 and 2000, Lebanon’s national currency changed both in shape and form over six times, the last being during the post-civil war era of the 1990s. But despite their eventful chronicle, the country’s banknotes preserved the same oriental ornamentation and theme of cultural tourism. It was not until the 1990s, with the end of the civil war and the advent of a new non-feudal leadership, that the iconic character of the Lebanese pound changed completely. This paper explores the currency change using semiotic analysis developed by Barthes and Baudrillard in order to compare the currency designs of the 1960s and the 1990s. It proposes that the postwar replacement of national currency reflects, among other things, a conscious effort on the part of the new Lebanese leadership to change Lebanon’s national identity and slowly deemphasize sectarian tensions in the collective memory of its people. To achieve this objective, the postwar government resorted to postmodern banknotes, almo...
International Journal of Communication, Jun 22, 2010
Investigating why fairness and balance are not priorities in Lebanon, this article suggests that ... more Investigating why fairness and balance are not priorities in Lebanon, this article suggests that the country's historical and sociopolitical evolution favored a partisan model where press institutions are either owned by or supportive of political blocs, parties, or personalities. Factors such as the za'im system, foreign patronization, institutionalized sectarianism, social inequality, and the civil war reinforced partisan affiliations and created a double, unwritten social contract: An unspoken pact joins journalists and media owners, with the former serving the interests of the latter through their reporting. At the same time, an unwritten agreement connects journalists and citizens, who see the media as indicators of political opinion. Background Information Lebanon today is divided among several parties, forming two major blocs that reflect the tensions in the larger Middle East. Until this article was written, the Saudi-backed, pro-Western Future Movement was allied with both the Lebanese Forces and the Qornet Shehwan Gathering. Dubbed collectively as the "March 14 alliance," the three parties championed the withdrawal of Syrian forces from Lebanon in 2005, following the assassination of the Future Movement's leader, Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri. 1 At the heart of the second bloc is the Iranian-backed, pro-Syrian Hizbullah. The alliance Hizbullah maintains with Amal, a secular socialist party, as well as with the Syrian Nationalists, the Free Patriotic Movement, and the Giants Movement, is known collectively as the "March 8 alliance." Although this binary divide may suggest a civilizational tension in the Samuel Huntington style, Lebanon's political reality is much more complex, with alliances often shifting to reflect larger tensions in the tumultuous Middle East. Given the multiple troubles afflicting the area, it is very difficult to speak briefly of the stakes without simplifying the region's numerous issues. At the center of the knot are Lebanon's two neighbors, Syria and Israel. The intervention by Damascus in Lebanon, going back to the
International Journal of Cultural Studies, 2010
• Pasted on public and private building walls, political posters commemorating martyrs were a fam... more • Pasted on public and private building walls, political posters commemorating martyrs were a familiar feature of Lebanon’s civil war. Twenty-five years later, they serve as a window into the culture of the era. Based on 86 political posters collected from the 1960s through the 1980s in Beirut, this research examines how people viewed martyrdom during that period. Using a
Encyclopedia of Journalism
Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication, 2009
As part of their 'War on Terror', Washington policy makers launched a massive public dipl... more As part of their 'War on Terror', Washington policy makers launched a massive public diplomacy campaign hoping to 'gain Muslim hearts and minds.' Their efforts, including the production of advertisements and documentaries, culminated with the inauguration of Al-Hurra, a commercial-free satellite station broadcasting in Arabic. Despite the substantial amount of money poured into it, Al-Hurra's success was strongly questioned among media scholars and US policy experts. And yet, Al-Hurra has generated very little academic research testing its effectiveness as an instrument of public diplomacy. This article reports the results of a survey administered in seven Lebanese universities to assess the performance of Al-Hurra among the country's college students. More specifically, it examines Al-Hurra's viewership, credibility, and trustworthiness in comparison to Al-Jazeera and Al-Arabiya. The paper also tests the relation between Al-Hurra's viewership and aud...
Journal of Gender Studies, 2010
... 200519. Heldman, C., Carroll, SJ and Olson, S. 2005. 'She brought only a skirt&#... more ... 200519. Heldman, C., Carroll, SJ and Olson, S. 2005. 'She brought only a skirt': print media coverage of Elizabeth Dole's bid for the Republican presidential nomination. ... Moreover, in their analysis of Elizabeth Dole's coverage in the 2000 elections, Heldman et al. (200519. ...
This study explored the relational dialectics experienced by couples in Lebanese Muslim arranged ... more This study explored the relational dialectics experienced by couples in Lebanese Muslim arranged marriages. It specifically examined how the dyads' attitudes toward relationships articulated the tensions they experienced and sought to understand the coping strategies arranged ...