Damir Grubiša - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Drafts by Damir Grubiša
Draft about how the Yugoslav crisis 1991-92 prompted the EC to formulate its CFSP and, later on, ... more Draft about how the Yugoslav crisis 1991-92 prompted the EC to formulate its CFSP and, later on, its security strategy
Papers by Damir Grubiša
Rad se bavi analizom viserazinskog sustava upravljanja na reazlicitim razinama politicke organiza... more Rad se bavi analizom viserazinskog sustava upravljanja na reazlicitim razinama politicke organizacije države, i u okviru toga uloge regionalnih zajednica u sustavu regionalne politike EU. Na kraju se analizira europeizacija regionalnep olitike u Hrvatskoj
Politička misao : časopis za politologiju, 2005
... i najveći konstitucionalni eksperti i poli-tički mislioci tadašnje Italije: od Benedetta Croc... more ... i najveći konstitucionalni eksperti i poli-tički mislioci tadašnje Italije: od Benedetta Crocea do Giorgia La Pire i Giu-seppe Di Vittorie, kao ... ne samo u parlamentu ili u završnim i ce-remonijalnim porukama, nego iu izravnim obraćanjima javnosti i instituci-jama Republike (Tebaldi ...
Politička misao : časopis za politologiju, May 14, 2012
Journal of International Relations, 1997
Politička misao : časopis za politologiju, 2009
Europeanization-as the process of standardization of public policies in order to provide a common... more Europeanization-as the process of standardization of public policies in order to provide a common ground for the new modus operandi in politics and of the polity itself-requires an overall reshaping of the political discourse in the acceding countries during the process of EU accession. This means the reshaping of the basic political concepts and political paradigms under way in one country. Security is one of the main concepts upon which the existence of a polity is based. The way in which security is conceived determines the political strategy, political tactics and political activities pertinent to the goal set up and formulated in a security concept. Croatia, as an acceding country, needs to refurbish its basic political values, and security certainly falls within this frame. Croatia adopted its National Security Strategy in 2002 and this security concept was an obvious product of concrete circumstances, experiences and political discourse of the time. As the author asserts, the concept of security laid down in this security strategy belongs to an obsolete frame of mind, arising from a traumatic decade of ethnic wars, nationalism and a controversial transition. Croatia has emerged from the post-conflict traumatic experience and the period of an authoritarian transition, in which the adaptation to new values was slow and turbulent. The National Security Strategy of the Republic of Croatia reflects these contradictions and controversies in its society and its international environment. This work claims that the national security concept of Croatia relied greatly on the classical approach to state security and did not reflect the latest development in the field of strategic thinking. As an example, the author points to the gap between the Croatian national security concept and its basic values and the concept of human security, as laid down in the UNDP basic documents on human development. In addition, it did not reflect the concept of cooperative security that requires from a nation to work in an international context in order to avoid transnational threats. Croatia needs the Europeanization of the security discourse and the reformulation of a new National Security Strategy, pertinent to its membership in the NATO and in the EU.
Politička misao : Croatian Political Science Review, May 10, 2011
In 1998, the European Commission concluded in its evaluation of the central and east European cou... more In 1998, the European Commission concluded in its evaluation of the central and east European countries' requests for EU membership in the context of the preparation for Agenda 2000 that the fight against political corruption in these countries needed to be upgraded. The Commission's report on the progress of each candidate country can be summed up as follows: "The efforts undertaken by candidate countries are not always adequate to the entity of the problem itself. Although some of these countries initiate new programmes for the control and prevention of corruption, it is too early for a judgment on the efficiency of such measures. A lack of determination can be seen in confronting this problem and in rooting out corruption in the greatest part of the candidate countries". Similar evaluations were repeated in subsequent reports on the progress of candidate countries from central and east Europe. Accordingly, it was concluded in 2001 that political corruption is a serious problem in five out of ten countries of that region: Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Poland, Romania and Slovakia, and a constant problem in three more countries: Hungary, Lithuania and Latvia. The Commission refrained from expressing critical remarks only in the case of two countries-Estonia and Slovenia. Up to 2002, only eight out of fifteen member states ratified the basic instrument that the EU had adopted against corruption, namely the EU Convention on the Safeguarding of Economic Interests of the European Communities. Some of the founding members of the European Community were rated as countries with a "high level of corruption"-Germany, France and, specifically, Italy. It was stated that some of the candidate countries were less corrupted then the three above-mentioned founding states of the EC (Estonia and Slovenia were indicated as a positive example). Although the situation somewhat improved until the final EU accession of central and east European countries to the EU in 2004, as was stated in the yearly progress reports ('Country Progress Report'), in two cases 'systemic corruption' was detected. Such tough judgment requested the formulation of additional, clear and unambiguous criteria for dealing with the problem. This was the case with Romania and Bulgaria, which were accepted as EU members only in 2007, but with a suspensive clause incorporated in their accession treaties, enabling the EU to freeze at any moment the membership status of each of these two countries. Moreover, pre-accession monitoring was extended beyond the critical juncture of accession, paving the way for a new precedent in EU politicsthe Cooperation and Verification Mechanism. This mechanism will, clearly, become operational in other cases during the next waves of enlargement, with a high probability of applying it to countries from the Western Balkans area. Consequently, the EU was obliged to develop new tools for measuring and evaluating corruption in candidate countries beyond the Fifth Enlargement. Additional criteria were, thus, applied to countries pertaining to the second generation of European agreements, namely, countries whose relations with the EU and their eventual EU membership prospective were set by the Stabilisation and Accession Agreementsi.e. the Western Balkans countries. But since the EU agreed at the Thessaloniki summit in 2003 that the progress of each southeastern applicant country will be judged on an individual basis, it was necessary to formulate and elaborate special criteria, tailored to each country and to its specific nature of corruption. Thus Croatia, which acquired candidate status in 2005, had to fulfil a new set of requests in addition to the Copenhagen and Madrid accession criteria (political, economic and legal accompanied by the administrative criteria)requests imposed
Politička misao : Croatian Political Science Review, Oct 4, 2011
Politička misao : časopis za politologiju, Jul 12, 2006
Anali Hrvatskog politološkog društva : časopis za politologiju, 2004
Politička misao : časopis za politologiju, Dec 1, 1983
Politička misao : časopis za politologiju, 2009
Draft about how the Yugoslav crisis 1991-92 prompted the EC to formulate its CFSP and, later on, ... more Draft about how the Yugoslav crisis 1991-92 prompted the EC to formulate its CFSP and, later on, its security strategy
Rad se bavi analizom viserazinskog sustava upravljanja na reazlicitim razinama politicke organiza... more Rad se bavi analizom viserazinskog sustava upravljanja na reazlicitim razinama politicke organizacije države, i u okviru toga uloge regionalnih zajednica u sustavu regionalne politike EU. Na kraju se analizira europeizacija regionalnep olitike u Hrvatskoj
Politička misao : časopis za politologiju, 2005
... i najveći konstitucionalni eksperti i poli-tički mislioci tadašnje Italije: od Benedetta Croc... more ... i najveći konstitucionalni eksperti i poli-tički mislioci tadašnje Italije: od Benedetta Crocea do Giorgia La Pire i Giu-seppe Di Vittorie, kao ... ne samo u parlamentu ili u završnim i ce-remonijalnim porukama, nego iu izravnim obraćanjima javnosti i instituci-jama Republike (Tebaldi ...
Politička misao : časopis za politologiju, May 14, 2012
Journal of International Relations, 1997
Politička misao : časopis za politologiju, 2009
Europeanization-as the process of standardization of public policies in order to provide a common... more Europeanization-as the process of standardization of public policies in order to provide a common ground for the new modus operandi in politics and of the polity itself-requires an overall reshaping of the political discourse in the acceding countries during the process of EU accession. This means the reshaping of the basic political concepts and political paradigms under way in one country. Security is one of the main concepts upon which the existence of a polity is based. The way in which security is conceived determines the political strategy, political tactics and political activities pertinent to the goal set up and formulated in a security concept. Croatia, as an acceding country, needs to refurbish its basic political values, and security certainly falls within this frame. Croatia adopted its National Security Strategy in 2002 and this security concept was an obvious product of concrete circumstances, experiences and political discourse of the time. As the author asserts, the concept of security laid down in this security strategy belongs to an obsolete frame of mind, arising from a traumatic decade of ethnic wars, nationalism and a controversial transition. Croatia has emerged from the post-conflict traumatic experience and the period of an authoritarian transition, in which the adaptation to new values was slow and turbulent. The National Security Strategy of the Republic of Croatia reflects these contradictions and controversies in its society and its international environment. This work claims that the national security concept of Croatia relied greatly on the classical approach to state security and did not reflect the latest development in the field of strategic thinking. As an example, the author points to the gap between the Croatian national security concept and its basic values and the concept of human security, as laid down in the UNDP basic documents on human development. In addition, it did not reflect the concept of cooperative security that requires from a nation to work in an international context in order to avoid transnational threats. Croatia needs the Europeanization of the security discourse and the reformulation of a new National Security Strategy, pertinent to its membership in the NATO and in the EU.
Politička misao : Croatian Political Science Review, May 10, 2011
In 1998, the European Commission concluded in its evaluation of the central and east European cou... more In 1998, the European Commission concluded in its evaluation of the central and east European countries' requests for EU membership in the context of the preparation for Agenda 2000 that the fight against political corruption in these countries needed to be upgraded. The Commission's report on the progress of each candidate country can be summed up as follows: "The efforts undertaken by candidate countries are not always adequate to the entity of the problem itself. Although some of these countries initiate new programmes for the control and prevention of corruption, it is too early for a judgment on the efficiency of such measures. A lack of determination can be seen in confronting this problem and in rooting out corruption in the greatest part of the candidate countries". Similar evaluations were repeated in subsequent reports on the progress of candidate countries from central and east Europe. Accordingly, it was concluded in 2001 that political corruption is a serious problem in five out of ten countries of that region: Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Poland, Romania and Slovakia, and a constant problem in three more countries: Hungary, Lithuania and Latvia. The Commission refrained from expressing critical remarks only in the case of two countries-Estonia and Slovenia. Up to 2002, only eight out of fifteen member states ratified the basic instrument that the EU had adopted against corruption, namely the EU Convention on the Safeguarding of Economic Interests of the European Communities. Some of the founding members of the European Community were rated as countries with a "high level of corruption"-Germany, France and, specifically, Italy. It was stated that some of the candidate countries were less corrupted then the three above-mentioned founding states of the EC (Estonia and Slovenia were indicated as a positive example). Although the situation somewhat improved until the final EU accession of central and east European countries to the EU in 2004, as was stated in the yearly progress reports ('Country Progress Report'), in two cases 'systemic corruption' was detected. Such tough judgment requested the formulation of additional, clear and unambiguous criteria for dealing with the problem. This was the case with Romania and Bulgaria, which were accepted as EU members only in 2007, but with a suspensive clause incorporated in their accession treaties, enabling the EU to freeze at any moment the membership status of each of these two countries. Moreover, pre-accession monitoring was extended beyond the critical juncture of accession, paving the way for a new precedent in EU politicsthe Cooperation and Verification Mechanism. This mechanism will, clearly, become operational in other cases during the next waves of enlargement, with a high probability of applying it to countries from the Western Balkans area. Consequently, the EU was obliged to develop new tools for measuring and evaluating corruption in candidate countries beyond the Fifth Enlargement. Additional criteria were, thus, applied to countries pertaining to the second generation of European agreements, namely, countries whose relations with the EU and their eventual EU membership prospective were set by the Stabilisation and Accession Agreementsi.e. the Western Balkans countries. But since the EU agreed at the Thessaloniki summit in 2003 that the progress of each southeastern applicant country will be judged on an individual basis, it was necessary to formulate and elaborate special criteria, tailored to each country and to its specific nature of corruption. Thus Croatia, which acquired candidate status in 2005, had to fulfil a new set of requests in addition to the Copenhagen and Madrid accession criteria (political, economic and legal accompanied by the administrative criteria)requests imposed
Politička misao : Croatian Political Science Review, Oct 4, 2011
Politička misao : časopis za politologiju, Jul 12, 2006
Anali Hrvatskog politološkog društva : časopis za politologiju, 2004
Politička misao : časopis za politologiju, Dec 1, 1983
Politička misao : časopis za politologiju, 2009
Knjiga obrađuje fenomen berluskonizma kao politickog modela sui generis, nastalog na podrucju Ita... more Knjiga obrađuje fenomen berluskonizma kao politickog modela sui generis, nastalog na podrucju Italije. Berluskonizam je ugrozio europeizaciju Italije i doveo u pitanje proces prilagodbe Europskoj uniji, sto je indikativno i za europeizaciju ostalih clanica EU.