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Contemporary Southeast Asia: A Journal of International and Strategic Affairs, Sep 1, 1989
... First, declining living standards fuelled social and political unrest, thus strengthening the... more ... First, declining living standards fuelled social and political unrest, thus strengthening the communist insurgency. ... of the Philippines' sovereignty, the lack of equality in Philippine-USrelations, and real and imagined American intervention in the Philippines' domestic affairs. ...
Routledge handbook of the contemporary Philippines, 2018
Legacy of Engagement in Southeast Asia, 2008
Turning Points and Transitions, 2018
Southeast Asian Affairs, 1987
The unfolding of the affairs of nations rarely corresponds neatly with the beginning and end of t... more The unfolding of the affairs of nations rarely corresponds neatly with the beginning and end of the calendar year, and the experience of the Philippines in 1986 was no exception. The dramatic events of 1986, the high point of which was the toppling of the Marcos regime by a non-violent revolution in February, were inextricably rooted in the political and economic crises that had wracked the country since the assassination of Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino, Jr. in August 1983. Likewise, many of the daunting problems and challenges facing the Philippines in the post-Marcos era will not begin to be resolved until well into 1987, if at all. Despite this seamless flow of events, the changes that occurred in the relatively short span of twelve months created a dramatically new political environment in the Philippines by the end of 1986. At the beginning of the year, for example, Ferdinand Marcos, weakening but still powerful, was marshalling the intimidating powers of his presidential office and political machine to assure his re-election in the face of the strongest political challenge ever to his twenty-year rule. At year end, Marcos was in exile in Hawaii and President Coraz?n ("Cory") Aquino sought to fend off challenges from both the left and the right as she struggled to consolidate her still shaky political position and define and pursue the policy agenda of her coalition government. In January, the leadership of the Philippine Armed Forces appeared to be loyal to President Marcos, despite the growing prominence of the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM). By December, however, Defence Minister Juan Ponce Enrile and his RAM followers had gone from being heroes of the February revolution to being outcasts as a result of their challenge to the Aquino government. Meanwhile, General Fidel Ramos, the other "Hero of EDSA (Epifania de los Santos Avenue)", opted to support the Aquino government, and by doing so, strengthened his position as a key figure in the Aquino administration. At the start of the year the communist insurgency continued to grow, and perversely, the insurgency issue was used effectively by Marcos to criticize the Aquino candidacy and justify his continued rule. By December the communists had recovered from their politically damaging boycott of the February election and were using a fragile sixty-day cease-fire to mount an effective public relations campaign. In January, the country's economic crisis, brought about by corruption, mis management, and unfavourable international economic conditions, showed few signs of ending as the economy had just suffered its second consecutive year of negative growth. By December, the dramatic recovery hoped for by many had not materialized, but a boom in the stock market suggested increased optimism about the country's economic prospects ? optimism that was only partially justified by key economic indicators at the end of the year. As 1986 began, the majority of Filipinos, though divided into two opposing camps,
Transport, 1998
... that the admirable economic reforms pursued under the Ramos administration have not been matc... more ... that the admirable economic reforms pursued under the Ramos administration have not been matched by the strengthening of political ... its heavy emphasis on regional economic relations and China's emergence and its more limited discussion of Philippine-US relations--is a ...
Contemporary Southeast Asia: A Journal of International and Strategic Affairs, Sep 1, 1989
... First, declining living standards fuelled social and political unrest, thus strengthening the... more ... First, declining living standards fuelled social and political unrest, thus strengthening the communist insurgency. ... of the Philippines' sovereignty, the lack of equality in Philippine-USrelations, and real and imagined American intervention in the Philippines' domestic affairs. ...
Routledge handbook of the contemporary Philippines, 2018
Legacy of Engagement in Southeast Asia, 2008
Turning Points and Transitions, 2018
Southeast Asian Affairs, 1987
The unfolding of the affairs of nations rarely corresponds neatly with the beginning and end of t... more The unfolding of the affairs of nations rarely corresponds neatly with the beginning and end of the calendar year, and the experience of the Philippines in 1986 was no exception. The dramatic events of 1986, the high point of which was the toppling of the Marcos regime by a non-violent revolution in February, were inextricably rooted in the political and economic crises that had wracked the country since the assassination of Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino, Jr. in August 1983. Likewise, many of the daunting problems and challenges facing the Philippines in the post-Marcos era will not begin to be resolved until well into 1987, if at all. Despite this seamless flow of events, the changes that occurred in the relatively short span of twelve months created a dramatically new political environment in the Philippines by the end of 1986. At the beginning of the year, for example, Ferdinand Marcos, weakening but still powerful, was marshalling the intimidating powers of his presidential office and political machine to assure his re-election in the face of the strongest political challenge ever to his twenty-year rule. At year end, Marcos was in exile in Hawaii and President Coraz?n ("Cory") Aquino sought to fend off challenges from both the left and the right as she struggled to consolidate her still shaky political position and define and pursue the policy agenda of her coalition government. In January, the leadership of the Philippine Armed Forces appeared to be loyal to President Marcos, despite the growing prominence of the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM). By December, however, Defence Minister Juan Ponce Enrile and his RAM followers had gone from being heroes of the February revolution to being outcasts as a result of their challenge to the Aquino government. Meanwhile, General Fidel Ramos, the other "Hero of EDSA (Epifania de los Santos Avenue)", opted to support the Aquino government, and by doing so, strengthened his position as a key figure in the Aquino administration. At the start of the year the communist insurgency continued to grow, and perversely, the insurgency issue was used effectively by Marcos to criticize the Aquino candidacy and justify his continued rule. By December the communists had recovered from their politically damaging boycott of the February election and were using a fragile sixty-day cease-fire to mount an effective public relations campaign. In January, the country's economic crisis, brought about by corruption, mis management, and unfavourable international economic conditions, showed few signs of ending as the economy had just suffered its second consecutive year of negative growth. By December, the dramatic recovery hoped for by many had not materialized, but a boom in the stock market suggested increased optimism about the country's economic prospects ? optimism that was only partially justified by key economic indicators at the end of the year. As 1986 began, the majority of Filipinos, though divided into two opposing camps,
Transport, 1998
... that the admirable economic reforms pursued under the Ramos administration have not been matc... more ... that the admirable economic reforms pursued under the Ramos administration have not been matched by the strengthening of political ... its heavy emphasis on regional economic relations and China's emergence and its more limited discussion of Philippine-US relations--is a ...
In September 2004 Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was elected President of Indonesia in large part becau... more In September 2004 Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was elected President of Indonesia in large part because of his promises to improve governance and fight corruption. Over the last two years, President Yudhoyono has been outspoken about the need to reduce corruption, and his government has taken a number of steps in support of this goal.
Two years into the President's term, it is an appropriate time to examine what his government has done to fight corruption and to what effect. Recognizing that reducing corruption is a difficult, long-term endeavor, this report offers a stocktaking of the variety of anti-corruption initiatives begun or enhanced since 2004. A central concern of this report is whether these initiatives will produce a significant and lasting decline in the level of corruption in Indonesia. This report describes and analyzes the range of anti-corruption initiatives that have been undertaken by or with the support of the Yudhoyono government. It covers the variety of measures included under Presidential Instruction 5 (INPRES 5/2004) and the National Action Plan for the Eradication of Corruption (RAN-PK). It also includes an examination of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), which is an independent agency, but has emerged as a leader in the government's anti-corruption campaign.
Finally, it also describes the larger context in which these efforts are playing out, including the legal framework and the involvement of civil society. This report is intended to provide policymakers, other stakeholders and interested observers with a better understanding of the current status of the wide range of anticorruption initiatives being carried out by the government and by independent bodies like the KPK. It is hoped that the information and analysis contained in the report will contribute to more informed policymaking and policy dialogue, to greater public understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of the current efforts to address corruption in Indonesia, and to academic efforts to understand the Indonesian political economy
In September 2004 Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was elected President of Indonesia in large part becau... more In September 2004 Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was elected President of Indonesia in
large part because of his promises to improve governance and fight corruption. Over
the last two years, President Yudhoyono has been outspoken about the need to reduce
corruption, and his government has taken a number of steps in support of this goal.
Two years into the President's term, it is an appropriate time to examine what his government
has done to fight corruption and to what effect. Recognizing that reducing
corruption is a difficult, long-term endeavor, this report offers a stocktaking of the
variety of anti-corruption initiatives begun or enhanced since 2004. A central concern
of this report is whether these initiatives will produce a significant and lasting decline
in the level of corruption in Indonesia.
This report describes and analyzes the range of anti-corruption initiatives that have
been undertaken by or with the support of the Yudhoyono government. It covers the
variety of measures included under Presidential Instruction 5 (INPRES 5/2004) and the
National Action Plan for the Eradication of Corruption (RAN-PK). It also includes an
examination of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), which is an independent
agency, but has emerged as a leader in the government's anti-corruption campaign.
Finally, it also describes the larger context in which these efforts are playing out, including
the legal framework and the involvement of civil society.
This report is intended to provide policymakers, other stakeholders and interested
observers with a better understanding of the current status of the wide range of anticorruption
initiatives being carried out by the government and by independent bodies
like the KPK. It is hoped that the information and analysis contained in the report will
contribute to more informed policymaking and policy dialogue, to greater public understanding
of the strengths and weaknesses of the current efforts to address corruption
in Indonesia, and to academic efforts to understand the Indonesian political economy