Dumitrache Cristian - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Teaching Documents by Dumitrache Cristian
Carl Schmitt once defined himself as a theologian of jurisprudence. This chapter argues that his ... more Carl Schmitt once defined himself as a theologian of jurisprudence. This chapter argues that his concept of political theology must be understood within the context of jurisprudence and not as a thesis concerning the use of religion within politics. In its earlier configuration, Schmitt's political theology is a multifaceted response to two juridical critiques of sovereignty: those of Hans Kelsen; and those of Otto von Gierke and the English pluralist school. In this early phase, Schmitt's political theology is centered on the juridical conception of representation and on the state as fictional personality, primarily as it is found in Thomas Hobbes. Through his extensive engagement with Hobbes's interpretation of the Trinity or persons of God, Schmitt shows howjurisprudence aids in the understanding of theology rather than the other way around. Schmitt's later work is a defense against Erik Peterson's critique of political theology, itself based on a juridical interpretation of Christology.
Sfântrăposatului înaintaş şi strămoş al nostru, binecredinciosului şi de Hristos iubitorului, Io ... more Sfântrăposatului înaintaş şi strămoş al nostru, binecredinciosului şi de Hristos iubitorului, Io Ştefan voievod, domn a toată Ţara Moldovlahiei, smerită închinare.
Astfel, dacă vorbim despre Diavol, asta nu va însemna că am alege un mijloc facil de a ilustra ni... more Astfel, dacă vorbim despre Diavol, asta nu va însemna că am alege un mijloc facil de a ilustra nişte idei. Realul nu este făcut din idei şi din materie. Personal, îl concep ca guvernat de structuri de forţe sau de ansambluri dinamice anterioare oricărei forme materiale, oricărei idei pe care am putea-o elucida. Dinamismul particular pe care aş vrea să-1 descriu în cartea aceasta poartă numele tradiţional de Diavol. Diavolul acesta despre care e vorba aici nu a ieşit din-tr-o serie de texte mai mult sau mai puţin autentice sau vechi. Căci el este un agent permanent al realităţii umane, aşa cum o trăim când trăim cu adevărat, în starea noastră de creaturi libere, adică în permanenţă plasate în faţa unor alegeri, în contradicţie şi în perplexitate, în paradox, în tragedie. Toate acestea presupun şi existenţa unui bine şi a unui anumit alt lucru decât binele. Dacă n-ar fi aşa, unde ar mai fi alegerea, tragedia, libertatea? Când acest nonbi-ne, când acest rău capătă un sens, îl denumim Diavol, şi eu accept acest nume. În paginile care urmează, aş vrea să expun concepţia biblică despre Diavol, nu în aspectele sale teologice pro-priu-zise, ci în măsura în care ea ne ajută să înţelegem mai bine adevărata natură a omului şi a vieţilor noastre în secolul pe care-1 trăim. Cred că figurile mitului ne ghidează într-un mod mai sigur decât evidenţa modernă şi decât analizele raţiunii. Căci ele transmit o experienţă milenară, în faţa căreia deducţiile noastre individuale sau logice pe plan local apar ca hazardate şi provizorii, fragmentare şi superficiale. V. ÎNGERUL CĂZUT. Am văzut pe Satana ca pe un fulger căzând din cer. (Luca 10,18) Biblia ne învaţă că Lucifer este un înger căzut din cer. Îngerii sunt creaturi spirituale trăind şi lucrând la fruntariile Celui Veşnic şi ale Creaţiei, ale eternităţii şi timpului. Sunt intenţii dumnezeieşti, mesageri, cum o spune denumirea lor greacă, anghelos; slujitori cu zbor fulgurant, a căror iuţeală este însăşi cea a gândului, şi aceasta este cauza pentru care ei sunt pentru noi nevăzuţi; inteligenţe fără înşelăciune, participând la omniscienţa Creatorului, şi aceasta este cauza pentru care noi îi înţelegem rău, "Orice înger este înfricoşător!", spune Rilke. Însă orice înger este bun, îl slujeşte pe Dumnezeu. În fruntea ierarhiei lor sunt arhanghelii. Un singur arhanghel şi-a trădat misiunea, mesajul şi însăşi fiinţa sa, şi acesta este Lucifer, Purtătorul Luminii1. Satana s-a răzvrătit, a refuzat să slujească, a refuzat să-şi transmită mesajul divin, a vrut să devină original, autor al propriului destin, purtător al propriilor lui lumini. Şi îndată, prin înseşi legile fiinţei, el a "căzut" din ceruri, care alcătuiesc împărăţia unde intenţia lui Dumnezeu domneşte în mod absolut. (Dacă se taie comunicarea, curentul "cade".) El a devenit propriul lui mesager şi, cum el nu este altceva decât spirit pur, odată lipsit de sursa Duhului, el a devenit mesagerul Neantului şi al tainelor acestuia. Note: 1 Lucifer care apare pentru prima dată în Isaia [14,12 şi urm.], îl desemna probabil în pasajul acela pe regele Babilonului, căruia îi anunţa căderea. Mai târziu, Steaua Dimineţii II va desemna mai degrabă pe Cristos, printr-o ciudată răsturnare a simbolului. Dar, chiar decăzut, el şi-a păstrat ştiinţa de spirit pur. Asemenea unui artist care şi-a pierdut geniul şi nu mai crede în pictură, dar care şi-a păstrat "meseria" şi pofta de a fi în avangardă, Satana mai cunoaşte încă Spiritul şi duhurile, dar nu mai cunoaşte ţelul şi slava căreia ele îi sunt menite. Pentru că a refuzat să-I slujească lui Dumnezeu, el a devenit cel care slujeşte Nimicului, nu mai slujeşte la Nimic. Şi tot ceea ce nu mai slujeşte la Nimic, în înţeles spiritual, poartă semnul Diavolesc. Însă Nobody, Nimeni, el însuşi rămâne Cineva. El ştie mai multe decât noi în ce priveşte tainele lumii şi resortul ascuns al sufletelor pe care le înşală… VI. PRINŢUL ACESTEI LUMI. Actul de orgoliu orbitor şi mistuitor care 1-a transformat pe îngerul Luminii în înger sau Prinţ al Tenebrelor 1-a condamnat la un imperialism fără limite, deci, prin definiţie, deznădăjduit. Pierderea Unicului Necesar face să se nască o sete de nestins prin esenţa ei. Lumea întreagă nu este în stare să umple vidul pe care-1 cască în inima unei creaturi conştiinţa faptului că şi-a părăsit locul cuvenit în lume. Căzut dintru cele veşnice, Satana vrea infinitul. Căzut dintru fiinţă, dintru A Fi, el vrea să aibă, tinde spre A Avea. Insă problema nu va putea fi rezolvată niciodată. Căci pentru a avea şi a poseda, ar trebui ca el să fie, şi el nu mai este. Tot ceea ce anexează el, el însuşi distruge. (Neantul neantizează, spune Heidegger.) Şi, fireşte, el poate avea totul, căci el este numit Prinţ al lumii acesteia în Evanghelie-dar nu va avea niciodată decât lumea aceasta. El nu va recuceri niciodată Cerul, care este, la drept vorbind, sufletul lumii acesteia şi misterul transcendentului în imanenţă. El nu va avea din universul nostru decât carcasa materială. Şi probabil, din sfărâmăturile acestei Case care şi-a pierdut rostul, el va strânge lemnele cu care să-şi încălzească infernul. El ştie bine acestea. Şi, din cauza aceasta, dorinţa sa şi gelozia încrâncenată se abat asupra sufletelor noastre individuale. El ne dă târcoale asemenea unui leu care rage căutându-şi prada, spune Biblia. Rătăceşte în jurul nostru ca un gangster obsedat de răpirea copilului pe care să-1 ofere spre răscumpărare. Şi este adevărat că victoriile sale vor fi totdeauna sterpe. Căci nu devii tată răpind un copil. Poţi fura copilul, dar nu paternitatea. Poţi fura
Un comentariu autorizat asupra Parabolelor lui Iisus
222 tine history could be dismissed as "the triumph of barbarism and Christianity." Voltaire decl... more 222 tine history could be dismissed as "the triumph of barbarism and Christianity." Voltaire declared it to be "a worthless collection of orations and miracles," and Montesquieu, in his survey of the grandeur and decadence of Rome, saw in the Byzantine Empire only "a tragic epilogue to the glory of Rome," "a tissue of rebellions, insurrections and treachery." These representatives of the Enlightenment make two implications: first, that Byzantine society had no development of its own, but remained, fossilized and unchanging, in a world of growth and development which culminated in the Renaissance and finally in the Age of Reason; and second, that the history of Europe and the Near East was independent of and uninfluenced by that of the Byzantine Empire, which played no significant part in shaping the world in which they themselves lived. In the two centuries which have passed since Gibbon wrote Decline and Fall and particularly in the last hundred years, the study of By zantine civilization has made great progress. Not only in the field of political history, but also in those of art, music, literature, technology, religion, philosophy, and many others, the role of Byzantium, sometimes dominant, always important, is better understood than ever before. The two propositions which underlay the attitude of the Age of Enlightenment would today be rejected by any serious historian. The Byzantine Empire was for many centuries the most powerful, the richest, and the most civilized state in Europe and the Near East. Its influence radiated in all directions, sometimes determining the course of events, and always influencing it. Centuries after its disappearance, its traces can still be discerned, as in a palimpsest. Even today the alert XI Introduction Early nineteenth-century engraving of Hagia Sophia, Constantinople. Courtesy of Mansdl Collection, London. xv rest of Byzantine territory in Europe, and the empire itself was reduced to Constantinople, Thessalonica, part of the Peloponnese, and a few islands in the Aegean. Can we meaningfully speak of continuity in a state whose territories underwent such drastic changes? The answer must be that we can. The Byzantines themselves were never in any doubt-for them there were only restorations, never new beginnings. The continuity of political structure, of legitimacy, of religious and cultural unity was proof against the most violent territorial disruptions. Clearly the Byzantine state, and the civilization of which it was the bearer, were not territorial, as all post-Renaissance nation states have been. It needed some territory, naturally, but it could expand or contract to almost any extent without losing its political and cultural identity. One small territory, however, could not be lost for long without putting the continu-Introduction XVll system, territories in which the Byzantines shared sovereignty with another power, territories which paid tribute to the Byzantine Empire but did not acknowledge its sovereignty, and finally a gamut of degrees of dependence ranging from thinly disguised and irreversible subjection to freely contracted alliance between equals. In this respect, too, the Byzantine Empire resembled neither modern nation states, with their all-or-nothing sovereignty, nor most medieval European states, in which notions of sovereignty and of personal dependence were not always easy to disentangle. In fact it formed the center of a zone of influence-political, religious, artistic, and cultural-which spread far beyond its boundaries. It thus often played a key role in determining the course of events in distant regions. A recent thoughtprovoking study, D. Obolensky's The Byzantine Commonwealth, developed the concept of a "Byzantine Commonwealth," which included all those communities whose links with the Byzantine Empire, whether formally recognized or not, were strong and lasting. The concept is a viable one, even if historians cannot always agree on how to define it. It is clear, for instance, that medieval Bulgaria or Georgia could exist in the form it did only thanks to the predominating power and prestige of the empire and its civilization. Many Italian city states, like Venice, Naples, and Amalfi, were originally constituent parts of the empire, strongly subject to Byzantine influence, and only gradually developed an independent political existence and pattern oflife. Yet it would be very hard to say when, if ever, these communities ceased to belong to the "Byzantine Commonwealth." Kievan Russia in the eleventh to thirteenth centuries and the later Principality of Muscovy had never formed part of the Byzantine Empire in the political sense, yet their higher culture was almost wholly inspired by Byzantine models, their Church acknowledged its dependence on the Patriarch of Constantinople, and they always recognized themselves as standing in a special relationship to the empire. After Constantinople fell to the Ottoman Turks in 1453, the prince of Muscovy claimed to be the legitimate successor of the Byzantine Empire and declared that his principality was the Third Rome, in other words, the natural successor to the Byzantine and Roman empires. Christ Pantocrator in the main apse of the cathedral at Cefalu in Sicily, c. II55. Although Sicily was under Norman domination from 1072, the mosaics at Cefalu are purely Byzantine in character, and were probably executed by Greek craftsmen who had been brought to Sicily to work for Norman patrons. Courtesy of Color photo Hans Hinz, Basel. great fourth-century eastern Fathers Gregory of Nazianzus, Basil, Gregory of Nyssa, and John Chrysostom, of Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine in the west, the age when the western, Latin-speaking half of the old Roman Empire largely passed under the domination of new Germanic kingdoms, the age when centralized power and its inevitable bureaucracy replaced the old balance between imperial ad-THE BIRTH OF A NEW EMPIRE 500-641 Head of the colossal statue of Heradius in Barletta, southern Italy, early seventh century. Courtesy of Hirmer Fotoarchiv, Munich.
Din prima si justificat perioada a feminismului
To my loving wife, LeeAnn, and to Gretchen and Brandon, who both make us proud.
Prin viroage şi coclauri (epuizat). (Cultura N aţională). * Amintirile unui fo st holeric (epuisa... more Prin viroage şi coclauri (epuizat). (Cultura N aţională). * Amintirile unui fo st holeric (epuisat). (Flacăra. Ed. a 2-a). Premiat de Academia Română.
Dezmembrarea Maramureşului istoric: decizii politice, Take Ionescu justifică de asemenea trasarea... more Dezmembrarea Maramureşului istoric: decizii politice, Take Ionescu justifică de asemenea trasarea Tisei ca linie de frontieră prin faptul că la 1916 s-a tratat cu Rusia care se erijase în apărătoarea intereselor rutenilor din zonă 6. Deschiderea lucrărilor Conferinţei de Pace de la Paris a ridicat în faţa diplomaţilor români probleme legate de atitudinea Puterilor Aliate faţă de pacea de la Bucureşti şi a tratatului din 1916, interpretarea acestora urmând să decidă statutul României şi să orienteze discuţiile în ceea ce priveşte îndeplinirea promisiunilor teritoriale stipulate în acordul de alianţă din 1916. Luând act de decizia Marilor Puteri de dezavuare a tratatelor secrete, Ion I.C. Brătianu susţine în faţa Conferinţei îndeplinirea prevederilor tratatului din 1916 insistând ca Aliaţii să-şi îndeplinească promisiunile. La 31 ianuarie 1919, Consiliul Suprem a ascultat cererile României şi ale Regatului Sârbilor, Croaţilor şi Slovenilor referitoare la Banat 7 iar la 1 februarie 1919 Ion I.C. Brătianu a prezentat revendicările teritoriale complete ale statului român 8. Frontiera nordică a României a fost formulată în memoriul "Le territoire revendique par Ies Roumanins dans nord-ouest de la Transylvanie proprement-dite" prezentat Consiliului Suprem la 1 februarie 1919 şi preconiza să rămână în teritoriul românesc "părţile situate la sud de Tisa ale comitatelor Maramureş şi Ugocea, comitatele Sălaj, Sătmar, Bihor şi Arad şi partea de Sud-Est a comitatului Bichiş şi comitatul Cenad"
Textul este reprodus după prima ediţie a lucrării, apărută în 1940 Ia tipografia ziarului "UNIVER... more Textul este reprodus după prima ediţie a lucrării, apărută în 1940 Ia tipografia ziarului "UNIVERSUL" Bucureşti © Reeditarea s-a făcut cu acordul urmaşilor legali ai autorului: Prof. dr. Alexandru Filipaşcu şi artist plastic Livia Piso.
Books by Dumitrache Cristian
Within the thousand years from the coming of the Visigoths in the fifth century to the reign of F... more Within the thousand years from the coming of the Visigoths in the
fifth century to the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella in the fifteenth, the
character of Hispanic civilization was shaped and molded in significant
ways. In the struggle for existence in an often inhospitable environment
the Hispanic peoples developed those distinctive traits cited by
Ramôn Menéndez Pidal : austerity, stoicism, individualism, bravery to
the point of rashness, and the desire for fame—the imperishable fame
that comes through remembrance in history. While historians agree
that the medieval centuries were important in the making of Hispanic
civilization, they are divided in their estimates of the relative influence
of ethnic, religious, and cultural elements.
Spanish historians especially have explored their past in an attempt
to explain those apparent faults of character they see as causing Spain's
decadence in modern times or the retardation of her political and cultural
development when compared to that of other European countries.
The debate among them is colored by ideological considerations, such
as the traditional Castilian ambition to dominate the entire peninsula
and the contrary desires of Basque and Catalan nationalists to preserve
their identity and to recover their independence. The Portuguese,
having maintained their independence of Spain and of Castilian hegemony,
have taken less interest in a controversy that seems not to affect
them.
The Norman kingdom of Sicily has an assured place in the teaching of medieval European history in... more The Norman kingdom of Sicily has an assured place in the teaching of
medieval European history in this country. All teachers of it are,
nevertheless, unhappy about the limited amount of reading they can
recommend to students who cannot understand books in foreign
languages. This has very unfortunate consequences. Since few of the
original sources in Latin, let alone Greek or Arabic, have been translated,
the student cannot form an impression of them at first hand. Moreover,
the main preoccupations of the ample scholarly literature in Italian,
French and German, as well as some other languages, cannot be grasped
from what writing is available only in English. The problems of modern
British students are compounded in other ways too. They inevitably
approach the subject with established convictions about the Norman
monarchy in England. These shape their expectations of what to expect
and how to interpret what they find in southern Italy. The Norman
monarchy in England may now be made to acknowledge what it owes
to its Anglo-Saxon predecessor, but no one doubts that under the
Normans the monarchy was powerful, authoritative and exceptionally
centralised for its date. In addition, the development of political
authority in the modern English state is assumed to have been continuous
since at least the Norman Conquest. The southern Italian
monarchy is quite another matter. No Italian looks back on it as playing
an important part in the development of the modern Italian state.
Carl Schmitt once defined himself as a theologian of jurisprudence. This chapter argues that his ... more Carl Schmitt once defined himself as a theologian of jurisprudence. This chapter argues that his concept of political theology must be understood within the context of jurisprudence and not as a thesis concerning the use of religion within politics. In its earlier configuration, Schmitt's political theology is a multifaceted response to two juridical critiques of sovereignty: those of Hans Kelsen; and those of Otto von Gierke and the English pluralist school. In this early phase, Schmitt's political theology is centered on the juridical conception of representation and on the state as fictional personality, primarily as it is found in Thomas Hobbes. Through his extensive engagement with Hobbes's interpretation of the Trinity or persons of God, Schmitt shows howjurisprudence aids in the understanding of theology rather than the other way around. Schmitt's later work is a defense against Erik Peterson's critique of political theology, itself based on a juridical interpretation of Christology.
Sfântrăposatului înaintaş şi strămoş al nostru, binecredinciosului şi de Hristos iubitorului, Io ... more Sfântrăposatului înaintaş şi strămoş al nostru, binecredinciosului şi de Hristos iubitorului, Io Ştefan voievod, domn a toată Ţara Moldovlahiei, smerită închinare.
Astfel, dacă vorbim despre Diavol, asta nu va însemna că am alege un mijloc facil de a ilustra ni... more Astfel, dacă vorbim despre Diavol, asta nu va însemna că am alege un mijloc facil de a ilustra nişte idei. Realul nu este făcut din idei şi din materie. Personal, îl concep ca guvernat de structuri de forţe sau de ansambluri dinamice anterioare oricărei forme materiale, oricărei idei pe care am putea-o elucida. Dinamismul particular pe care aş vrea să-1 descriu în cartea aceasta poartă numele tradiţional de Diavol. Diavolul acesta despre care e vorba aici nu a ieşit din-tr-o serie de texte mai mult sau mai puţin autentice sau vechi. Căci el este un agent permanent al realităţii umane, aşa cum o trăim când trăim cu adevărat, în starea noastră de creaturi libere, adică în permanenţă plasate în faţa unor alegeri, în contradicţie şi în perplexitate, în paradox, în tragedie. Toate acestea presupun şi existenţa unui bine şi a unui anumit alt lucru decât binele. Dacă n-ar fi aşa, unde ar mai fi alegerea, tragedia, libertatea? Când acest nonbi-ne, când acest rău capătă un sens, îl denumim Diavol, şi eu accept acest nume. În paginile care urmează, aş vrea să expun concepţia biblică despre Diavol, nu în aspectele sale teologice pro-priu-zise, ci în măsura în care ea ne ajută să înţelegem mai bine adevărata natură a omului şi a vieţilor noastre în secolul pe care-1 trăim. Cred că figurile mitului ne ghidează într-un mod mai sigur decât evidenţa modernă şi decât analizele raţiunii. Căci ele transmit o experienţă milenară, în faţa căreia deducţiile noastre individuale sau logice pe plan local apar ca hazardate şi provizorii, fragmentare şi superficiale. V. ÎNGERUL CĂZUT. Am văzut pe Satana ca pe un fulger căzând din cer. (Luca 10,18) Biblia ne învaţă că Lucifer este un înger căzut din cer. Îngerii sunt creaturi spirituale trăind şi lucrând la fruntariile Celui Veşnic şi ale Creaţiei, ale eternităţii şi timpului. Sunt intenţii dumnezeieşti, mesageri, cum o spune denumirea lor greacă, anghelos; slujitori cu zbor fulgurant, a căror iuţeală este însăşi cea a gândului, şi aceasta este cauza pentru care ei sunt pentru noi nevăzuţi; inteligenţe fără înşelăciune, participând la omniscienţa Creatorului, şi aceasta este cauza pentru care noi îi înţelegem rău, "Orice înger este înfricoşător!", spune Rilke. Însă orice înger este bun, îl slujeşte pe Dumnezeu. În fruntea ierarhiei lor sunt arhanghelii. Un singur arhanghel şi-a trădat misiunea, mesajul şi însăşi fiinţa sa, şi acesta este Lucifer, Purtătorul Luminii1. Satana s-a răzvrătit, a refuzat să slujească, a refuzat să-şi transmită mesajul divin, a vrut să devină original, autor al propriului destin, purtător al propriilor lui lumini. Şi îndată, prin înseşi legile fiinţei, el a "căzut" din ceruri, care alcătuiesc împărăţia unde intenţia lui Dumnezeu domneşte în mod absolut. (Dacă se taie comunicarea, curentul "cade".) El a devenit propriul lui mesager şi, cum el nu este altceva decât spirit pur, odată lipsit de sursa Duhului, el a devenit mesagerul Neantului şi al tainelor acestuia. Note: 1 Lucifer care apare pentru prima dată în Isaia [14,12 şi urm.], îl desemna probabil în pasajul acela pe regele Babilonului, căruia îi anunţa căderea. Mai târziu, Steaua Dimineţii II va desemna mai degrabă pe Cristos, printr-o ciudată răsturnare a simbolului. Dar, chiar decăzut, el şi-a păstrat ştiinţa de spirit pur. Asemenea unui artist care şi-a pierdut geniul şi nu mai crede în pictură, dar care şi-a păstrat "meseria" şi pofta de a fi în avangardă, Satana mai cunoaşte încă Spiritul şi duhurile, dar nu mai cunoaşte ţelul şi slava căreia ele îi sunt menite. Pentru că a refuzat să-I slujească lui Dumnezeu, el a devenit cel care slujeşte Nimicului, nu mai slujeşte la Nimic. Şi tot ceea ce nu mai slujeşte la Nimic, în înţeles spiritual, poartă semnul Diavolesc. Însă Nobody, Nimeni, el însuşi rămâne Cineva. El ştie mai multe decât noi în ce priveşte tainele lumii şi resortul ascuns al sufletelor pe care le înşală… VI. PRINŢUL ACESTEI LUMI. Actul de orgoliu orbitor şi mistuitor care 1-a transformat pe îngerul Luminii în înger sau Prinţ al Tenebrelor 1-a condamnat la un imperialism fără limite, deci, prin definiţie, deznădăjduit. Pierderea Unicului Necesar face să se nască o sete de nestins prin esenţa ei. Lumea întreagă nu este în stare să umple vidul pe care-1 cască în inima unei creaturi conştiinţa faptului că şi-a părăsit locul cuvenit în lume. Căzut dintru cele veşnice, Satana vrea infinitul. Căzut dintru fiinţă, dintru A Fi, el vrea să aibă, tinde spre A Avea. Insă problema nu va putea fi rezolvată niciodată. Căci pentru a avea şi a poseda, ar trebui ca el să fie, şi el nu mai este. Tot ceea ce anexează el, el însuşi distruge. (Neantul neantizează, spune Heidegger.) Şi, fireşte, el poate avea totul, căci el este numit Prinţ al lumii acesteia în Evanghelie-dar nu va avea niciodată decât lumea aceasta. El nu va recuceri niciodată Cerul, care este, la drept vorbind, sufletul lumii acesteia şi misterul transcendentului în imanenţă. El nu va avea din universul nostru decât carcasa materială. Şi probabil, din sfărâmăturile acestei Case care şi-a pierdut rostul, el va strânge lemnele cu care să-şi încălzească infernul. El ştie bine acestea. Şi, din cauza aceasta, dorinţa sa şi gelozia încrâncenată se abat asupra sufletelor noastre individuale. El ne dă târcoale asemenea unui leu care rage căutându-şi prada, spune Biblia. Rătăceşte în jurul nostru ca un gangster obsedat de răpirea copilului pe care să-1 ofere spre răscumpărare. Şi este adevărat că victoriile sale vor fi totdeauna sterpe. Căci nu devii tată răpind un copil. Poţi fura copilul, dar nu paternitatea. Poţi fura
Un comentariu autorizat asupra Parabolelor lui Iisus
222 tine history could be dismissed as "the triumph of barbarism and Christianity." Voltaire decl... more 222 tine history could be dismissed as "the triumph of barbarism and Christianity." Voltaire declared it to be "a worthless collection of orations and miracles," and Montesquieu, in his survey of the grandeur and decadence of Rome, saw in the Byzantine Empire only "a tragic epilogue to the glory of Rome," "a tissue of rebellions, insurrections and treachery." These representatives of the Enlightenment make two implications: first, that Byzantine society had no development of its own, but remained, fossilized and unchanging, in a world of growth and development which culminated in the Renaissance and finally in the Age of Reason; and second, that the history of Europe and the Near East was independent of and uninfluenced by that of the Byzantine Empire, which played no significant part in shaping the world in which they themselves lived. In the two centuries which have passed since Gibbon wrote Decline and Fall and particularly in the last hundred years, the study of By zantine civilization has made great progress. Not only in the field of political history, but also in those of art, music, literature, technology, religion, philosophy, and many others, the role of Byzantium, sometimes dominant, always important, is better understood than ever before. The two propositions which underlay the attitude of the Age of Enlightenment would today be rejected by any serious historian. The Byzantine Empire was for many centuries the most powerful, the richest, and the most civilized state in Europe and the Near East. Its influence radiated in all directions, sometimes determining the course of events, and always influencing it. Centuries after its disappearance, its traces can still be discerned, as in a palimpsest. Even today the alert XI Introduction Early nineteenth-century engraving of Hagia Sophia, Constantinople. Courtesy of Mansdl Collection, London. xv rest of Byzantine territory in Europe, and the empire itself was reduced to Constantinople, Thessalonica, part of the Peloponnese, and a few islands in the Aegean. Can we meaningfully speak of continuity in a state whose territories underwent such drastic changes? The answer must be that we can. The Byzantines themselves were never in any doubt-for them there were only restorations, never new beginnings. The continuity of political structure, of legitimacy, of religious and cultural unity was proof against the most violent territorial disruptions. Clearly the Byzantine state, and the civilization of which it was the bearer, were not territorial, as all post-Renaissance nation states have been. It needed some territory, naturally, but it could expand or contract to almost any extent without losing its political and cultural identity. One small territory, however, could not be lost for long without putting the continu-Introduction XVll system, territories in which the Byzantines shared sovereignty with another power, territories which paid tribute to the Byzantine Empire but did not acknowledge its sovereignty, and finally a gamut of degrees of dependence ranging from thinly disguised and irreversible subjection to freely contracted alliance between equals. In this respect, too, the Byzantine Empire resembled neither modern nation states, with their all-or-nothing sovereignty, nor most medieval European states, in which notions of sovereignty and of personal dependence were not always easy to disentangle. In fact it formed the center of a zone of influence-political, religious, artistic, and cultural-which spread far beyond its boundaries. It thus often played a key role in determining the course of events in distant regions. A recent thoughtprovoking study, D. Obolensky's The Byzantine Commonwealth, developed the concept of a "Byzantine Commonwealth," which included all those communities whose links with the Byzantine Empire, whether formally recognized or not, were strong and lasting. The concept is a viable one, even if historians cannot always agree on how to define it. It is clear, for instance, that medieval Bulgaria or Georgia could exist in the form it did only thanks to the predominating power and prestige of the empire and its civilization. Many Italian city states, like Venice, Naples, and Amalfi, were originally constituent parts of the empire, strongly subject to Byzantine influence, and only gradually developed an independent political existence and pattern oflife. Yet it would be very hard to say when, if ever, these communities ceased to belong to the "Byzantine Commonwealth." Kievan Russia in the eleventh to thirteenth centuries and the later Principality of Muscovy had never formed part of the Byzantine Empire in the political sense, yet their higher culture was almost wholly inspired by Byzantine models, their Church acknowledged its dependence on the Patriarch of Constantinople, and they always recognized themselves as standing in a special relationship to the empire. After Constantinople fell to the Ottoman Turks in 1453, the prince of Muscovy claimed to be the legitimate successor of the Byzantine Empire and declared that his principality was the Third Rome, in other words, the natural successor to the Byzantine and Roman empires. Christ Pantocrator in the main apse of the cathedral at Cefalu in Sicily, c. II55. Although Sicily was under Norman domination from 1072, the mosaics at Cefalu are purely Byzantine in character, and were probably executed by Greek craftsmen who had been brought to Sicily to work for Norman patrons. Courtesy of Color photo Hans Hinz, Basel. great fourth-century eastern Fathers Gregory of Nazianzus, Basil, Gregory of Nyssa, and John Chrysostom, of Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine in the west, the age when the western, Latin-speaking half of the old Roman Empire largely passed under the domination of new Germanic kingdoms, the age when centralized power and its inevitable bureaucracy replaced the old balance between imperial ad-THE BIRTH OF A NEW EMPIRE 500-641 Head of the colossal statue of Heradius in Barletta, southern Italy, early seventh century. Courtesy of Hirmer Fotoarchiv, Munich.
Din prima si justificat perioada a feminismului
To my loving wife, LeeAnn, and to Gretchen and Brandon, who both make us proud.
Prin viroage şi coclauri (epuizat). (Cultura N aţională). * Amintirile unui fo st holeric (epuisa... more Prin viroage şi coclauri (epuizat). (Cultura N aţională). * Amintirile unui fo st holeric (epuisat). (Flacăra. Ed. a 2-a). Premiat de Academia Română.
Dezmembrarea Maramureşului istoric: decizii politice, Take Ionescu justifică de asemenea trasarea... more Dezmembrarea Maramureşului istoric: decizii politice, Take Ionescu justifică de asemenea trasarea Tisei ca linie de frontieră prin faptul că la 1916 s-a tratat cu Rusia care se erijase în apărătoarea intereselor rutenilor din zonă 6. Deschiderea lucrărilor Conferinţei de Pace de la Paris a ridicat în faţa diplomaţilor români probleme legate de atitudinea Puterilor Aliate faţă de pacea de la Bucureşti şi a tratatului din 1916, interpretarea acestora urmând să decidă statutul României şi să orienteze discuţiile în ceea ce priveşte îndeplinirea promisiunilor teritoriale stipulate în acordul de alianţă din 1916. Luând act de decizia Marilor Puteri de dezavuare a tratatelor secrete, Ion I.C. Brătianu susţine în faţa Conferinţei îndeplinirea prevederilor tratatului din 1916 insistând ca Aliaţii să-şi îndeplinească promisiunile. La 31 ianuarie 1919, Consiliul Suprem a ascultat cererile României şi ale Regatului Sârbilor, Croaţilor şi Slovenilor referitoare la Banat 7 iar la 1 februarie 1919 Ion I.C. Brătianu a prezentat revendicările teritoriale complete ale statului român 8. Frontiera nordică a României a fost formulată în memoriul "Le territoire revendique par Ies Roumanins dans nord-ouest de la Transylvanie proprement-dite" prezentat Consiliului Suprem la 1 februarie 1919 şi preconiza să rămână în teritoriul românesc "părţile situate la sud de Tisa ale comitatelor Maramureş şi Ugocea, comitatele Sălaj, Sătmar, Bihor şi Arad şi partea de Sud-Est a comitatului Bichiş şi comitatul Cenad"
Textul este reprodus după prima ediţie a lucrării, apărută în 1940 Ia tipografia ziarului "UNIVER... more Textul este reprodus după prima ediţie a lucrării, apărută în 1940 Ia tipografia ziarului "UNIVERSUL" Bucureşti © Reeditarea s-a făcut cu acordul urmaşilor legali ai autorului: Prof. dr. Alexandru Filipaşcu şi artist plastic Livia Piso.
Within the thousand years from the coming of the Visigoths in the fifth century to the reign of F... more Within the thousand years from the coming of the Visigoths in the
fifth century to the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella in the fifteenth, the
character of Hispanic civilization was shaped and molded in significant
ways. In the struggle for existence in an often inhospitable environment
the Hispanic peoples developed those distinctive traits cited by
Ramôn Menéndez Pidal : austerity, stoicism, individualism, bravery to
the point of rashness, and the desire for fame—the imperishable fame
that comes through remembrance in history. While historians agree
that the medieval centuries were important in the making of Hispanic
civilization, they are divided in their estimates of the relative influence
of ethnic, religious, and cultural elements.
Spanish historians especially have explored their past in an attempt
to explain those apparent faults of character they see as causing Spain's
decadence in modern times or the retardation of her political and cultural
development when compared to that of other European countries.
The debate among them is colored by ideological considerations, such
as the traditional Castilian ambition to dominate the entire peninsula
and the contrary desires of Basque and Catalan nationalists to preserve
their identity and to recover their independence. The Portuguese,
having maintained their independence of Spain and of Castilian hegemony,
have taken less interest in a controversy that seems not to affect
them.
The Norman kingdom of Sicily has an assured place in the teaching of medieval European history in... more The Norman kingdom of Sicily has an assured place in the teaching of
medieval European history in this country. All teachers of it are,
nevertheless, unhappy about the limited amount of reading they can
recommend to students who cannot understand books in foreign
languages. This has very unfortunate consequences. Since few of the
original sources in Latin, let alone Greek or Arabic, have been translated,
the student cannot form an impression of them at first hand. Moreover,
the main preoccupations of the ample scholarly literature in Italian,
French and German, as well as some other languages, cannot be grasped
from what writing is available only in English. The problems of modern
British students are compounded in other ways too. They inevitably
approach the subject with established convictions about the Norman
monarchy in England. These shape their expectations of what to expect
and how to interpret what they find in southern Italy. The Norman
monarchy in England may now be made to acknowledge what it owes
to its Anglo-Saxon predecessor, but no one doubts that under the
Normans the monarchy was powerful, authoritative and exceptionally
centralised for its date. In addition, the development of political
authority in the modern English state is assumed to have been continuous
since at least the Norman Conquest. The southern Italian
monarchy is quite another matter. No Italian looks back on it as playing
an important part in the development of the modern Italian state.
In 1209 Simon of Montfort led a war against the Cathars of Languedoc after Pope Innocent III prea... more In 1209 Simon of Montfort led a war against the Cathars of Languedoc after Pope Innocent III preached a crusade condemning them as heretics. The suppression of heresy became a pretext for a vicious war that remains largely unstudied as a military conflict. Laurence Marvin here examines the Albigensian Crusade as military and political history rather than religious history, and traces these dimensions of the conflict through to Montfort’s death in 1218. He shows how Montfort experienced military success in spite of a hostile populace, impossible military targets, armies that dissolved every forty days, and a pope who often failed to support the crusade morally or financially. He also discusses the supposed brutality of the war, why the inhabitants were for so long unsuccessful at defending themselves against it, and its impact on Occitania. This original account will appeal to scholars of medieval France, the Crusades, and medieval military history.
Frederick II is one of a small band of medieval rulers who possesses modern admirers. His wide cu... more Frederick II is one of a small band of medieval rulers who possesses
modern admirers. His wide cultural tastes, his apparent tolerance
of Jews and Muslims, his defiance of the popes have earned him
an exceptional reputation. He is portrayed as a genius, thinking
the thoughts of later generations, seeking to create a new, secular,
world order. Even if none of this were true, the fact that he has
been seen in this light would entitle him to the close attention of
historians and readers of history books. As a matter of fact, this
book contends that rather little of his reputation is soundly based.
His involvement in a series of struggles with the popes attracted
to him legends about his behaviour, or magnified aspects of his
behaviour out of proportion to reality. He was an ideal target for
gossips. Few other medieval rulers corresponded with the sages
of Judaism and Islam; no other Holy Roman Emperor wore his
crown in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem; no
contemporary could match in efficiency and tightness of control
the bureaucratic machine of Frederick's Sicilian realm. And it is
basically true that after his death the Holy Roman Empire experienced
a long recession from which it hardly emerged until
Charles V imposed his rule on Germany as well as Spain in
the early sixteenth century. A common problem for both
emperors was that of managing a double inheritance, German
and Mediterranean; and in many respects Frederick II
accomplished the task with less difficulty than his stolid
Habsburg successor.
Introduction Ovidiu Cristea and Liviu Pilat The history of the Black Sea may be considered as alt... more Introduction
Ovidiu Cristea and Liviu Pilat
The history of the Black Sea may be considered as alternating between an
“inner lake,” when a single empire establishes control over the sea and its
surrounding areas, and that of an “open sea,” in which various continental or
maritime powers compete for the region’s resources. From Antiquity to the
present day, this “advanced gulf” of the Mediterranean into continental Europe
has been a crossroads of important trade routes. It has also been a stage for
power struggles between empires, civilisations and religions, which means
a close connection between war, religion and trade. That is primarily why
most historians of the Black Sea, from Nikolai Murzakievici,1 Mikhail Volkov,2
Wilhelm Heyd,3 Nicolae Iorga,4 to Gheorghe I. Brătianu,5 Șerban Papacostea,6
Halil Inalcik,7 Sergei Karpov,8 Geo Pistarino,9 Michel Balard,10 Charles King11
or Evgeny Khvalkov12 have typically focused on political, strategic and commercial
aspects of Pontic history.
"Filocalia" (gr. „iubire de frumos”) este titlul dat de Sfantul Vasile cel Mare si Sfantul Grigor... more "Filocalia" (gr. „iubire de frumos”) este titlul dat de Sfantul Vasile cel Mare si Sfantul Grigorie Teologul unei antologii a scrierilor lui Origen.
Mult mai tarziu, in secolul al XVIII-lea, o colectie de texte care se refera la viata contemplativa si ascetica, scrise inainte de secolul al IX-lea de catre mari Parinti ai spiritualitatii ortodoxe rasaritene, este adunata si publicata de sfantul Nicodim Aghioritul (1749-1809) si Macarie din Corint (1731-1805), la Venetia, in 1872.
Mai apoi, diferite editii in alte limbi au aparut - slavona si romana, in primul rand, adesea largind colectia initiala a sfantului Nicodim.
Editia slavona a fost facuta de sfantul Paisie Velicicovski.
A circulat mai intai in manuscrise, apoi a fost tiparita la St-Petersburg, in 1793.O prima editie a Filocaliei romanesti a fost tradusa de ucenicii staretului Paisie (Velicicovschi) de la Neamt si a circulat in manuscris. In secolul XX, o colectie „Filocalia” in 12 volume a fost publicata, in traducerea si cu notele Parintelui Dumitru Staniloae, incepand cu anul 1946 (primul volum).
This book focuses on the network of the Genoese colonies in the Black Sea area and their diverse ... more This book focuses on the network of the Genoese colonies in the Black Sea area and their diverse multi-ethnic societies. It raises the problems of continuity of the colonial patterns, reveals the importance of the formation of the late medieval/early modern colonialism, the urban demography, and the functioning of the polyethnic entangled society of Caffa in its interaction with the outer world. It offers a novel interpretation of the functioning of this late medieval colonial polyethnic society and rejects the widely accepted narrative portraying the whole history of Caffa of the fifteenth century as a period of constant decline and depopulation.
Thomas Hobbes, the English 17 th century philosopher, and Carl Schmitt, Hitler's 'crown jurist', ... more Thomas Hobbes, the English 17 th century philosopher, and Carl Schmitt, Hitler's 'crown jurist', a political thinker and author of an enigmatic book on Hobbes, are increasingly relevant today for two reasons. First, they address the problem of political order, so important when we witness failed states, the privatisation of war, and the rise of political violence that does not derive from the state. Secondly, they are both crucial sources for the use of mythology in politics; moreover, they address the key issue of our time, namely, the relation between politics and religion. This collection of important new essays addresses Hobbes and Schmitt as political thinkers, their importance for present-day politics and society, their conceptions of myth and politics, and Schmitt's use of Hobbes in (and some say against) the Third Reich. When myth, violence and revelation re-emerge as political forces, it is important to understand Hobbes's and Schmitt's answers to the problems of their timeand to those of ours. This book was based on a special issue of the Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy. Johan Tralau teaches Politics at Uppsala universitet, Sweden.
Victor Spinei ,Iasi, 2008 : The author of the present volume aims to investigate the relationship... more Victor Spinei ,Iasi, 2008 : The author of the present volume aims to investigate the relationships
between Romanians and nomadic Turkic groups in the southern half of
Moldavia, north of the Danube Delta, between the tenth century and
the great Mongol invasion of 1241–1242. Due to the basic features of
its landscape, the above-mentioned area, which includes a vast plain,
became the main political stage of the Romanian ethnic space, a stage
on which local communities had to cope with the pressures of successive
intrusions of nomadic Turks, attracted by the rich pastures north of the
Lower Danube. Other areas inhabited by Romanians (with the exception
of the Bărăgan plain and Dobrudja) were signifi cantly less affected by
Turkic invasions and occupations than southern Moldavia.
The geographic area at issue includes the southern half of Moldavia,
within its medieval boundaries: the Carpathians in the west, the Milcov,
the Putna, the Siret, the Danube and the Black Sea in the south, and
the Dniester in the east.
's historical survey of the Eastern Roman Empire argues not just that Byzantium's extraordinary m... more 's historical survey of the Eastern Roman Empire argues not just that Byzantium's extraordinary millennium-long survival saved Western civilization as it collapsed in Europe, but also that Constantinople's uncompromising adherence to ancient values and traditions still offers a model for a contemporary America, overcome by relativism and nihilism, to rediscover its exceptional and historical custodianship of Western values. A passionate and spirited defense of Hellenism, an enlightened Orthodoxy, and the Byzantine Empire-and why especially now we should rediscover their often forgotten wisdom."-Victor Davis Hanson, senior fellow at The Hoover Institution at Stanford University and author of The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America "Leave it to Robert Spencer to take a Byzantine topic like, well, the Byzantines, and write a concise, popular defense of them that makes even a Byzantine-skeptic like me sit up and take notice."-H. W. Crocker III, author of Triumph: The Power and the Glory of the Catholic Church, a 2,000-Year History
Exploring Climate Change through Science and in Society 'I doubt that anyone on Earth can match M... more Exploring Climate Change through Science and in Society 'I doubt that anyone on Earth can match Mike Hulme's deep understanding of both the scientific and social aspects of climate change. Yet of course what really matters, and what is so clearly on display in this volume, is the way he combines, with a sensibility that is at once rigorous and enormously generous, these two knowledge domains to provide insight and, indeed, wisdom into the true and many meanings of climate change.' Dan Sarewitz, Arizona State University, USA 'Climate change was first an issue of climate science. But climate change is now mostly a political process, which needs recognition of its diverse cultural dimensions. Mike Hulme allows us to follow this development by presenting himself as an involved person, who has learned that climate change is not a matter of preaching the truth but of us deciding how we want to live.
Vol.IV Kenneth M. Setton (editor) The art and architecture of the Crusades States
's historical survey of the Eastern Roman Empire argues not just that Byzantium's extraordinary m... more 's historical survey of the Eastern Roman Empire argues not just that Byzantium's extraordinary millennium-long survival saved Western civilization as it collapsed in Europe, but also that Constantinople's uncompromising adherence to ancient values and traditions still offers a model for a contemporary America, overcome by relativism and nihilism, to rediscover its exceptional and historical custodianship of Western values. A passionate and spirited defense of Hellenism, an enlightened Orthodoxy, and the Byzantine Empire-and why especially now we should rediscover their often forgotten wisdom."-Victor Davis Hanson, senior fellow at The Hoover Institution at Stanford University and author of The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America "Leave it to Robert Spencer to take a Byzantine topic like, well, the Byzantines, and write a concise, popular defense of them that makes even a Byzantine-skeptic like me sit up and take notice."-H. W. Crocker III, author of Triumph: The Power and the Glory of the Catholic Church, a 2,000-Year History
The Cumans and the Tatars were nomadic warriors of the Eurasian steppe who exerted an enduring im... more The Cumans and the Tatars were nomadic warriors of the Eurasian steppe who exerted an enduring impact on the medieval Balkans. With this work, István Vásáry presents the first extensive examination of their history from 1186 to the 1360s. The basic instrument of Cuman and Tatar political success was their military force, over which none of the Balkan warring factions could claim victory. As a consequence, groups of the Cumans and the Tatars settled and mingled with the local population in various regions of the Balkans. The Cumans were the founders of three successive Bulgarian dynasties (Asenids, Terterids and Shishmanids), and the Wallachian dynasty (Basarabids). They also played an active role in Byzantium, Hungary and Serbia, with Cuman immigrants being integrated into each country's elite. This book also demonstrates how the prevailing political anarchy in the Balkans in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries made it ripe for the Ottoman conquest.