Frank Y. Gladney - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Papers by Frank Y. Gladney
Professor Bethin' s ambitious and challenging book has a chapter titled 'The syllable in Slavic: ... more Professor Bethin' s ambitious and challenging book has a chapter titled 'The syllable in Slavic: form and function' (12-111), one titled 'Beyond the syllable: prominence relations' (112-87), and a miscellany titled 'Theoretical considerations' (188-265). They are preceded by a preface and introduction (xii-11) and followed by end notes (266-301) and an imposing list of references (302-46). The Slavic of her title includes Proto-Slavic (up to the middle of our first millennium), Common Slavic (6th-8th centuries), and Late Common Slavic (9th-12th centuries). Chapter 1 is concerned with the development of diphthongal syllable rhymes. Displaying an encyclopedic knowledge of the Slavistic literature, Bethin reviews the history of how oral, nasal, and liquid diphthongs were monophthongized, recasting it in the framework of autosegmental phonology. These syllable rhymes, she argues, were shaped by the interplay of various constraints on syllable structure. 'Proto-Slavic had a front/back, a high/nonhigh, and a long/short opposition in vowels', quite traditionally begins the section titled 'Monophthongization' (39). These features defined a square system with four vowels: [+high,-back] i, [+high, +back] u, [-high,-back] e, and [-high, +back] o. Bethin and many other Slavists use the more familiar symbols e, o, and a for the nonhigh vowels, but I find e and a useful as a reminder that Proto-Slavic fused PIE *o and *a into a single nonhigh back vowel and so converted the inherited triangular system with three degrees of opening to a square system with two. The vowels being also long, they included [+high,-back] ii, [+high,-i-back] uu, [-high,-back] ee, and [-high, +back] do. Bethin uses a feature representation for long vowels (7, u, etc.), but for discussing monophthongization I find a geminate representation more convenient. 1 Still in traditional terms, Bethin continues: 'There were oral diphthongs (ei, eu, oi, ou), nasal diphthongs (in, im, en, em, un, um, on, om), and eight liquid diphthongs (//, ir, ul, ur, el, er, ol, ar)\ (I have substituted my vowel symbols for hers.) But as we read on we become aware of the author's ambivalence on the subject of diphthongs. A diphthong is commonly understood to be two sonorants in the same syllable nucleus; for example, monosyllabic E proud consists of an brought to you by CORE View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk
Journal of Slavic Linguistics, 2019
Journal of Slavic Linguistics, 2017
The Russian verb pobedit’ ‘conquer’ shows what Sims calls canonical defectiveness, “the complete ... more The Russian verb pobedit’ ‘conquer’ shows what Sims calls canonical defectiveness, “the complete lack of any word-form filling a given paradigm cell [...] in the context of a maximal expectation that there should be some form corresponding to that cell” (250). That cell is the first-person singular nonpast, in which *pobežu is bad and so are *pobedju and *pobeždu. In this wide-ranging study she cites data from two dozen languages and employs a variety of tools like statistical analysis and information theory in order to provide a context for understanding the defectiveness of pobedit’. Introductory chapter 1 poses the question: Are paradigm gaps random anomalies, epiphenomena, or normal morphological objects? They are anomalies when they are generated by the regular rules of inflection but then must be specified [–lexical insertion] to prevent their occurring in a sentence. They are epiphenomenal when they reflect morphological rule competition, such as the competition between the Russian reflex of /dj/ (in *pobežu) and the Church Slavic reflex (in *pobeždu). The epiphenomena explanation could have been pursued further. The same competition between Russian ž and Church Slavic žd is seen in the nonoccurring imperfective *pobeživat’ and the standard imperfective pobeždat’, which shows that the Church Slavic reflex, although acceptable in derivation, is not acceptable in inflection (or no longer acceptable: Pushkin had straždut as the 3pl. of stradat’ ‘suffer’, but it has been replaced by stradajut). Sims rejects these two options and throughout the book repeatedly argues that such gaps are “normal morphological objects” (209) and that inflectional defectiveness is “a systemic variant of normal inflectional structure” (11). In chapter 2 Sims defines inflectional defectiveness and evaluates candidates for it. In the Yimas sentence taŋatpul ‘You didn’t hit me’, the absence of ma ‘you’ is not a gap because the sentence is well formed and interpreted as having a second-person singular subject. (“This is thus an example of zero expression of the nominative, which is not to be confused with lack of expression” [32]) “Inasmuch as [taŋatpul] is a well-formed sentence and the ineffability requirement of the definition is thus not met, this does” [surely the author
Journal of Slavic Linguistics, 2015
Some deverbal nouns and adjectives govern their complements as nouns and adjectives. In vladelec ... more Some deverbal nouns and adjectives govern their complements as nouns and adjectives. In vladelec jazykov ‘polyglot’ genitive case is assigned by the Adnominal Genitive Rule, and in zabyvčiva na imena ‘forgetful of names’ na is required similarly as in the gloss. With other deverbal nouns and adjectives, e.g., vladenie jazykami ‘a command of languages’ and zabyvajuščaja imena ‘who forgets names’, the form of the complement is governed by the embedded verb; compare vladeet jazykami and zabyvaet imena. To capture this affinity, the noun phrase is represented as a noun headed by the noun suffix /-ij/ and containing a verb phrase corresponding to vladeet jazykami, and the adjective phrase is represented as an adjective headed by the adjective suffix /-ušč/ and containing a verb phrase corresponding to zabyvaet imena. These underlying representations give syntax the task of uniting /vlad/ with /-ij/ and /zaby/ with /-ušč/, matters traditionally relegated to a morphology component of the grammar. To relegate them to syntax is to enter uncharted territory.
The Orthographic Dictionary of the Polish Language (hereinafter SO) came out in mid-1975 in an ed... more The Orthographic Dictionary of the Polish Language (hereinafter SO) came out in mid-1975 in an edition of 100,000 copies and was reissued in early 1978 in a supplementary printing of 50,000.* As these figures may suggest, this is an impor tant publication. It is indeed an indispensable reference work for anyone concerned with standard literary Polish. The 700 pages of triple columns contain over 100,000 entries, including a large number of geographical and personal names and many borrowings not registered in other recent dictionaries. It is based on Pisownia Polska: Przepisy ? Slowniczek (12th ed., 1957) but supersedes it by far; theearlier Polish Academy publication contained only one-tenth the number of entries and was introduced with an essay only one-third as long as in the present volume. Among the wealth of information contained in the SO, of first importance, at least for the foreign user, is the essential morphological information about inflected words. An entry such as zofnierz -a; -e -y gives, in compact form, the gen. sg., nom. pi., and gen. pi. forms of this noun. Alternate forms are introduced by a. (for albo); thus the nom. pi. of postac is -acie a. -aci. Less common or less preferred alternate forms are placed in parentheses: aleja -ei; tych -ei (a. -ej). In its inflectional morphology the SO is normative. Thus for bal (log) it gives only the gen. pi. bali, while other dictionaries give also baldw. It limits the nom. pi. -owie ending for
Canadian Slavonic Papers, 1971
Dictionaries: Journal of the Dictionary Society of North America, 1982
is never entirely devoid of meaning, never a purely grammatical marker. Accepting this view, Sz. ... more is never entirely devoid of meaning, never a purely grammatical marker. Accepting this view, Sz. runs pozwalac and its forms on immediately following the entry word pozwolic and its forms. Next come definitions and illustrations for both aspects. There is also a reference to pozwolic at pozwalac. Trade and stracic, however, have entries in their alphabetical places with no references from one to the other. Different verbs in Polish employ different prefixes in the perfectivizing function. For trade it is s-, for prosic 'request' it is po-, for pisac 'write' it is na-, and so on. These are facts about these unprefixed verbs known to every Polish
Slavic Review, 2008
ABSTRACT
The Slavic and East European Journal, 1994
... Frank Y. Gladney, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign ... doing so by the cluster that... more ... Frank Y. Gladney, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign ... doing so by the cluster that would result (*blja).3 Regarding stress placement, it is instructive to compare /austryj-ak-0/ 'Austrian', which is marked native by its suffix and has penultimate stress, [au.stri.jak], with /austryi ...
The Slavic and East European Journal, 1990
The Slavic and East European Journal, 1989
The Slavic and East European Journal, 1986
The Slavic and East European Journal, 1986
The Morphology of Aspect in Seventeenth-Century Russian (Based on Texts of the Smutnoe Vremja). P... more The Morphology of Aspect in Seventeenth-Century Russian (Based on Texts of the Smutnoe Vremja). Peter J. Mayo. xi + 234 p., 1985 (ISBN: 0-89357-145-8), $27.95. Since the seventeenth century was a critical period for the ...
The Slavic and East European Journal, 1982
... There is a significant class of verbs in -bresti, -jti, -lezt', -nesti, -vesti, and -vez... more ... There is a significant class of verbs in -bresti, -jti, -lezt', -nesti, -vesti, and -vezti which imperfectivize via the thematic vowel -i-and an accom-panying shift in root vocalism. ... Thematic -i-accompanied by a shift in root vocalism is of course completely unproductive. ...
The Slavic and East European Journal, 1981
The Slavic and East European Journal, 1987
... rebutting the alternative analysis of this construction offered in the SEEJ review of the aut... more ... rebutting the alternative analysis of this construction offered in the SEEJ review of the author's Beginning Polish); and Michael J. Mikos ... D. Steele re-viewed Helmut Mbnke, Das Futurum der polnischen Verba (17, 1973, 107-9) and Erwin Koschmieder, Phonationslehre des ...
The Slavic and East European Journal, 1975
The Slavic and East European Journal, 1972
Professor Bethin' s ambitious and challenging book has a chapter titled 'The syllable in Slavic: ... more Professor Bethin' s ambitious and challenging book has a chapter titled 'The syllable in Slavic: form and function' (12-111), one titled 'Beyond the syllable: prominence relations' (112-87), and a miscellany titled 'Theoretical considerations' (188-265). They are preceded by a preface and introduction (xii-11) and followed by end notes (266-301) and an imposing list of references (302-46). The Slavic of her title includes Proto-Slavic (up to the middle of our first millennium), Common Slavic (6th-8th centuries), and Late Common Slavic (9th-12th centuries). Chapter 1 is concerned with the development of diphthongal syllable rhymes. Displaying an encyclopedic knowledge of the Slavistic literature, Bethin reviews the history of how oral, nasal, and liquid diphthongs were monophthongized, recasting it in the framework of autosegmental phonology. These syllable rhymes, she argues, were shaped by the interplay of various constraints on syllable structure. 'Proto-Slavic had a front/back, a high/nonhigh, and a long/short opposition in vowels', quite traditionally begins the section titled 'Monophthongization' (39). These features defined a square system with four vowels: [+high,-back] i, [+high, +back] u, [-high,-back] e, and [-high, +back] o. Bethin and many other Slavists use the more familiar symbols e, o, and a for the nonhigh vowels, but I find e and a useful as a reminder that Proto-Slavic fused PIE *o and *a into a single nonhigh back vowel and so converted the inherited triangular system with three degrees of opening to a square system with two. The vowels being also long, they included [+high,-back] ii, [+high,-i-back] uu, [-high,-back] ee, and [-high, +back] do. Bethin uses a feature representation for long vowels (7, u, etc.), but for discussing monophthongization I find a geminate representation more convenient. 1 Still in traditional terms, Bethin continues: 'There were oral diphthongs (ei, eu, oi, ou), nasal diphthongs (in, im, en, em, un, um, on, om), and eight liquid diphthongs (//, ir, ul, ur, el, er, ol, ar)\ (I have substituted my vowel symbols for hers.) But as we read on we become aware of the author's ambivalence on the subject of diphthongs. A diphthong is commonly understood to be two sonorants in the same syllable nucleus; for example, monosyllabic E proud consists of an brought to you by CORE View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk
Journal of Slavic Linguistics, 2019
Journal of Slavic Linguistics, 2017
The Russian verb pobedit’ ‘conquer’ shows what Sims calls canonical defectiveness, “the complete ... more The Russian verb pobedit’ ‘conquer’ shows what Sims calls canonical defectiveness, “the complete lack of any word-form filling a given paradigm cell [...] in the context of a maximal expectation that there should be some form corresponding to that cell” (250). That cell is the first-person singular nonpast, in which *pobežu is bad and so are *pobedju and *pobeždu. In this wide-ranging study she cites data from two dozen languages and employs a variety of tools like statistical analysis and information theory in order to provide a context for understanding the defectiveness of pobedit’. Introductory chapter 1 poses the question: Are paradigm gaps random anomalies, epiphenomena, or normal morphological objects? They are anomalies when they are generated by the regular rules of inflection but then must be specified [–lexical insertion] to prevent their occurring in a sentence. They are epiphenomenal when they reflect morphological rule competition, such as the competition between the Russian reflex of /dj/ (in *pobežu) and the Church Slavic reflex (in *pobeždu). The epiphenomena explanation could have been pursued further. The same competition between Russian ž and Church Slavic žd is seen in the nonoccurring imperfective *pobeživat’ and the standard imperfective pobeždat’, which shows that the Church Slavic reflex, although acceptable in derivation, is not acceptable in inflection (or no longer acceptable: Pushkin had straždut as the 3pl. of stradat’ ‘suffer’, but it has been replaced by stradajut). Sims rejects these two options and throughout the book repeatedly argues that such gaps are “normal morphological objects” (209) and that inflectional defectiveness is “a systemic variant of normal inflectional structure” (11). In chapter 2 Sims defines inflectional defectiveness and evaluates candidates for it. In the Yimas sentence taŋatpul ‘You didn’t hit me’, the absence of ma ‘you’ is not a gap because the sentence is well formed and interpreted as having a second-person singular subject. (“This is thus an example of zero expression of the nominative, which is not to be confused with lack of expression” [32]) “Inasmuch as [taŋatpul] is a well-formed sentence and the ineffability requirement of the definition is thus not met, this does” [surely the author
Journal of Slavic Linguistics, 2015
Some deverbal nouns and adjectives govern their complements as nouns and adjectives. In vladelec ... more Some deverbal nouns and adjectives govern their complements as nouns and adjectives. In vladelec jazykov ‘polyglot’ genitive case is assigned by the Adnominal Genitive Rule, and in zabyvčiva na imena ‘forgetful of names’ na is required similarly as in the gloss. With other deverbal nouns and adjectives, e.g., vladenie jazykami ‘a command of languages’ and zabyvajuščaja imena ‘who forgets names’, the form of the complement is governed by the embedded verb; compare vladeet jazykami and zabyvaet imena. To capture this affinity, the noun phrase is represented as a noun headed by the noun suffix /-ij/ and containing a verb phrase corresponding to vladeet jazykami, and the adjective phrase is represented as an adjective headed by the adjective suffix /-ušč/ and containing a verb phrase corresponding to zabyvaet imena. These underlying representations give syntax the task of uniting /vlad/ with /-ij/ and /zaby/ with /-ušč/, matters traditionally relegated to a morphology component of the grammar. To relegate them to syntax is to enter uncharted territory.
The Orthographic Dictionary of the Polish Language (hereinafter SO) came out in mid-1975 in an ed... more The Orthographic Dictionary of the Polish Language (hereinafter SO) came out in mid-1975 in an edition of 100,000 copies and was reissued in early 1978 in a supplementary printing of 50,000.* As these figures may suggest, this is an impor tant publication. It is indeed an indispensable reference work for anyone concerned with standard literary Polish. The 700 pages of triple columns contain over 100,000 entries, including a large number of geographical and personal names and many borrowings not registered in other recent dictionaries. It is based on Pisownia Polska: Przepisy ? Slowniczek (12th ed., 1957) but supersedes it by far; theearlier Polish Academy publication contained only one-tenth the number of entries and was introduced with an essay only one-third as long as in the present volume. Among the wealth of information contained in the SO, of first importance, at least for the foreign user, is the essential morphological information about inflected words. An entry such as zofnierz -a; -e -y gives, in compact form, the gen. sg., nom. pi., and gen. pi. forms of this noun. Alternate forms are introduced by a. (for albo); thus the nom. pi. of postac is -acie a. -aci. Less common or less preferred alternate forms are placed in parentheses: aleja -ei; tych -ei (a. -ej). In its inflectional morphology the SO is normative. Thus for bal (log) it gives only the gen. pi. bali, while other dictionaries give also baldw. It limits the nom. pi. -owie ending for
Canadian Slavonic Papers, 1971
Dictionaries: Journal of the Dictionary Society of North America, 1982
is never entirely devoid of meaning, never a purely grammatical marker. Accepting this view, Sz. ... more is never entirely devoid of meaning, never a purely grammatical marker. Accepting this view, Sz. runs pozwalac and its forms on immediately following the entry word pozwolic and its forms. Next come definitions and illustrations for both aspects. There is also a reference to pozwolic at pozwalac. Trade and stracic, however, have entries in their alphabetical places with no references from one to the other. Different verbs in Polish employ different prefixes in the perfectivizing function. For trade it is s-, for prosic 'request' it is po-, for pisac 'write' it is na-, and so on. These are facts about these unprefixed verbs known to every Polish
Slavic Review, 2008
ABSTRACT
The Slavic and East European Journal, 1994
... Frank Y. Gladney, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign ... doing so by the cluster that... more ... Frank Y. Gladney, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign ... doing so by the cluster that would result (*blja).3 Regarding stress placement, it is instructive to compare /austryj-ak-0/ 'Austrian', which is marked native by its suffix and has penultimate stress, [au.stri.jak], with /austryi ...
The Slavic and East European Journal, 1990
The Slavic and East European Journal, 1989
The Slavic and East European Journal, 1986
The Slavic and East European Journal, 1986
The Morphology of Aspect in Seventeenth-Century Russian (Based on Texts of the Smutnoe Vremja). P... more The Morphology of Aspect in Seventeenth-Century Russian (Based on Texts of the Smutnoe Vremja). Peter J. Mayo. xi + 234 p., 1985 (ISBN: 0-89357-145-8), $27.95. Since the seventeenth century was a critical period for the ...
The Slavic and East European Journal, 1982
... There is a significant class of verbs in -bresti, -jti, -lezt', -nesti, -vesti, and -vez... more ... There is a significant class of verbs in -bresti, -jti, -lezt', -nesti, -vesti, and -vezti which imperfectivize via the thematic vowel -i-and an accom-panying shift in root vocalism. ... Thematic -i-accompanied by a shift in root vocalism is of course completely unproductive. ...
The Slavic and East European Journal, 1981
The Slavic and East European Journal, 1987
... rebutting the alternative analysis of this construction offered in the SEEJ review of the aut... more ... rebutting the alternative analysis of this construction offered in the SEEJ review of the author's Beginning Polish); and Michael J. Mikos ... D. Steele re-viewed Helmut Mbnke, Das Futurum der polnischen Verba (17, 1973, 107-9) and Erwin Koschmieder, Phonationslehre des ...
The Slavic and East European Journal, 1975
The Slavic and East European Journal, 1972