Graham Maddox - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Papers by Graham Maddox

Routledge eBooks, May 18, 2017

Australian Journal of Politics and History, Mar 1, 1998

Although the Australian party system is accepted in some literature as a "classic" example of a t... more Although the Australian party system is accepted in some literature as a "classic" example of a two-party system, information about how this system came about does not feature prominently in international studies on political parties. It is here argued that Australia indeed blazed the trail for the two-party model by being the first to link parliamentary organisation directly to a mass electorate.

Publius, 2004

... embraced the history and theory of democracy, education, religion, the press, parties, local ... more ... embraced the history and theory of democracy, education, religion, the press, parties, local government, public ... Englishness and Federalism in America and Australia 55 ... in fact "anglicized" the American political experience.10 Wright argues that Bryce's interpretation of America ...

Australian Journal of Political Science, Dec 1, 1993

While ‘republic’ is used to distinguish regimes without monarchs from other constitutional forms,... more While ‘republic’ is used to distinguish regimes without monarchs from other constitutional forms, in other respects the word is taken to be a virtual synonym for democracy. Up to the present century, however, the two words had very different histories. The republican form was almost always held to retain constitutional safeguards against the ‘excesses’ or ‘follies’ of democracy. This would be of little consequence were it not for the fact that many present republican constitutions have been carried forward from a time when the previous distinctions were carefully maintained. In historical terms, the identification of republic with democracy — as is almost universally done in the United States — is problematical. Difficulties associated with the (former) distinction could well be inherited or absorbed by those wishing to emulate the US experience, including some of those who advocate a republic for Australia.

The Journal of Religion, Oct 1, 2002

Springer eBooks, Sep 29, 2018

The One Nation Party’s unmistakable resemblances to historical “populist” parties have placed the... more The One Nation Party’s unmistakable resemblances to historical “populist” parties have placed the defenders of democracy on alert. The party’s official statement Principles and Objectives announces the name “Pauline Hanson’s One Nation Party” and the ownership by the Leader unmistakably draws it into line with some notorious examples of “right wing” populism, where adoration of the leader became a cult. The statement promises “to speak for the voiceless and the powerless” against the established forces of the Australian party system, deliberately setting One Nation against the mainstream of Australian politics, while yet clamoring to influence it. This chapter asks whether activities of One Nation deserve the attention of a defensive democracy and seeks to examine in particular two of the claims of the “Principles”: That One Nation aims “To protect our sovereignty and democracy”, and that it repeatedly acclaims Australia as a “Christian country”.

Australian Quarterly, 1984

Australian Journal of Political Science, Nov 1, 1991

Prometheus (St. Lucia), Sep 1, 2000

That this book, having been recommended for publication by the editors of Melbourne University Pr... more That this book, having been recommended for publication by the editors of Melbourne University Press, was subsequently rejected through the intervention of the University authorities, is a symptom of the very malaise which the contributors address. Since the Dawkins 'reforms' to Australian higher education the university system has come under increasing surveillance by government functionaries, and university 'managements' have been subverted through their desire to win favour from government and to display their 'competitive edge' against other 'institutions'. The 'reforms' have mandated the wholesale introduction of business techniques, and a pervading business ethos, which is quite inappropriate to the traditional function of universities. The very word 'traditional' is rejected as contrary to the commitment to change required of expanding businesses. That universities have a role in conserving and transmitting a public culture is all but repudiated by university managements in their desire to appear at the 'cutting edge' of government privatization agenda. The authors of this book af rm a public role for universities, and reassert the conviction that they must protect a threatened independence in the search for truth, and in the responsibility to 'speak truth to power'. Since 'managements' are now unlikely to uphold these duties, it becomes the responsibility of the members of the community of scholars to maintain independence of thought and to expound the truth.

Australian Journal of Education, Mar 1, 1971

Government and Opposition, Apr 1, 1982

Sartori, op. cit., p. 151 (emphasis added).

Political Studies, Sep 1, 1986

Much of value in the conception of a democratic state, evident in the work of several English and... more Much of value in the conception of a democratic state, evident in the work of several English and American scholars writing around the time of the Second World War, but most forcefully presented by A. D. Lindsay, has been overlooked by contemporary scholarship. Lindsay combined a 'realist' acceptance of state power with a finely-tuned appreciation of the possibilities of citizenship. His distinctive contributions to democratic theory, focusing on discussion, state power, the sovereignty of the constitution, voluntary association and the creativity of democracy, are well worth re-examination, even if in the end for Lindsay political activism was merely a necessary adjunct to religious faith.

Political Theology, Jun 25, 2015

Abstract The resurgence of world religions, particularly those of a common ancestry in the Book, ... more Abstract The resurgence of world religions, particularly those of a common ancestry in the Book, proffers a trans-national address to modern political conflict. Since the civilizations Huntington predicted to clash are characterized by religious traditions, these very traditions may helpfully become the focus of analysis for an unstable world order. In any dialogue, the “West” is unlikely to disclaim democracy, with its indispensably secular institutions, as its universal ideal, while Islamic peoples are unlikely to prefer popular sovereignty over the sovereignty of God. Yet the positions are far from irreconcilably opposed. The modern West is largely blind to the religious foundations of “Christendom,” while the various Islamic states remain undecided as to the actual formulation of divine sovereignty as political institution. A central problem in all religions is recourse to holy writ in support of patriarchalism; passages that inspire demands for “promised lands,” for colonial expansion or for a rejection of human agency in political affairs are frequently recited out of context. The religions of the Book can contribute greatly to international comity when they can agree to interpret foundational scriptures and religious traditions in light of their historical and theological contexts.

Social alternatives, Apr 1, 2019

Journal of Christian Education, Jun 1, 1971

In recent years Western society seems increasingly to have embraced adult education as a normal a... more In recent years Western society seems increasingly to have embraced adult education as a normal and desirable leisure-time activity. The growing problem of keeping pace with new developments in professional skills, for instance, has helped bring home the unavoidable reality that the individual's education can never be completed. Moreover, the increasing specialization in knowledge required for today's occupations has begun to make people aware that vocational training can only offer a token gesture towards the idea of well-rounded cultural development; that education must be concerned with the wider implications of modern living. At all events, in America at least, it has been estimated that the next two or three years will see more adults involved in formal or semi-formal learning experiences than children in school.' At the same time, Christian churches appear to be awakening to a new awareness both of the need for better adult education generally and of their clear responsibility in this field. Whether they like to recognize it or not, when people come within the sphere of influence of the Church, they are, for better or worse, being educated. According to one of the designers of the Christian Life Curriculum, recently prepared for the Congregational, Methodist and Presbyterian Churches in Australia, "Everything that the Church is and does educates"." Why Adult Christian Education? Recent studies have brought to our notice the educational influence of traditional factors not usually thought of as educational. One observer claims that a church's programme "can lose a good deal of its significance if it pays attention chiefly to the peripheral (though admittedly important) educational activities it performs and forgets the ordinary medium, manner and mode in which it communicates its particular word".'l The ordinary considerations are seen to be such easily overlooked factors as church 1 Kenneth Stokes, "The Creative Role of Interpersonal Groups in the Church Today".

History of Political Thought, 2011

... am grateful for the assistance of Jeff Archer, Greg Horsley, Tony Lynch, Carol Maddox, Bruce ... more ... am grateful for the assistance of Jeff Archer, Greg Horsley, Tony Lynch, Carol Maddox, Bruce Marshall, Greg Stanton and Graham Young ... historians who called it home.57 Speaking of 'democracy' as a generic term, the modern political theo-rist, RM MacIver, declared democracy ...

Australian Religion Studies Review, Jul 6, 2011

Political opposition not only signifies the respect given to diverse opinion in democracies, but ... more Political opposition not only signifies the respect given to diverse opinion in democracies, but also conveys an Augustinian sense that government, as human institution, is defective and requiring surveillance. The British idea of a constituted political opposition, leading to a settled dialectic between government and opposition, began to form during the American Revolution, especially under pressure of opposition to the war policy. It is a central branch of the secular apparatus of the state, and as such, a stumbling block to fruitful interaction between Islam and the West. Yet a recognition of the religious foundations of modern western institutions could open a path for meaningful dialogue between Muslims and westerners. As midwife to a theory of opposition, Edmund Burke worked under the aegis of the Rockingham Whigs, yet an inchoate notion of opposition was rooted in the uprisings of the previous century, during which one king was tried and beheaded and another deposed and exiled. The overriding motivation for the English Revolution of the 1640s was religious, when biblical sanctions on tyranny were levelled against the king. After the Restoration of the Crown the puritan impulse to revolution was dissipated, but some studies show that this passion was commuted to a ‘Whig’ politics when ‘the Puritan became the Whig’. This paper explores how far religious passions of the seventeenth century were transformed into an impulse for political opposi¬tion in the eighteenth, when the modern institution of political opposition began to take shape