Gyorgy Lengyel - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Papers by Gyorgy Lengyel
Central European University Press eBooks, Jun 1, 1999
Korall - Társadalomtörténeti folyóirat, 2020
During the interwar period the reemerging Hungarian market economy was quickly swept away by the ... more During the interwar period the reemerging Hungarian market economy was quickly swept away by the effects of the Great Depression, which shattered the traditional consensus of the social elites, i.e. aristocractic landowners, entrepreneurs and the socalled military-bureaucratic elite. The latter, primarily intellectuals and smallholders of aristocratic descent, when forced to take employment, monopolized most of the administrative and army-positions. Under their growing influence the government started a huge military investment program, the "Györ Program" of 1938, which triggered an upward spiral of budget spending. Market-economy institutions were replaced by a variety of government agencies, which aimed at controlling and coordinating the increasingly difficult distribution of increasingly scarce goods and services. Wanting to establish a corporative, fascist society, the right-wing faction of the military-bureaucratic elite politically neutralised the aristocracy and el...
Intereconomics, 2021
The threat of an epidemic narrows the scope for political competition. As Fidesz’s position withi... more The threat of an epidemic narrows the scope for political competition. As Fidesz’s position within the EU has weakened significantly with the withdrawal from the European People’s Party, and the COVID-19 crisis is generating serious social tensions, the questions seem to be more open in the spring of 2022 than during the previous three elections.
Historical Social Research, 2016
»Die sich wandelnden Einstellungen der ungarischen politischen Eliten gegenüber der EU (2007-2014... more »Die sich wandelnden Einstellungen der ungarischen politischen Eliten gegenüber der EU (2007-2014)«. One of the main determinants of general attitudes towards the EU is the perception of the domestic economic and political performance while national elites also play an important role. The Hungarian economic crisis, paired with the erosion of the support for the political power in government started earlier (in 2006) than the global financial and economic crisis that further deteriorated the economic and political situation. Hungary was one of the first EU countries that had to rely on an IMF loan. The change in governance in 2010 meant a change in the parliamentarian elite and a significant shift in public discourses about the EU. The raising dissatisfaction of citizens also resulted in the rise of a right wing extremist party. The purpose of this paper is to examine the evolution of attitudes of the Hungarian political (parliamentarian) elite towards the EU in this changing political context in times of economic recession and changing public discourses on the EU. The paper investigates the changing perception of the role the EU played during the crisis, the changes in the perception of European social solidarity and how the European construct should look like taking into account the changed party structure of the Hungarian Parliament. The paper builds on survey data collected among MPs in 2007 and 2009 within the IntUne project as well as in 2014 within the ENEC project.
Society and Economy, 2017
The 2008 crisis highlighted how fragile the labour markets of the European Union's member states ... more The 2008 crisis highlighted how fragile the labour markets of the European Union's member states were, while it also directed attention to the eventual further deepening of integration as a potential solution. Nevertheless, employment and labour market policy competences are still on the national level with relatively low EU intervention. In a recent study, we explored the role of the EU in facilitating potential policy solutions with regards to labour market resilience until 2030. The study focused on labour market experts' opinion, coming from different European countries; and took form of an online Policy Delphi Survey combined with backcasting to predict the importance and feasibility of policies concerning future challenges. The most important policies considered to be best suited to deal with the main challenges of the labour market in the EU until 2030 are education, investment in human and social capital and improvement of social policies and protection, including migration policy. The research revealed a systematic gap between the importance and feasibility of relevant solutions.
The Europe of Elites, 2012
Democratic Elitism: New Theoretical and Comparative Perspectives Democratic Elitism
... Karácsony, Gergely. Ed. 2006. Parlamenti választás 2006 (Parliamentary elections 2006). ... p... more ... Karácsony, Gergely. Ed. 2006. Parlamenti választás 2006 (Parliamentary elections 2006). ... pp. 59104 in Parlamenti választás 2006, edited by Gergely Karácsony, Budapest: DKMKKA. Kets de Vries, Manfred FR 2004. The New Russian Business Leaders. ...
Design and layout: Zoltán Király We thank them for reading the work and expressing their opinions... more Design and layout: Zoltán Király We thank them for reading the work and expressing their opinions that contributed valuable material to the fi nal version of the book.
The Europe of Elites, 2012
The chapter focuses on the preferences of national elites towards the Europeanization of speci c ... more The chapter focuses on the preferences of national elites towards the Europeanization of speci c policy areas as an expression of the multidimensional nature of the forces and con icts behind the process of European integration. The analysis tests the most important hypotheses considered in the European integration literature, taking into account individual elite characteristics and country-speci c contextual factors. Results con rm that explanatory patterns di er depending on the type of policy area. For example, preferences toward Europeanization are stronger in those areas dealing with transnational problems, and on whether opinions refer to the current situation or in the mid-term-elites in the later case being more favourable to Europeanization. Preferences also di er among types of elites, whereby economic elites are more pro-European, and according to country; elites of former state socialist and more Eurosceptic countries, such as Denmark and the United Kingdom, are less likely to approve of delegating national authority to the EU.
Democratic Elitism: New Theoretical and Comparative Perspectives Democratic Elitism, 2010
This book reconsiders Joseph Schumpeter's democratic elitism in light of the directions that ... more This book reconsiders Joseph Schumpeter's democratic elitism in light of the directions that recent theories of democracy have taken, and it analyzes democratic elitism's workings in western and eastern European states early in the 21st century.
Sociologija, 2006
It seems realistic that one of the long-term preconditions of European integration is the strengt... more It seems realistic that one of the long-term preconditions of European integration is the strengthening of European identity. Otherwise, it might happen that a growing split occurs between the elites and the population in the question of integration. In the Western European countries the concepts of Europe and the EU frequently coincide, while in the Eastern European countries Europe has primarily cultural-historical connotations and the EU embodies economic development and welfare. In an international comparison, European identity was stronger in the newly joining countries, but in some of them (i.e. in Hungary and Estonia) the national identity was among the strongest as well. The current study is based on a Hungarian representative survey carried out in 2003 - that is before Hungary joined the European Union. We supposed that class positions, the availability of material, cultural and social resources strongly influence European identity. We examined two aspects of identity, a sy...
Contemporary Sociology, 2001
John Higley and Gyorgy Lengyel, eds. Elites after State Socialism: Theories and Analysis. Lanham,... more John Higley and Gyorgy Lengyel, eds. Elites after State Socialism: Theories and Analysis. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2000. ix, 252 pp. Index. 64.00,cloth;64.00, cloth; 64.00,cloth;24.95, paper. Here is a book that actually lives up to its billing. The editors claim that it is "a substantial advance in the literature on postsocialist politics and societies and in the comparative study of elites" (p. ix). It is exactly that. A product of three years' collaboration by its nineteen contributors, the volume deals with most of the Eastern European countries (excepting Albania, Bosnia, Macedonia, Romania, and Slovenia) and Russia. Each country gets an individual chapter; Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland together get an additional comparative chapter. Every contribution reports original research and thinking on the theme of continuity and change among elites in the first postsocialist decade. The approaches are varied and challenging; there is a healthy, thought-provoking degree of dissent among the contributors who are not afraid to disagree even with the editors. There are differing assessments of the persistence of the nomenklatura, as well as different views of the circulation versus reproduction of elites and most basically of the primacy of elites versus social classes as engines of change. Indeed, the central concept of "circulation" is itself not adequately elaborated or operationalized anywhere in this volume: we are not sure if it refers to individuals, categories of people, or entire social strata. But that would take a whole other book to do. All in all, this book is a welcome and major advance in the study of elites which should stimulate following up and replication. In an introductory chapter, the editors develop a model of the configuration of elites and their corresponding political regimes. Thus a consensual elite is found in a consolidated democracy, a fragmented elite in an unconsolidated democracy, an ideocratic one in a totalitarian or post-totalitarian regime, and a divided elite is characteristic of the authoritarian or sultanistic regime. Similarly, the mode of change of the elite corresponds to the character of the regime and its elite: circulation, reproduction, replacement, and quasi-replacement, respectively. The key question, not explicitly formulated in this introduction, is whether the ideocratic or divided elites of these formerly totalitarian, authoritarian, and post-totalitarian regimes will become consensual or, failing that, fragmented, and whether the pattern of elite change is circulation or something else associated with other than consolidated democracy. This framework provides an orientation for the reader to what follows. Mercifully, the other contributors do not feel bound to it, which relieves the book of potential uniformity and hence tedium. The contributions are organized into two parts, one dealing with the political elites, the other with the economic elites. In general, based on studies of representative samples of elites, the researchers' findings conform to the editors' model with a much more thorough circulation in countries closer to democratic consolidation and a reproduction of elites in others. …
Journal of Community …, 2006
... György Lengyel. Professor of sociology, Corvinus University of Budapest, Department of Sociol... more ... György Lengyel. Professor of sociology, Corvinus University of Budapest, Department of Sociology and Social Policy. <mailto:gyorgy.lengyel@uni-corvinus.hu>. Eliza Eranusz,. Ph.D. student, Corvinus University of Budapest, Department of Sociology and Social Policy. ...
Politikatudományi Szemle, 2009
Lengyel György (szociológus, egyetemi tanár a BCE Szociológia és Társadalompolitika Intézetében) ... more Lengyel György (szociológus, egyetemi tanár a BCE Szociológia és Társadalompolitika Intézetében) ÖSSZEFOGLALÓ Az írás az utóbbi néhány év magyarországi válságjelenségeinek magyarázatát keresi. Elméletileg egyrészt a demokratikus elitizmus fogalmi rendszere alkalmazhatóságának kérdőjeleit fogalmazza meg, másrészt a szimulált demokrácia fogalmának megalkotására tesz kísérletet. A színlelt demokrácia feltételei között a társadalom jelentős csoportjai és az elit csak imitálják a szabályok elfogadását, ami kiegészül a demokratikus játékszabályokat illető elitkonszenzus hiányával, valamint a politikai vezetőréteg és a társadalom kapcsolatában a szimbolikus képviselet dominanciájával-a tartalmi képviselet és a felelősség helyett. A populista tendenciák bátorítása, a transzformatív elemek túlsúlya, a politika per szona lizációja, a hétköznapi élet és a szakmai kérdések átpolitizálása, az ellenfelek legitimáció jának megkérdőjelezése, eltérő irányú üzenetek küldése a köz és az elit számára, a közpénzek nem transzparens felhasználása, a széles körben elterjedt adóelkerülés és nor maszegés, valamint az ígérgetés fatális lehet a demokratikus stabilitás és a politikai rendszer működése szempontjából. Kulcsszavak ■ demokratikus elitizmus ■ normaszegés ■ transzformációs és tranzakciós elitek ■ egységes elit ■ populizmus Megostromolt tv-székház; populista indulatok és gyűlöletbeszéd az utcákon; az elit egymást hazugnak, hazaárulónak, "cukrosbácsi"-nak nevező, s így egymással szóba nem álló, rövid távú választási célok érdekében egymást túllicitáló tagjai-ezek az utóbbi évek fejleményei Magyarországon. Abban az országban melynek politikusai és zsurnalisztái szívesen hangoztatták, hogy ez az ország a rendszerváltás "éllovasa", a "demokrácia legjobb tanulója", a kül-Politikatudományi Szemle XVIII/1. 7-25. pp. © MTA Politikai Tudományok Intézete * Tanulmányunk módosított változata egy 2007. júniusi jénai konferencián elhangzott előadásnak, amely a John Higley és Heinrich Best által szerkesztett Democratic Elitism című kötetben jelenik meg. A korábbi változatokhoz fűzött kritikai megjegyzésekért köszö nettel tartozunk a kötet szerkesztőinek, valamint Körösényi Andrásnak, Orthmayr Imrének, Jan Pakulskinak, Szabó Ká rolynak és Szántó Zoltánnak. Az esetleges tévedésekért a szerzők felelősek.
Journal of Innovation and Entrepreneurship, 2021
Although a great deal of research has been done on leadership styles, and university students hav... more Although a great deal of research has been done on leadership styles, and university students have often been the subject of exploratory research in social sciences, the Full Range Leadership model has been applied to young people only in a few instances. In this article, the authors seek to survey the preferred leadership styles among Hungarian students and explore how they correlate with managerial and entrepreneurial inclination. A complex analysis of leadership style preferences of university students combined with their managerial and entrepreneurial inclination, social and cultural resources is rare in the research practice so far. The online questionnaire used in the research was completed by 335 university students studying economics, engineering and social studies both in Budapest and in the country. The questionnaire was completed by 335 university students. The results are exploratory and they amend the existing leadership typologies at some points. Based on the results o...
Central European University Press eBooks, Jun 1, 1999
Korall - Társadalomtörténeti folyóirat, 2020
During the interwar period the reemerging Hungarian market economy was quickly swept away by the ... more During the interwar period the reemerging Hungarian market economy was quickly swept away by the effects of the Great Depression, which shattered the traditional consensus of the social elites, i.e. aristocractic landowners, entrepreneurs and the socalled military-bureaucratic elite. The latter, primarily intellectuals and smallholders of aristocratic descent, when forced to take employment, monopolized most of the administrative and army-positions. Under their growing influence the government started a huge military investment program, the "Györ Program" of 1938, which triggered an upward spiral of budget spending. Market-economy institutions were replaced by a variety of government agencies, which aimed at controlling and coordinating the increasingly difficult distribution of increasingly scarce goods and services. Wanting to establish a corporative, fascist society, the right-wing faction of the military-bureaucratic elite politically neutralised the aristocracy and el...
Intereconomics, 2021
The threat of an epidemic narrows the scope for political competition. As Fidesz’s position withi... more The threat of an epidemic narrows the scope for political competition. As Fidesz’s position within the EU has weakened significantly with the withdrawal from the European People’s Party, and the COVID-19 crisis is generating serious social tensions, the questions seem to be more open in the spring of 2022 than during the previous three elections.
Historical Social Research, 2016
»Die sich wandelnden Einstellungen der ungarischen politischen Eliten gegenüber der EU (2007-2014... more »Die sich wandelnden Einstellungen der ungarischen politischen Eliten gegenüber der EU (2007-2014)«. One of the main determinants of general attitudes towards the EU is the perception of the domestic economic and political performance while national elites also play an important role. The Hungarian economic crisis, paired with the erosion of the support for the political power in government started earlier (in 2006) than the global financial and economic crisis that further deteriorated the economic and political situation. Hungary was one of the first EU countries that had to rely on an IMF loan. The change in governance in 2010 meant a change in the parliamentarian elite and a significant shift in public discourses about the EU. The raising dissatisfaction of citizens also resulted in the rise of a right wing extremist party. The purpose of this paper is to examine the evolution of attitudes of the Hungarian political (parliamentarian) elite towards the EU in this changing political context in times of economic recession and changing public discourses on the EU. The paper investigates the changing perception of the role the EU played during the crisis, the changes in the perception of European social solidarity and how the European construct should look like taking into account the changed party structure of the Hungarian Parliament. The paper builds on survey data collected among MPs in 2007 and 2009 within the IntUne project as well as in 2014 within the ENEC project.
Society and Economy, 2017
The 2008 crisis highlighted how fragile the labour markets of the European Union's member states ... more The 2008 crisis highlighted how fragile the labour markets of the European Union's member states were, while it also directed attention to the eventual further deepening of integration as a potential solution. Nevertheless, employment and labour market policy competences are still on the national level with relatively low EU intervention. In a recent study, we explored the role of the EU in facilitating potential policy solutions with regards to labour market resilience until 2030. The study focused on labour market experts' opinion, coming from different European countries; and took form of an online Policy Delphi Survey combined with backcasting to predict the importance and feasibility of policies concerning future challenges. The most important policies considered to be best suited to deal with the main challenges of the labour market in the EU until 2030 are education, investment in human and social capital and improvement of social policies and protection, including migration policy. The research revealed a systematic gap between the importance and feasibility of relevant solutions.
The Europe of Elites, 2012
Democratic Elitism: New Theoretical and Comparative Perspectives Democratic Elitism
... Karácsony, Gergely. Ed. 2006. Parlamenti választás 2006 (Parliamentary elections 2006). ... p... more ... Karácsony, Gergely. Ed. 2006. Parlamenti választás 2006 (Parliamentary elections 2006). ... pp. 59104 in Parlamenti választás 2006, edited by Gergely Karácsony, Budapest: DKMKKA. Kets de Vries, Manfred FR 2004. The New Russian Business Leaders. ...
Design and layout: Zoltán Király We thank them for reading the work and expressing their opinions... more Design and layout: Zoltán Király We thank them for reading the work and expressing their opinions that contributed valuable material to the fi nal version of the book.
The Europe of Elites, 2012
The chapter focuses on the preferences of national elites towards the Europeanization of speci c ... more The chapter focuses on the preferences of national elites towards the Europeanization of speci c policy areas as an expression of the multidimensional nature of the forces and con icts behind the process of European integration. The analysis tests the most important hypotheses considered in the European integration literature, taking into account individual elite characteristics and country-speci c contextual factors. Results con rm that explanatory patterns di er depending on the type of policy area. For example, preferences toward Europeanization are stronger in those areas dealing with transnational problems, and on whether opinions refer to the current situation or in the mid-term-elites in the later case being more favourable to Europeanization. Preferences also di er among types of elites, whereby economic elites are more pro-European, and according to country; elites of former state socialist and more Eurosceptic countries, such as Denmark and the United Kingdom, are less likely to approve of delegating national authority to the EU.
Democratic Elitism: New Theoretical and Comparative Perspectives Democratic Elitism, 2010
This book reconsiders Joseph Schumpeter's democratic elitism in light of the directions that ... more This book reconsiders Joseph Schumpeter's democratic elitism in light of the directions that recent theories of democracy have taken, and it analyzes democratic elitism's workings in western and eastern European states early in the 21st century.
Sociologija, 2006
It seems realistic that one of the long-term preconditions of European integration is the strengt... more It seems realistic that one of the long-term preconditions of European integration is the strengthening of European identity. Otherwise, it might happen that a growing split occurs between the elites and the population in the question of integration. In the Western European countries the concepts of Europe and the EU frequently coincide, while in the Eastern European countries Europe has primarily cultural-historical connotations and the EU embodies economic development and welfare. In an international comparison, European identity was stronger in the newly joining countries, but in some of them (i.e. in Hungary and Estonia) the national identity was among the strongest as well. The current study is based on a Hungarian representative survey carried out in 2003 - that is before Hungary joined the European Union. We supposed that class positions, the availability of material, cultural and social resources strongly influence European identity. We examined two aspects of identity, a sy...
Contemporary Sociology, 2001
John Higley and Gyorgy Lengyel, eds. Elites after State Socialism: Theories and Analysis. Lanham,... more John Higley and Gyorgy Lengyel, eds. Elites after State Socialism: Theories and Analysis. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2000. ix, 252 pp. Index. 64.00,cloth;64.00, cloth; 64.00,cloth;24.95, paper. Here is a book that actually lives up to its billing. The editors claim that it is "a substantial advance in the literature on postsocialist politics and societies and in the comparative study of elites" (p. ix). It is exactly that. A product of three years' collaboration by its nineteen contributors, the volume deals with most of the Eastern European countries (excepting Albania, Bosnia, Macedonia, Romania, and Slovenia) and Russia. Each country gets an individual chapter; Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland together get an additional comparative chapter. Every contribution reports original research and thinking on the theme of continuity and change among elites in the first postsocialist decade. The approaches are varied and challenging; there is a healthy, thought-provoking degree of dissent among the contributors who are not afraid to disagree even with the editors. There are differing assessments of the persistence of the nomenklatura, as well as different views of the circulation versus reproduction of elites and most basically of the primacy of elites versus social classes as engines of change. Indeed, the central concept of "circulation" is itself not adequately elaborated or operationalized anywhere in this volume: we are not sure if it refers to individuals, categories of people, or entire social strata. But that would take a whole other book to do. All in all, this book is a welcome and major advance in the study of elites which should stimulate following up and replication. In an introductory chapter, the editors develop a model of the configuration of elites and their corresponding political regimes. Thus a consensual elite is found in a consolidated democracy, a fragmented elite in an unconsolidated democracy, an ideocratic one in a totalitarian or post-totalitarian regime, and a divided elite is characteristic of the authoritarian or sultanistic regime. Similarly, the mode of change of the elite corresponds to the character of the regime and its elite: circulation, reproduction, replacement, and quasi-replacement, respectively. The key question, not explicitly formulated in this introduction, is whether the ideocratic or divided elites of these formerly totalitarian, authoritarian, and post-totalitarian regimes will become consensual or, failing that, fragmented, and whether the pattern of elite change is circulation or something else associated with other than consolidated democracy. This framework provides an orientation for the reader to what follows. Mercifully, the other contributors do not feel bound to it, which relieves the book of potential uniformity and hence tedium. The contributions are organized into two parts, one dealing with the political elites, the other with the economic elites. In general, based on studies of representative samples of elites, the researchers' findings conform to the editors' model with a much more thorough circulation in countries closer to democratic consolidation and a reproduction of elites in others. …
Journal of Community …, 2006
... György Lengyel. Professor of sociology, Corvinus University of Budapest, Department of Sociol... more ... György Lengyel. Professor of sociology, Corvinus University of Budapest, Department of Sociology and Social Policy. <mailto:gyorgy.lengyel@uni-corvinus.hu>. Eliza Eranusz,. Ph.D. student, Corvinus University of Budapest, Department of Sociology and Social Policy. ...
Politikatudományi Szemle, 2009
Lengyel György (szociológus, egyetemi tanár a BCE Szociológia és Társadalompolitika Intézetében) ... more Lengyel György (szociológus, egyetemi tanár a BCE Szociológia és Társadalompolitika Intézetében) ÖSSZEFOGLALÓ Az írás az utóbbi néhány év magyarországi válságjelenségeinek magyarázatát keresi. Elméletileg egyrészt a demokratikus elitizmus fogalmi rendszere alkalmazhatóságának kérdőjeleit fogalmazza meg, másrészt a szimulált demokrácia fogalmának megalkotására tesz kísérletet. A színlelt demokrácia feltételei között a társadalom jelentős csoportjai és az elit csak imitálják a szabályok elfogadását, ami kiegészül a demokratikus játékszabályokat illető elitkonszenzus hiányával, valamint a politikai vezetőréteg és a társadalom kapcsolatában a szimbolikus képviselet dominanciájával-a tartalmi képviselet és a felelősség helyett. A populista tendenciák bátorítása, a transzformatív elemek túlsúlya, a politika per szona lizációja, a hétköznapi élet és a szakmai kérdések átpolitizálása, az ellenfelek legitimáció jának megkérdőjelezése, eltérő irányú üzenetek küldése a köz és az elit számára, a közpénzek nem transzparens felhasználása, a széles körben elterjedt adóelkerülés és nor maszegés, valamint az ígérgetés fatális lehet a demokratikus stabilitás és a politikai rendszer működése szempontjából. Kulcsszavak ■ demokratikus elitizmus ■ normaszegés ■ transzformációs és tranzakciós elitek ■ egységes elit ■ populizmus Megostromolt tv-székház; populista indulatok és gyűlöletbeszéd az utcákon; az elit egymást hazugnak, hazaárulónak, "cukrosbácsi"-nak nevező, s így egymással szóba nem álló, rövid távú választási célok érdekében egymást túllicitáló tagjai-ezek az utóbbi évek fejleményei Magyarországon. Abban az országban melynek politikusai és zsurnalisztái szívesen hangoztatták, hogy ez az ország a rendszerváltás "éllovasa", a "demokrácia legjobb tanulója", a kül-Politikatudományi Szemle XVIII/1. 7-25. pp. © MTA Politikai Tudományok Intézete * Tanulmányunk módosított változata egy 2007. júniusi jénai konferencián elhangzott előadásnak, amely a John Higley és Heinrich Best által szerkesztett Democratic Elitism című kötetben jelenik meg. A korábbi változatokhoz fűzött kritikai megjegyzésekért köszö nettel tartozunk a kötet szerkesztőinek, valamint Körösényi Andrásnak, Orthmayr Imrének, Jan Pakulskinak, Szabó Ká rolynak és Szántó Zoltánnak. Az esetleges tévedésekért a szerzők felelősek.
Journal of Innovation and Entrepreneurship, 2021
Although a great deal of research has been done on leadership styles, and university students hav... more Although a great deal of research has been done on leadership styles, and university students have often been the subject of exploratory research in social sciences, the Full Range Leadership model has been applied to young people only in a few instances. In this article, the authors seek to survey the preferred leadership styles among Hungarian students and explore how they correlate with managerial and entrepreneurial inclination. A complex analysis of leadership style preferences of university students combined with their managerial and entrepreneurial inclination, social and cultural resources is rare in the research practice so far. The online questionnaire used in the research was completed by 335 university students studying economics, engineering and social studies both in Budapest and in the country. The questionnaire was completed by 335 university students. The results are exploratory and they amend the existing leadership typologies at some points. Based on the results o...