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Papers by Harlem Brundtland
Annals of Human Biology, 1980
Every 5th year since 1920 the heights and weights of all Oslo schoolchildren (aged 7 to 18 years)... more Every 5th year since 1920 the heights and weights of all Oslo schoolchildren (aged 7 to 18 years) have been measured, and the measurements processed centrally. For ages between 8 and 14 the mean height increased by about 4 cm per decade between 1920 and 1940 for both sexes. A drop of about 1.5 cm occurred during World War II, followed by a rapid catch-up. Since 1950, height has increased only moderately. A weight increase of between 1.5 kg (8 years old) and 3.5 kg (13 years old) per decade before 1940 was followed by a drop during the war equivalent to somewhat less than one decade's gain. A rapid catch-up after the war was followed by a slight decrease since 1950, especially for ages above puberty. A stable difference in the social composition of the eastern and western districts of Oslo allowed comparison of the trends for lower and higher social strata. Before the war, children from higher strata were taller than children from lower strata, but this difference has now practically disappeared. Children from the higher strata weighed more until about 1955, but later those from the lower strata weighed markedly more, especially during adolescence. The difference in menarcheal age between social strata was examined in 1928, 1952, 1970 and 1975. The time trend parallels that for weight: menarcheal age was lowest among higher strata until the 1950s, but after that the lower strata experienced the lowest menarcheal age.
Annals of Human Biology, 1980
Every 5th year since 1920 the heights and weights of all Oslo schoolchildren (aged 7 to 18 years)... more Every 5th year since 1920 the heights and weights of all Oslo schoolchildren (aged 7 to 18 years) have been measured, and the measurements processed centrally. For ages between 8 and 14 the mean height increased by about 4 cm per decade between 1920 and 1940 for both sexes. A drop of about 1.5 cm occurred during World War II, followed by a rapid catch-up. Since 1950, height has increased only moderately. A weight increase of between 1.5 kg (8 years old) and 3.5 kg (13 years old) per decade before 1940 was followed by a drop during the war equivalent to somewhat less than one decade's gain. A rapid catch-up after the war was followed by a slight decrease since 1950, especially for ages above puberty. A stable difference in the social composition of the eastern and western districts of Oslo allowed comparison of the trends for lower and higher social strata. Before the war, children from higher strata were taller than children from lower strata, but this difference has now practically disappeared. Children from the higher strata weighed more until about 1955, but later those from the lower strata weighed markedly more, especially during adolescence. The difference in menarcheal age between social strata was examined in 1928, 1952, 1970 and 1975. The time trend parallels that for weight: menarcheal age was lowest among higher strata until the 1950s, but after that the lower strata experienced the lowest menarcheal age.
Acta Paediatrica, 1975
Height and weight measurements of the school children of Oslo in 1970 (aged 7 to 19 years) are re... more Height and weight measurements of the school children of Oslo in 1970 (aged 7 to 19 years) are reported. Weights show considerably skewed distributions with long tails towards higher weights. Weight precentiles are calculated by interpolation in the empirical distributions. Percentiles and tables for both sexes, showing height for age, weight for height and weight for age, are presented. A comparison with existing Norwegian data from Sundal, 1956, Bergen shows that the application of statistics based on normal distribution for weight, has introduced considerable error in these percentiles. Oslo children in 1970 are taller by 5-6 cm at age eighteen, than USA (Iowa) standards and 4-5 cm taller compared to Tanner-s English percentiles. Oslo children are also taller than Swedish children, and have reached a stature higher than found in any other comparable study.
The European Journal of Public Health, 2005
Public health challenges in a globalizing world p Public health challenges are no longer just loc... more Public health challenges in a globalizing world p Public health challenges are no longer just local, national or regional. They are global. They are no longer just within the domain of public health specialists. They are among the key challenges to our societies. They are political and crosssectoral. They are intimately linked to environment and development. They are key to national, regional and global security. Historically, disease in other places was seen as an impediment to exploration, and a challenge to winning a war. Cholera and other diseases killed at least three times more soldiers in the Crimean War than the actual conflict. Malaria, measles, mumps, smallpox and typhoid felled more combatants than did bullets in the American civil war. And the Panama Canal went over-schedule because of "tropical" diseases-then unknown, untreatable and often fatal. Today on that front, there are very few unknowns. Globalization has connected Bujumbura to Bombay, and Bangkok to Boston. In an interconnected and interdependent world, bacteria and viruses travel almost as fast as e-mail messages and money flows. There are no health sanctuaries. No impregnable walls between the world that is healthy, well fed, and well off, and another world, which is sick, malnourished and impoverished. Globalization has shrunk distances, broken down old barriers, and linked people together. It has also made problems half way around the world everyone's problem. And we know that, like a stone thrown on the waters, a difficult social or economic situation in one community can ripple and resonate around the world. Now, there are solutions for those diseases, which plagued the explorers, soldiers and colonialists of historical times. We know how to prevent and treat malaria. There are vaccines for yellow fever. There are treatments for TB. The striking feature is: while we diligently take antimalarials and top up our vaccinations when we travel to developing countries-the people living there, those threatened most by these diseases-don't have this access. 3,000 Children in Africa die each day from malaria. They die of vaccine preventable diseases-like measles, by the hundreds of thousands. And, people are dying, by the millions every year, of HIV/AIDS.
Environmental Conservation, 1985
MULTI-EDITORIAL Our Environmental Hopes for 1985-86 (continued) * Earlier quoted in another form ... more MULTI-EDITORIAL Our Environmental Hopes for 1985-86 (continued) * Earlier quoted in another form and context in our columns, but so appropriate here that we welcome its inclusion in these multiply eminent circumstances.-Ed. * hence surely in considerable degree the conservation/environmental movement.-Ed.
New Perspectives Quarterly, 1999
Acta Psychiatrica Scandinavica, Oct 1, 2000
Harvard International Review, Mar 22, 2011
Annals of Human Biology, 1980
Every 5th year since 1920 the heights and weights of all Oslo schoolchildren (aged 7 to 18 years)... more Every 5th year since 1920 the heights and weights of all Oslo schoolchildren (aged 7 to 18 years) have been measured, and the measurements processed centrally. For ages between 8 and 14 the mean height increased by about 4 cm per decade between 1920 and 1940 for both sexes. A drop of about 1.5 cm occurred during World War II, followed by a rapid catch-up. Since 1950, height has increased only moderately. A weight increase of between 1.5 kg (8 years old) and 3.5 kg (13 years old) per decade before 1940 was followed by a drop during the war equivalent to somewhat less than one decade's gain. A rapid catch-up after the war was followed by a slight decrease since 1950, especially for ages above puberty. A stable difference in the social composition of the eastern and western districts of Oslo allowed comparison of the trends for lower and higher social strata. Before the war, children from higher strata were taller than children from lower strata, but this difference has now practically disappeared. Children from the higher strata weighed more until about 1955, but later those from the lower strata weighed markedly more, especially during adolescence. The difference in menarcheal age between social strata was examined in 1928, 1952, 1970 and 1975. The time trend parallels that for weight: menarcheal age was lowest among higher strata until the 1950s, but after that the lower strata experienced the lowest menarcheal age.
Annals of Human Biology, 1980
Every 5th year since 1920 the heights and weights of all Oslo schoolchildren (aged 7 to 18 years)... more Every 5th year since 1920 the heights and weights of all Oslo schoolchildren (aged 7 to 18 years) have been measured, and the measurements processed centrally. For ages between 8 and 14 the mean height increased by about 4 cm per decade between 1920 and 1940 for both sexes. A drop of about 1.5 cm occurred during World War II, followed by a rapid catch-up. Since 1950, height has increased only moderately. A weight increase of between 1.5 kg (8 years old) and 3.5 kg (13 years old) per decade before 1940 was followed by a drop during the war equivalent to somewhat less than one decade's gain. A rapid catch-up after the war was followed by a slight decrease since 1950, especially for ages above puberty. A stable difference in the social composition of the eastern and western districts of Oslo allowed comparison of the trends for lower and higher social strata. Before the war, children from higher strata were taller than children from lower strata, but this difference has now practically disappeared. Children from the higher strata weighed more until about 1955, but later those from the lower strata weighed markedly more, especially during adolescence. The difference in menarcheal age between social strata was examined in 1928, 1952, 1970 and 1975. The time trend parallels that for weight: menarcheal age was lowest among higher strata until the 1950s, but after that the lower strata experienced the lowest menarcheal age.
Acta Paediatrica, 1975
Height and weight measurements of the school children of Oslo in 1970 (aged 7 to 19 years) are re... more Height and weight measurements of the school children of Oslo in 1970 (aged 7 to 19 years) are reported. Weights show considerably skewed distributions with long tails towards higher weights. Weight precentiles are calculated by interpolation in the empirical distributions. Percentiles and tables for both sexes, showing height for age, weight for height and weight for age, are presented. A comparison with existing Norwegian data from Sundal, 1956, Bergen shows that the application of statistics based on normal distribution for weight, has introduced considerable error in these percentiles. Oslo children in 1970 are taller by 5-6 cm at age eighteen, than USA (Iowa) standards and 4-5 cm taller compared to Tanner-s English percentiles. Oslo children are also taller than Swedish children, and have reached a stature higher than found in any other comparable study.
The European Journal of Public Health, 2005
Public health challenges in a globalizing world p Public health challenges are no longer just loc... more Public health challenges in a globalizing world p Public health challenges are no longer just local, national or regional. They are global. They are no longer just within the domain of public health specialists. They are among the key challenges to our societies. They are political and crosssectoral. They are intimately linked to environment and development. They are key to national, regional and global security. Historically, disease in other places was seen as an impediment to exploration, and a challenge to winning a war. Cholera and other diseases killed at least three times more soldiers in the Crimean War than the actual conflict. Malaria, measles, mumps, smallpox and typhoid felled more combatants than did bullets in the American civil war. And the Panama Canal went over-schedule because of "tropical" diseases-then unknown, untreatable and often fatal. Today on that front, there are very few unknowns. Globalization has connected Bujumbura to Bombay, and Bangkok to Boston. In an interconnected and interdependent world, bacteria and viruses travel almost as fast as e-mail messages and money flows. There are no health sanctuaries. No impregnable walls between the world that is healthy, well fed, and well off, and another world, which is sick, malnourished and impoverished. Globalization has shrunk distances, broken down old barriers, and linked people together. It has also made problems half way around the world everyone's problem. And we know that, like a stone thrown on the waters, a difficult social or economic situation in one community can ripple and resonate around the world. Now, there are solutions for those diseases, which plagued the explorers, soldiers and colonialists of historical times. We know how to prevent and treat malaria. There are vaccines for yellow fever. There are treatments for TB. The striking feature is: while we diligently take antimalarials and top up our vaccinations when we travel to developing countries-the people living there, those threatened most by these diseases-don't have this access. 3,000 Children in Africa die each day from malaria. They die of vaccine preventable diseases-like measles, by the hundreds of thousands. And, people are dying, by the millions every year, of HIV/AIDS.
Environmental Conservation, 1985
MULTI-EDITORIAL Our Environmental Hopes for 1985-86 (continued) * Earlier quoted in another form ... more MULTI-EDITORIAL Our Environmental Hopes for 1985-86 (continued) * Earlier quoted in another form and context in our columns, but so appropriate here that we welcome its inclusion in these multiply eminent circumstances.-Ed. * hence surely in considerable degree the conservation/environmental movement.-Ed.
New Perspectives Quarterly, 1999
Acta Psychiatrica Scandinavica, Oct 1, 2000
Harvard International Review, Mar 22, 2011