Hiroshi Yamane - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Papers by Hiroshi Yamane

Geographical reports of Tokyo Metropolitan University, 2015

Who or what was important in the formation of a region or a place in modern Japan? This paper foc... more Who or what was important in the formation of a region or a place in modern Japan? This paper focuses on answering this question in a case study of the modern Japanese port of Tsuruga. Of course, different actors or mechanisms have had a hand in the making or reshaping of various regions. In this study, however, it is supposed that a special human agency played an influential role in the promotion of the local town during the modernization of Japan. This hypothesis on the basis of the structuration theory is verified by the retroactive exploration of the career and achievements of this influential person, Shoshichi Owada, who was a local merchant and businessman at the port of Tsuruga for many years, and by a comparative consideration of his biography and the history of modern Tsuruga. It can be shown that Owada promoted Tsuruga through the realization of various regional and international plans as the result of his intentions, efforts, and response to contingencies. After his effor...

The American Journal of Gastroenterology, 2012

I 研究の背景と目的・方法 明治期以降の近代化過程においてわが国の構造が変化する中で,各地 域は国土の中で新たな政治経済的地位を得て発展したり,旧来の地位を 失い衰退したりした。港湾都市について... more I 研究の背景と目的・方法 明治期以降の近代化過程においてわが国の構造が変化する中で,各地 域は国土の中で新たな政治経済的地位を得て発展したり,旧来の地位を 失い衰退したりした。港湾都市についてみると,近世日本は僅か「四つ の口」を通じて国際関係を維持したが,幕末から明治期に入り,各地に 出現した開放的な新たな口=国際港湾が,近代国家の重要な対外拠点と なった。本報告で扱う敦賀もその種の地域である。 こうした近代的地域形成のメカニズムを,構造化論的な枠組を念頭に 置きながら具体的に考えたい。まず,地域は「社会構造」と「人間主体」 の鬩ぎ合いの偶有的な過程で創出されると前提する。この両者は,相互 に独立的でありながら相互規定的な関係とされる。ここで報告者は,新 たに成長と共に一群の民衆と異なる傑出した個人として構造自体に影響 を与える「特別な人間主体」(Special human agency)が現れると考え る(Yamane 2009)。それは地域形成を規定し,地域の将来を決定する 存在と考えられる。報告者は,近代敦賀で大和田荘七という人物の活動 履歴を検証し,彼に「特別な人間主体」の具体像を見出したい。 大和田の敦賀での諸活動や構想については,中安(1934)による伝記 を中心的な資料とした。そこには大和田の行動・活動やその意図・意味 が示されており,彼が近代期の社会構造の下で地域の現実を如何に捉え, その将来を如何に構想し,活動していたのかを知ることが出来る。また, それらを地域史上の重要なイベントと比較することから,大和田荘七が 近代敦賀の地域形成過程(敦賀が一定の「地域性」を獲得し,新たな地 域システムやネットワークの中に位置づけられること等)とどのような 相互規定関係にあるかを考えたい。すなわち「構造に関与し地域を構想 し創造する特別な人間主体としての大和田荘七」の存在に注目したい。

The American Journal of Gastroenterology, 2014

II 敦賀 敦賀は,日本海を挟んでロシア・朝鮮半島・中国東北地方(満 州)等の大陸と対峙する位置にあり,北陸線の開通(1884 年) によって京阪神方面等との連結が成ると,対岸地域に向けた旅 客... more II 敦賀 敦賀は,日本海を挟んでロシア・朝鮮半島・中国東北地方(満 州)等の大陸と対峙する位置にあり,北陸線の開通(1884 年) によって京阪神方面等との連結が成ると,対岸地域に向けた旅 客・貿易の窓口=国際港湾としての機能を付与された。 敦賀の近代日本の国土構造の中でのこうした機能・役割を地域 の側で受け止め,自己の地方経済人としての成長と重ね合わせな がら都市・敦賀の形成発展を担った有力な人物として,大和田荘 七(1857-1947)がいる。生誕以来 68 年を敦賀で過ごした大和 田の履歴をみると,地方の一商人であった彼が,活動空間を拡大 し,国家的規模で活動する人物たちと出会い,対岸地域に進出す る一方,地元で敦賀発展策を説き,敦賀の「特別な人間主体」と なる過程が観察される。そして,それは国際港湾・敦賀の発展過 程とも重なり合う。すなわち,偶有的に成長のきっかけを得た敦 賀が国際港湾都市として発展する時代に,その無二の担い手とし て現れた大和田は,時空間的に多重な構造の下で,自己形成とと もに地域形成を構想し実現する主体であった。 III 長崎 長崎は,近世日本の「四つの口」の一つで国際港湾都市であり, 近代以降もその地位を保持してきた。しかし,そもそも後背地に 乏しい上に,国際貿易の独占的な権利を失ったため,横浜や神戸 に後れを取り,後には九州での門司との競合にも敗れ,国際港湾 としての相対的地位を低下させた。また,港湾機能自体も,最早 近代長崎唯一の中核機能ではなかった。とまれ,当時の新聞論調 等から,長崎内外で港湾の重要性とその危機や衰退が認識されて いたことがわかり,そのため数次の港湾修築や対外航路の開設が 進められてきた。元来「上海ネットワーク」の一角を占めてきた 中,1923年には長崎‐上海航路が開設されるに至った。 こうした国際港湾都市・長崎の形成過程において,これと関わ り港湾の近代化を推進したのは,敦賀の大和田のような単一の人 間主体ではなく,複数の主体であった。それは,かつて演者が取 り上げた長崎の有力商人であり,政治家=市長や市会議員等であ り,言論人等であった。各々の人間主体が長崎に関わる「構造」 を読みつつ,近世以来の地域資源である長崎港の再振興のために 主体的に行動し,また相互に関わりあうことで,彼らは近代長崎 の形成に...

Japanese Journal of Human Geography, 1989

Japanese Journal of Human Geography, 1991

Japanese Journal of Human Geography, 1987

Japanese Journal of Human Geography

Background Since the 1980s, modern historical geography in Japan has undergone significant develo... more Background Since the 1980s, modern historical geography in Japan has undergone significant development. The formation and changes of regions in modern Japan is an important theme in Japanese geography and has been explained as the spatial cumulative process of changes through reconstruction of geographically material facts. For example, Japanese geographers can show when, where, and how specific regions were re born, formed, changed, and related to other regions. However, there has been very little scholarly attention given to the causal relations between spatial events and the mechanisms or structures of the realism schema. The relationship between structure and human agency based on the structuration approach has not been considered by case studies in modernized Japan. Peet calls this Anglophone school of human geographical thought "realism structuration locality. " Yamane discusses Japan's modern regional geography Nagasaki as the international port city originated in the sixteenth century using this approach. This study uses a similar approach, but revised schemata are used to explain the relationships among events, structures, and "special" human agencies in a region. This study focuses on Toshimichi Okubo, the one man who had the power and ability to modernize national land structures, and his spatial experiences, recognitions, and policies are investigated by reading his diary and correspondence. Toshimichi Okubo , the son of the lower grade samurai, was born in Kagoshima, Satsuma, in 1830. Okubo was promoted in the hierarchy of the Satsuma clan during the regime change. He was deeply involved in the Meiji Restoration as a member of Satsuma and the movement to overthrow the Shogunate. Okubo became Sangi, one of the high level decision makers in the Meiji government in 1869, and then became Naimu kyo, the chief of the Home Office, in 1873. The latter position is virtually equivalent to Prime Minister. At the peak of his power, he drafted the national development plan advocating the policy to encourage new industry, Shokusan kogyo. After Okubo was assassinated in Tokyo in 1878, his grand plan was poorly implemented by his political successor. Okubo's plan was only partly realized because of his sudden death and the changes in the political environment. Although his ideas of national land development were nearly reduced to ashes, this paper explores his views on various regional characteristics and spatial structure in modern Japan. This exploration explains the structure of modern Japan according to the theory of structuration. We hypothesize that the spatial experiences of Okubo as a human agency a special one had gradually formed his spatial recognition, and that this recognition greatly influenced the content of his national land planning during the early Meiji Era. The relational schemata of "accumulation of personal experience, making recognition based on personal experience, the practice of political planning, " in which all three factors are spatial, are verified in the later chapters. 2 Purposes and Procedures First, this paper aims at reconstructing the spatial experiences, recognitions, and practices of Toshimichi Okubo as a special human agency in modern Japan by referring to his diary and letters. Next, the relationships between his experiences, recognitions, and practices in specific places are examined. Finally, his own evaluation of the spatial structures and places in modern Japan and the foreign countries that he had traveled to are identified and explained in relation to historical geographical facts in modern Japan. This study consists of four phases. First, the "spatial" career of Okubo's lifetime history, when and where he lived and when he traveled, is reconstructed and mapped. We can trace his footprints and capture when and where he traveled and had direct experiences. Through these efforts, we can understand Okubo's direct experiences and recognitions of places at home and abroad. Second, Okubo's indirect acquisition of information regarding domestic and overseas places is investigated by an analysis of his meetings and correspondence with his colleagues. Third, Okubo's ideas, plans, and practices regarding national land development are investigated by examining his letters among other sources. Finally, we investigate the relationship between his spatial experiences / recognitions and his spatial planning / practices and make some concluding remarks. II Spatial Career, Experiences and Recognitions of Toshimichi Okubo 1 Spatial Experience and Spatial Career The purpose of this chapter is to clarify Okubo's spatial experiences and recognitions. It is hypothesized that Okubo's spatial practices as the head of the Meiji government were based on his spatial experiences and recognitions that he had accumulated over his lifetime. As mentioned above , spatial experience is defined as the direct or indirect experience of places. It can be measured in both quantity and quality. In this chapter, Okubo's spatial career, the accumulation of the places he lived, visited, and moved through in his lifetime is traced as faithfully as possible. The places where Okubo lived were Kagoshima, Kyoto, and Tokyo. These cities were the bases for his political activities at each stage of his life. 2 Okubo s Spatial Career Okubo's lifetime is divided in three stages of Kagoshima, Kyoto, and Tokyo based on where he made his home. Kagoshima is the castle town of the Satsuma clan in Kyushu, and is his birthplace and hometown. Okubo lived there for about 30 years. In his childhood, Okubo learned and played with his friends in the same community, Kajiya machi. Okubo's childhood friends Takamori Saigo , Atsushi Saisho, and Tomozane Yoshii were later joining in the movement to overthrow the Shogunate and assumed high officials in the Meiji government. Okubo became a samurai in Kagoshima in 1846, when at age 15, he attained the promotion along with his friends from the feudal load of the Satsuma clan. This paper defines the period from 1830 to 1866 as the Kagoshima stage. Kyoto was the emperor's residential place and the center of the movement against the Edo Shogunate. In those days, samurai activists had gathered there from various places around Japan. The Satsuma clan dispatched all able samurais to Kyoto to gain control of the movement. Okubo was one of these samurai. He took up residence in Kyoto for some years and the Satsuma clan's house in Kyoto became his new base. The period from 1866 to 1869 when he lived in Kyoto is defined as the Kyoto stage. Prior to 1868, Tokyo was known as Edo. Okubo had visited Edo many times. After the Meiji Restoration, 1868, Okubo moved his residence and base of political operations to Tokyo. During his last 10 years in Tokyo, Okubo began to implement his experiences and recognitions into his practices. The period from 1868 to 1878 is defined as the Tokyo stage. The paths of Okubo's domestic travels are shown in Figure 1. The three cities he had lived in were the hubs that frequently connected his travels. The general spatial characteristics of his traveling routes are refereed in detail later in this chapter. 3 The Kagoshima Stage Okubo rarely left the Kagoshima area until he was 30 years old. By the command of his lord, Hisamitsu Shimazu, he first visited Kyoto in 1861. Before that, his farthest travels took him to Kumamoto, which was only 200 km away from Kagoshima. If the "revolution" against the Edo Shogunate did not occur, he may have spent his entire life in a town located on the south western edge of Japan. 1861 was the turning point of his spatial career. In only six years, Okubo's travels took him to Edo via the Tokai Highway, Tokai do, one of the most important highways Niigata Port construction 21 , 602. 806 Road excavation between Miyagi and Yamagata 101 , 604. 716 Road excavation between Iwate and Akita 93 , 349. 375 Canal building on the Nasu Plain 22 , 707. 000 Repair of salt pan in Kagoshima Pref. 53 , 918. 261

Geographical Review of Japan, 2003

This symposium was held by the study group, "the formation of region in modern Ja pan," organized... more This symposium was held by the study group, "the formation of region in modern Ja pan," organized within the association of Japa

Geographical reports of Tokyo Metropolitan University, 2015

Who or what was important in the formation of a region or a place in modern Japan? This paper foc... more Who or what was important in the formation of a region or a place in modern Japan? This paper focuses on answering this question in a case study of the modern Japanese port of Tsuruga. Of course, different actors or mechanisms have had a hand in the making or reshaping of various regions. In this study, however, it is supposed that a special human agency played an influential role in the promotion of the local town during the modernization of Japan. This hypothesis on the basis of the structuration theory is verified by the retroactive exploration of the career and achievements of this influential person, Shoshichi Owada, who was a local merchant and businessman at the port of Tsuruga for many years, and by a comparative consideration of his biography and the history of modern Tsuruga. It can be shown that Owada promoted Tsuruga through the realization of various regional and international plans as the result of his intentions, efforts, and response to contingencies. After his effor...

The American Journal of Gastroenterology, 2012

I 研究の背景と目的・方法 明治期以降の近代化過程においてわが国の構造が変化する中で,各地 域は国土の中で新たな政治経済的地位を得て発展したり,旧来の地位を 失い衰退したりした。港湾都市について... more I 研究の背景と目的・方法 明治期以降の近代化過程においてわが国の構造が変化する中で,各地 域は国土の中で新たな政治経済的地位を得て発展したり,旧来の地位を 失い衰退したりした。港湾都市についてみると,近世日本は僅か「四つ の口」を通じて国際関係を維持したが,幕末から明治期に入り,各地に 出現した開放的な新たな口=国際港湾が,近代国家の重要な対外拠点と なった。本報告で扱う敦賀もその種の地域である。 こうした近代的地域形成のメカニズムを,構造化論的な枠組を念頭に 置きながら具体的に考えたい。まず,地域は「社会構造」と「人間主体」 の鬩ぎ合いの偶有的な過程で創出されると前提する。この両者は,相互 に独立的でありながら相互規定的な関係とされる。ここで報告者は,新 たに成長と共に一群の民衆と異なる傑出した個人として構造自体に影響 を与える「特別な人間主体」(Special human agency)が現れると考え る(Yamane 2009)。それは地域形成を規定し,地域の将来を決定する 存在と考えられる。報告者は,近代敦賀で大和田荘七という人物の活動 履歴を検証し,彼に「特別な人間主体」の具体像を見出したい。 大和田の敦賀での諸活動や構想については,中安(1934)による伝記 を中心的な資料とした。そこには大和田の行動・活動やその意図・意味 が示されており,彼が近代期の社会構造の下で地域の現実を如何に捉え, その将来を如何に構想し,活動していたのかを知ることが出来る。また, それらを地域史上の重要なイベントと比較することから,大和田荘七が 近代敦賀の地域形成過程(敦賀が一定の「地域性」を獲得し,新たな地 域システムやネットワークの中に位置づけられること等)とどのような 相互規定関係にあるかを考えたい。すなわち「構造に関与し地域を構想 し創造する特別な人間主体としての大和田荘七」の存在に注目したい。

The American Journal of Gastroenterology, 2014

II 敦賀 敦賀は,日本海を挟んでロシア・朝鮮半島・中国東北地方(満 州)等の大陸と対峙する位置にあり,北陸線の開通(1884 年) によって京阪神方面等との連結が成ると,対岸地域に向けた旅 客... more II 敦賀 敦賀は,日本海を挟んでロシア・朝鮮半島・中国東北地方(満 州)等の大陸と対峙する位置にあり,北陸線の開通(1884 年) によって京阪神方面等との連結が成ると,対岸地域に向けた旅 客・貿易の窓口=国際港湾としての機能を付与された。 敦賀の近代日本の国土構造の中でのこうした機能・役割を地域 の側で受け止め,自己の地方経済人としての成長と重ね合わせな がら都市・敦賀の形成発展を担った有力な人物として,大和田荘 七(1857-1947)がいる。生誕以来 68 年を敦賀で過ごした大和 田の履歴をみると,地方の一商人であった彼が,活動空間を拡大 し,国家的規模で活動する人物たちと出会い,対岸地域に進出す る一方,地元で敦賀発展策を説き,敦賀の「特別な人間主体」と なる過程が観察される。そして,それは国際港湾・敦賀の発展過 程とも重なり合う。すなわち,偶有的に成長のきっかけを得た敦 賀が国際港湾都市として発展する時代に,その無二の担い手とし て現れた大和田は,時空間的に多重な構造の下で,自己形成とと もに地域形成を構想し実現する主体であった。 III 長崎 長崎は,近世日本の「四つの口」の一つで国際港湾都市であり, 近代以降もその地位を保持してきた。しかし,そもそも後背地に 乏しい上に,国際貿易の独占的な権利を失ったため,横浜や神戸 に後れを取り,後には九州での門司との競合にも敗れ,国際港湾 としての相対的地位を低下させた。また,港湾機能自体も,最早 近代長崎唯一の中核機能ではなかった。とまれ,当時の新聞論調 等から,長崎内外で港湾の重要性とその危機や衰退が認識されて いたことがわかり,そのため数次の港湾修築や対外航路の開設が 進められてきた。元来「上海ネットワーク」の一角を占めてきた 中,1923年には長崎‐上海航路が開設されるに至った。 こうした国際港湾都市・長崎の形成過程において,これと関わ り港湾の近代化を推進したのは,敦賀の大和田のような単一の人 間主体ではなく,複数の主体であった。それは,かつて演者が取 り上げた長崎の有力商人であり,政治家=市長や市会議員等であ り,言論人等であった。各々の人間主体が長崎に関わる「構造」 を読みつつ,近世以来の地域資源である長崎港の再振興のために 主体的に行動し,また相互に関わりあうことで,彼らは近代長崎 の形成に...

Japanese Journal of Human Geography, 1989

Japanese Journal of Human Geography, 1991

Japanese Journal of Human Geography, 1987

Japanese Journal of Human Geography

Background Since the 1980s, modern historical geography in Japan has undergone significant develo... more Background Since the 1980s, modern historical geography in Japan has undergone significant development. The formation and changes of regions in modern Japan is an important theme in Japanese geography and has been explained as the spatial cumulative process of changes through reconstruction of geographically material facts. For example, Japanese geographers can show when, where, and how specific regions were re born, formed, changed, and related to other regions. However, there has been very little scholarly attention given to the causal relations between spatial events and the mechanisms or structures of the realism schema. The relationship between structure and human agency based on the structuration approach has not been considered by case studies in modernized Japan. Peet calls this Anglophone school of human geographical thought "realism structuration locality. " Yamane discusses Japan's modern regional geography Nagasaki as the international port city originated in the sixteenth century using this approach. This study uses a similar approach, but revised schemata are used to explain the relationships among events, structures, and "special" human agencies in a region. This study focuses on Toshimichi Okubo, the one man who had the power and ability to modernize national land structures, and his spatial experiences, recognitions, and policies are investigated by reading his diary and correspondence. Toshimichi Okubo , the son of the lower grade samurai, was born in Kagoshima, Satsuma, in 1830. Okubo was promoted in the hierarchy of the Satsuma clan during the regime change. He was deeply involved in the Meiji Restoration as a member of Satsuma and the movement to overthrow the Shogunate. Okubo became Sangi, one of the high level decision makers in the Meiji government in 1869, and then became Naimu kyo, the chief of the Home Office, in 1873. The latter position is virtually equivalent to Prime Minister. At the peak of his power, he drafted the national development plan advocating the policy to encourage new industry, Shokusan kogyo. After Okubo was assassinated in Tokyo in 1878, his grand plan was poorly implemented by his political successor. Okubo's plan was only partly realized because of his sudden death and the changes in the political environment. Although his ideas of national land development were nearly reduced to ashes, this paper explores his views on various regional characteristics and spatial structure in modern Japan. This exploration explains the structure of modern Japan according to the theory of structuration. We hypothesize that the spatial experiences of Okubo as a human agency a special one had gradually formed his spatial recognition, and that this recognition greatly influenced the content of his national land planning during the early Meiji Era. The relational schemata of "accumulation of personal experience, making recognition based on personal experience, the practice of political planning, " in which all three factors are spatial, are verified in the later chapters. 2 Purposes and Procedures First, this paper aims at reconstructing the spatial experiences, recognitions, and practices of Toshimichi Okubo as a special human agency in modern Japan by referring to his diary and letters. Next, the relationships between his experiences, recognitions, and practices in specific places are examined. Finally, his own evaluation of the spatial structures and places in modern Japan and the foreign countries that he had traveled to are identified and explained in relation to historical geographical facts in modern Japan. This study consists of four phases. First, the "spatial" career of Okubo's lifetime history, when and where he lived and when he traveled, is reconstructed and mapped. We can trace his footprints and capture when and where he traveled and had direct experiences. Through these efforts, we can understand Okubo's direct experiences and recognitions of places at home and abroad. Second, Okubo's indirect acquisition of information regarding domestic and overseas places is investigated by an analysis of his meetings and correspondence with his colleagues. Third, Okubo's ideas, plans, and practices regarding national land development are investigated by examining his letters among other sources. Finally, we investigate the relationship between his spatial experiences / recognitions and his spatial planning / practices and make some concluding remarks. II Spatial Career, Experiences and Recognitions of Toshimichi Okubo 1 Spatial Experience and Spatial Career The purpose of this chapter is to clarify Okubo's spatial experiences and recognitions. It is hypothesized that Okubo's spatial practices as the head of the Meiji government were based on his spatial experiences and recognitions that he had accumulated over his lifetime. As mentioned above , spatial experience is defined as the direct or indirect experience of places. It can be measured in both quantity and quality. In this chapter, Okubo's spatial career, the accumulation of the places he lived, visited, and moved through in his lifetime is traced as faithfully as possible. The places where Okubo lived were Kagoshima, Kyoto, and Tokyo. These cities were the bases for his political activities at each stage of his life. 2 Okubo s Spatial Career Okubo's lifetime is divided in three stages of Kagoshima, Kyoto, and Tokyo based on where he made his home. Kagoshima is the castle town of the Satsuma clan in Kyushu, and is his birthplace and hometown. Okubo lived there for about 30 years. In his childhood, Okubo learned and played with his friends in the same community, Kajiya machi. Okubo's childhood friends Takamori Saigo , Atsushi Saisho, and Tomozane Yoshii were later joining in the movement to overthrow the Shogunate and assumed high officials in the Meiji government. Okubo became a samurai in Kagoshima in 1846, when at age 15, he attained the promotion along with his friends from the feudal load of the Satsuma clan. This paper defines the period from 1830 to 1866 as the Kagoshima stage. Kyoto was the emperor's residential place and the center of the movement against the Edo Shogunate. In those days, samurai activists had gathered there from various places around Japan. The Satsuma clan dispatched all able samurais to Kyoto to gain control of the movement. Okubo was one of these samurai. He took up residence in Kyoto for some years and the Satsuma clan's house in Kyoto became his new base. The period from 1866 to 1869 when he lived in Kyoto is defined as the Kyoto stage. Prior to 1868, Tokyo was known as Edo. Okubo had visited Edo many times. After the Meiji Restoration, 1868, Okubo moved his residence and base of political operations to Tokyo. During his last 10 years in Tokyo, Okubo began to implement his experiences and recognitions into his practices. The period from 1868 to 1878 is defined as the Tokyo stage. The paths of Okubo's domestic travels are shown in Figure 1. The three cities he had lived in were the hubs that frequently connected his travels. The general spatial characteristics of his traveling routes are refereed in detail later in this chapter. 3 The Kagoshima Stage Okubo rarely left the Kagoshima area until he was 30 years old. By the command of his lord, Hisamitsu Shimazu, he first visited Kyoto in 1861. Before that, his farthest travels took him to Kumamoto, which was only 200 km away from Kagoshima. If the "revolution" against the Edo Shogunate did not occur, he may have spent his entire life in a town located on the south western edge of Japan. 1861 was the turning point of his spatial career. In only six years, Okubo's travels took him to Edo via the Tokai Highway, Tokai do, one of the most important highways Niigata Port construction 21 , 602. 806 Road excavation between Miyagi and Yamagata 101 , 604. 716 Road excavation between Iwate and Akita 93 , 349. 375 Canal building on the Nasu Plain 22 , 707. 000 Repair of salt pan in Kagoshima Pref. 53 , 918. 261

Geographical Review of Japan, 2003

This symposium was held by the study group, "the formation of region in modern Ja pan," organized... more This symposium was held by the study group, "the formation of region in modern Ja pan," organized within the association of Japa