Hussein Gari - Independent Researcher (original) (raw)

Papers by Hussein Gari

This paper examines land tenure and conflict in Sudan and deals with state infringement on custom... more This paper examines land tenure and conflict in Sudan and deals with state infringement on customary land rights and the erosion of traditional local governance institutions overseeing customary rules governing those rights in rural Sudan and the implications of this for peace and security. Using secondary sources (books, articles and reports) and data from primary sources (electronic newspapers and some archives), analyses are based on a practitioner background regarding conflict resolution process approach in Darfur. This paper argues that that state land policies have resulted in ambiguity and dualism in land tenure in Sudan. This dualism, which incorporates both modern statutory land ownership and customary tenure features, places communal lands held by most rural Sudanese communities under customary tenure under constant threat of expropriation by the state for private business interests both local and foreign. The paper further suggests that although state encroachment on customary land use rights has been manifested differently in different regions, the common denominator is an increasing state denial of communal rights and the weakening of local governance structures regulating them. The paper is presented in six sections. The first section studies multiple causes of rising conflict in some parts of rural Sudan. The second section deals with local conflict resolution mechanisms. The third section, studies legal mechanisms nexus land tenure tights, and highlights the problematic of the resulting dualism in land tenure that simultaneously combines both state legal ownership over communal lands in theory and the local communities " pursuit of customary tenure in practice. The fourth section, examines mechanisms to initiate land reform processes in Sudan. The fifth section highlights lessons learned from experience. The paper ends up by concluding that uuncertainties regarding the rights of different groups and land tenure conflicts are aggravated by the plurality of state laws and policies of regulation for control over land, particularly those affecting traditional land tenure systems on which groups formerly depended.

This study assesses the main aspects of the existing land policies and laws in Sudan, and identif... more This study assesses the main aspects of the existing land policies and laws in Sudan, and identifies emerging issues concerning land tenure in the country. The study draws lessons from land policy and legal frameworks on their impact and strengths in the following key areas: land management and administration; multi-dimensional character of land and land registration; land tenure legislation and land tenure reform. The conclusion suggests that laws, policies and directives on land require streamlining from policy makers to serve the people " s need and attention from development agencies to facilitate and support this process.

This paper reviews the main features of a new expansion extremist-type violence's parameters in n... more This paper reviews the main features of a new expansion extremist-type violence's parameters in northeastern Mozambique as a result of violence broke out first in October 2017 in Cabo Delgado province and increasingly became a regional problem; creating risks for oil and gas investors in the region. Although Mozambique has little history of militant activity and police are reluctant to ascribe the attacks to Islamists, some analysts allege the attacks on civilians demonstrate that a group of suspected Islamic militants called Ahlu Sunnah Waj-Jama'a (Adherents to the Sunna and the Community of Muslims Sunni), has raised its terror campaign to a new level. The paper examines the background of Ahlu Sunnah Waj-Jama'a group and argues that it would be naive to allege that Ahlu Sunnah Waj-Jama'a group is the sole actor in that expanding targeting system. The violence and the broadened parameters that went beyond the called objective of Ahlu Sunnah Waj-Jama'a group indicate that there were subterraneous forces at play. Members of Ahlu Sunnah Waj-Jama'a were the pioneer attackers who provided a template pretexts to other forces that want to attack their calculated targets. The paper conclude that simplistic and narrow counter-violence lens ignores the historical context in which religious identities are being shaped and reshaped in the globe which glosses over the fact that regional, ethnic and religious identities often reinforce each other.

إن العمق الحضاري للتعليم الإسلامي، وأثره في التكوين التربوي العلمي والثقافي للنشء في غرب أفريقيا ... more إن العمق الحضاري للتعليم الإسلامي، وأثره في التكوين التربوي العلمي والثقافي للنشء في غرب أفريقيا عامة وفي اقليم برنو في شمال شرقي نيجيريا خاصة، ومكانته في العالم المعاصر قضية مطروحة بجدية تمثل ظاهرة صحية على مسرح التعليم الإسلامي في المنطقة منذ الربع الأخير من القرن الماضي وحتى اليوم، فالعالم الإسلامي كله يشهد الآن يقظة جديدة هي رد فعل عاطفي لمشاعر الإحباط والإذلال. فعندما تصيب الشعوب شئ من فقدان الثقة في النفس ولا ترى من حولها غير مظاهر الطغيان والخذلان والعجز عن مجابهة التحدي الحضاري الماثل أمامها لا تملك إلا أن تلوذ بينابيعها الروحية. بيد أن هذه اليقظة لا بد أن تتحول إلى بعث حضاري يقوم على التلاقح بين الموروث الحي في وجدان الناس، وبين الواقع الحضاري الذي يلقي بكل ثقله على حياتهم، وإلا تصبح اليقظة صوت احتجاج على الواقع الظالم بالهروب منه. إن رد فعل هذه اليقظة إن لم تطرح على المستوى التربوي العلمي الفكري لمجابهة عقلانية للحضارة المعاصرة يصبح رد فعل نفسي غاضب يستهلك طاقات أفراد الأمة. فاليقظة الحقيقية أو البعث النهضوي يتم بتأصيل الجانب القيمي في الإسلام في قلب الواقع الحضاري الذي يعيشه الناس، ويتم باستنباط الحضارة المعاصرة أو بعبارة أخرى عضونتها في القيم التراثية الإسلامية، وتعميقها في الوعي الإجتماعي للأمة المسلمة. لأنها مثل غيرها تتمثل هذه الحضارة في كثير من جوانب حياتها. فهي تتمثلها في لباسها، وفي تعليمها، وفي تعليم أبنائها، وفي أنماط علاجها، وفي وسائل ترحالها، وفي وسائط إتصالها وفي إدخار أموالها في المصارف.
تقع هذه الورقة في ثلاثة فصول: ففي الأول استعراض للجذور التاريخية للإسلام في غرب أفريقيا باختصار، وفي الفصل الثاني عرضاً مختصراً لإسهامات أبرز الدول الإسلامية التي قامت في غرب أفريقيا وازدهرت بالإسلام وأسست حضارات اعترف بها المنصفون من أساطين المؤرخين من أمثال الكاتب الفرنسي جويلي Gouily الذي قال في كتابه [ الإسلام في أفريقيا الغربية ] (إن الإسلام ظل وحده رائد التغيير والبناء في أفريقيا لأكثر من 11 قرنا), ثم إفراد فصل عن التعليم الإسلامي في اقليم برنو شمال شرقي نيجيريا: الماضي, الحاضر ورؤية مستقبلية.

The northern Rezaigat camel-herding (Abbala) nomads in north Darfur have much in common with past... more The northern Rezaigat camel-herding (Abbala) nomads in north Darfur have much in common with pastoralists in other conflict-affected areas of Darfur, who face equivalent challenges due to their social, economic and political marginalization. The north Darfur case has local, regional and international policy implications and needs be viewed in the context of discourses on pastoralism, climate adaptation, land tenure system and rights of pastoralists. This paper aims to highlight the causes of vulnerability and livelihoods challenges facing the northern Rezaigat Abbala nomadic tribes " livelihoods, which are often deeply rooted in history and embedded in complex interactions between people, the environment, and institutional and policy processes. What should be stressed is that tribe and ecology have interacted in Darfur to influence rural livelihoods systems. This is well-expressed in the distribution of different tribes in the region, with pastoral tribes to the north and south and farming tribes in the central parts. The paper aims to illustrate the processes that shaped the vulnerability of the northern Rezaigat, camel-herding Abbala and brought them to the point where they were willing to actively support the Sudan government " s counter-insurgency against the rebels in Darfur. Processes represent the unique causes of their particular vulnerability and their subsequent choices in 2003-4 to support the government " s counter-insurgency campaign, which led to the oversimplified representation of this group as marauding militia. The wider purpose of this paper is to boost understanding and raise awareness of the livelihoods challenges facing the pastoralist northern Rezaigat camel-herding Abbala nomadic tribes in north Darfur and to promote their inclusion as stakeholders in relevant national and international processes to promote peace and stability in the region.

This paper examines the deep tribal roots in framing of the historical tradition of native admini... more This paper examines the deep tribal roots in framing of the historical tradition of native administration system and political ideologies in north Darfur and its role in the conflict and peace process in Darfur. To attain this, four aspects are considered: first, the core policies of traditional tribal land ownership that the native administration system based on, and the background Arab tribes in north Darfur; second, the conflict outbreak in Darfur in 2003, the rise of Musa Hilal and the use of the northern Rizeigat Abbala and other Arab tribes in Darfur to support the Government's counter-insurgency; third, the UN Security Council sanctions on Musa Hilal and three other individuals, the accuracy of justifications for imposition of the sanctions, the incorrect personal data and limited follow-up and the sanctions impact on the Darfur peace process; fourth, Musa Hilal's tribal reconciliation campaigns and potential role to play in peace process in Darfur. These four aspects serve as a matrix that helps to explain the continuing relationship between the tribal attitude of the socio-political approach and the conflict dynamic in Darfur. In what follows, this paper shows that the ethnically based groups arming, started in 1960s and the counter-insurgency policies of tribal strategy, established by the early times of the insurgency have played a notable role in Darfur's armed conflict. The paper highlights the reasons behind Musa Hilal's inability to participate in peace talks abroad although his commitment to peace negotiations and his wish to play a role in the peace process have been repeatedly stated by himself and welcomed by the rebel movements.

Darfur was the last independent territory in Africa to be annexed by the British colonial rule. I... more Darfur was the last independent territory in Africa to be annexed by the British colonial rule. In the pre-colonial period, the Sultans of Darfur and the native administrators had no body to compete because they were the absolute rulers without legislature or independent judiciary.
With the conquest by the British in 1916, the British administration has first recognized and developed the tribal system, existing for centuries by issuing legislations to suit their purposes, into administrative units.
Darfur experienced just 38 years of colonial rule, during which time it was neglected. This pattern of skewed development continued following national independence in 1956. In this history of neglect lie the roots of the conflict in Darfur. The crisis in Darfur is a manifestation of inequitable distribution of wealth and power in Sudan.
The Abbala are multitude of Arab tribes of north Darfur. They include Rezaigat of north Darfur with their sub-sections, specifically the group around Kutum/Kebkabiya areas. This group has a particular history of social and economic concerns.

This paper analyzes the potential of the land and natural resources in the western localities of ... more This paper analyzes the potential of the land and natural resources in the western localities of north Darfur region to examine to what extent competition over them has contributed to the in conflict Jabal Amir gold mines areas. It provides a historical background about the evolution of the native administration system and approaches adopted by colonial and national governments towards native administration. The paper measures the volunteering communal reconciliation efforts from native administrators and politicians in north Darfur that remain dynamic as long as well coordinated. Historically, Darfur people enjoy accumulative and stratified stage of customs and traditions that processed over experiments and experience of generation throughout centuries and joined to unrecorded law which all subjected to it. The study found that native administrators and politicians in north Darfur affected by communal reconciliation mechanisms of conflicts resolution and highlights the challenge face the reconciliation mechanism and identifies practices of developing it. The paper concludes with recommendations for promoting the communal reconciliation mechanisms in order to contribute to efforts aimed at identifying ways of achieving sustained peace in the western localities of north Darfur.

This paper is a conceptual proposal, aims to undertake the issues of some thematic pillars of pea... more This paper is a conceptual proposal, aims to undertake the issues of some thematic pillars of peacebuilding e.g. rule of law, security sector reform and economic recovery in reinsertion of Boko Haram's low-risk detainees and defecting ex-combatants in north-eastern Nigeria, through identifying the relationship between violence, mal-economic development and lacking advancement in security sector reform and rule of law. The paper aims at examining alternatives in respect of the civilian possible responses to be developed in addition to the military operations against Boko Haram.
Given the widespread insecurity in the region from the consequences of Boko Haram conflict, which does not falling under the categories of traditional disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) programme that includes preconditions before it begins, such as the signing of a negotiated peace agreement that provides a legal framework for it and a minimum guarantee of security. This paper argues that to mitigate insecurity condition resulting from the on-going Boko Haram violent conflict, it is imperative to implement a programme that its main beneficiaries should ultimately be the wider community. A programme must therefore be conceptualized, designed, planned and implemented within a wider recovery and development framework and should engage in activities related to disengagement and defection, community-based reinsertion, conflict reduction and the prevention of violent radicalism in order to spearhead country-level programmes, government engagement and partnership development, and linked to broader programmes of reintegration. The paper shows that, to secure efficient community security, reduction of recruitment into armed groups and promotion of broad reconciliation and stabilization for sustained reintegration; implementation of a programme for socio-economic reinsertion is essential to reach optimal peaceful conflict resolution. Moreover, strengthening the rule of law and justice system and the penal chain through strengthening the State capacity and regulations reforms remain prerequisites for putting an end to major root-cause through peaceful means. The paper contributes to knowledge as it deepens the understanding and advance of debate on relationship between conflict, security, economic and conflict management in sub-Saharan Africa.

The Nigerian President Buhari's statement to the media in 2015, that his government is willing to... more The Nigerian President Buhari's statement to the media in 2015, that his government is willing to negotiate with credible leaders of Boko Haram for the release of more than 200 schoolgirls abducted on 14 April 2014 by Boko Haram group, and the group's release of 21 of the girls in October 2016 and 82 in May 2017, brought dramatically the value of negotiation as strategic option for dealing with Boko Haram and resolving the conflict peacefully. This particular and productive attempt to engage with Boko Haram had been difficult because it had a background of many failed and subverted attempts, weak political will and quite possibly toxic does of internal subversion. There was never even a near-consensus among Nigerians that negotiating with Boko Haram was a credible option. Military that fought saw any talk of negotiation as capitulation. Some politicians, victims of the insurgency and those behind them saw the option of dialogue and negotiation for an end to the insurgency as immunity. If the momentum and drive which resulted in the release of the schoolgirls can be sustained and the confidence to engage and negotiate is preserved, there would be a good reason to expect that more or all abducted civilians will be released. Given the stakes in freeing the girls and other civilians abducted by Boko Haram, the universal commendation of the release indicates that the Nigerian government was right to explore the negotiation option, although there are few voices being raised against a negotiated release.

The religious structural view in northern Nigeria presents the radical Islamists crisis as one ex... more The religious structural view in northern Nigeria presents the radical Islamists crisis as one example of an inbuilt tendency, which causes periodic incidents of violence. Incident should be seen in the context of social, political and generational dynamics within the larger field of northern Nigerian radical Islam as the site of repeated jihad, going back to the 19 th century jihad of Usman Dan Fodio. The key to understanding contemporary radical Islamism in northern Nigeria is to comprehend the role and place of the Sokoto jihad. The basic message of radical Islam, whether in the Middle East, North Africa, or northern Nigeria, is the same: it is the duty of Muslims to revolt against and change traitor rulers and governments in order to help re-establish a proper Islamic state. The main differences among radical groups are in the methods and not the ideals. Islamic radicalisation encompasses engagement in manners to Islamize the social and political systems. These goals are to be realized through revival or establishment of Islamic state based on Sharia law. The emphasis is on the control of the state institutions, which is seen as the main instrument for actualizing the Islamic law that will guarantee the revival of and a total return to the Holy Qu'ran and the Noble Hadith.

In 1995, Abubakar Lawan founded Ahluls Sunna wal Jama'a (Adherents to the Sunna and the Community... more In 1995, Abubakar Lawan founded Ahluls Sunna wal Jama'a (Adherents to the Sunna and the Community of Muslims) Group in Maiduguri, Borno State in northeast Nigeria. In 2002, shortly after he left for further studies in Saudi Arabia, a committee of high member preachers appointed Mohammad Yusuf as their leader. Afterwards, Mohammad Yusuf ousted those who appointed him on allegations of their failure to properly interpret the teaching of the Holy Quran. His preaching attracted followers from Borno and Yobe states, and even from neighbouring countries such as Niger and Chad. It was around this time that the group became known as the Yusufiyya movement. The group adopted Sunna and Salaf related lexicons in their self-characterization. The movement denounces as illegitimate the western oriented education tradition (boko) as opposed to the traditional system of Islamic oriented education. In his preaching, were distributed widely throughout northern Nigeria via audio tapes, CDs, DVDs and through open-air sermons, Mohammed Yusuf used to repeat that: boko da aikin gomenati haram, which means that receiving a secular western oriented education, as well as working for the secular government is forbidden for Muslims, hence the nickname Boko Haram given to the movement by outsiders. Thus the group became known in the media by a series of nicknames such as the Yusufiyya and Boko Haram. The name Boko Haram was made prominent around 2009 by the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) Hausa service, increasingly used by the global media and adopted by some officials and the public. It has become the generic appellation of the group, although it has never called itself so. The movement was unknown to most people outside Maiduguri before 2009, when federal forces launched a military offensive against its headquarters. Some Boko Haram members died, some escaped, and Mohammed Yusuf was arrested and extrajudicially executed. Its members who survived went underground and a year later, in September 2010, the group re-emerged under the leadership of Abubakar Shekau with a

Since 2009, through random attacks on rural and urban populations, coupled with the absence of po... more Since 2009, through random attacks on rural and urban populations, coupled with the absence of political will to seriously confront the insurgents until the 2015 elections, Boko Haram insurgents were able to cause maximum destruction to the populations, properties, infrastructures, economy and other facilities of mostly the northeastern region of Nigeria especially the epicentre states of Borno and Yobe. Boko Haram are able to take over the majority of the local government areas of Borno State and a significant number of Yobe and Adamawa States, fourteen out of the seven hundred and seventy four local government areas of the Nigerian federation, and controlled territory equivalent to the size of Belgium. This equation was threatened with a military campaign by the Nigerian army with the collaboration of Lake Chad Basin region's neighbouring countries to confront the insurgents. Boko Haram insurgents which, were under pressure and appeared to be on the back foot pledged allegiance to ISIS in 2015. This paper examines the Boko Haram leadership's late addition allegiance; constructs four possible scenarios triggered the choice. The paper studies as well the split in ISIS-aligned Boko Haram group and highlights the reason behind the internal discords within the group.

Quick impact projects undertaken within the framework of the United Nations Department of Peaceke... more Quick impact projects undertaken within the framework of the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations/Department of Field Support (DPKO/DFS) Policy Directive are widely diverse and have often significant budgets, and thus reducing risks associated should be a priority for the projects management team. This paper presents an application of risk management lessons from quick impact projects implemented in North Darfur. In this paper, risk management has been examined in a case study of the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID) quick impact projects (QIPs) were chosen. Moreover, based on the particular feature and area of analysis and consists of direct observation of the risk management lessons from 82 quick impact projects implemented during the period between September 2008 and December 2011 across North Darfur, the research presents how risks change during a project life cycle and helps to realize how the quick impact projects implementation work with this concept. All analyses are based on a practitioner background regarding risk management process and project monitoring and evaluation approach in the project management area. The paper has discovered both negative and positive risk management lessons that will be crucial for future QIPs implementation development. The volatile post-conflict context in Darfur has negatively affected the implementation and risk management performance.

Following the Boko Haram's founder Mohammed Yusuf's extrajudicially execution in 2009, its member... more Following the Boko Haram's founder Mohammed Yusuf's extrajudicially execution in 2009, its members who survived went underground and a year later, in September 2010, the group re-emerged under the current leader Abubakar Shekau with a new self-characterized name: Jama'atu Ahlus-Sunna Lidda'Awati wal Jihad (Sunni Community for Propagation of the Prophet's Teachings and Jihad). The group's members seemingly abhor the popular but derisive name of Boko Haram. Boko Haram is a description of its position that Western education (Boko) is forbidden (Haram), rather than the formal name of the group. It appeared with a guerrilla style insurgency that has proved more deadly than the conventional warfare of 2009 despite tens of thousands of causalities and captives. Through random attacks on rural and urban populations until the 2015 elections, Boko Haram were able to cause maximum destruction to the populations, properties, infrastructures, economy and other facilities of mostly the northeastern region of Nigeria especially the epicentre states of Borno and Yobe. They are able to take over the majority of the local government areas of Borno State and a significant number of Yobe and Adamawa States, fourteen out of the seven hundred and seventy four local governments of the Nigerian federation, estimated to be slightly larger than Luxembourg. The danger faced by the country was not only the killing and destruction of mostly innocent civilians and their property as a result of the conflict. The real danger was the confusion that has set in resulting in massive expansion of the parameters of the conflict that had created a situation whereby no enlightened Nigerian believes that the violence is from Boko Haram alone. While the conflict started with war against Boko Haram, it would be naive to insist that Boko Haram was the sole actor in that expanding broad targeting system. The violence meted out against innocent civilians virtually at random and the broadened parameters that went beyond all declared and attributed goals of Boko Haram clearly indicated that there were subterraneous forces at play.

Northern Nigeria has a long history of rising of influential Militant Islamic groups in its socie... more Northern Nigeria has a long history of rising of influential Militant Islamic groups in its societies, shaped by conflicts with political overtones, even though, were termed jihads to reflect religious, utilizing religiously justified violence. These were notably the pre-modern jihad movements like that of Usman Dan Fodio, the 20th century like that of Maitatsine and of El-Zakzaki Shiite Islamic Movement in Nigeria and the 21st century of Mohammed Yusuf's Ahluls Sunna wal Jama’a (Adherents to the Sunna and the Community of Muslims) known as Yusufiyya/Boko Haram and that of Abubakar Shekau's Jama’atu Ahlus-Sunna Lidda’Awati wal Jihad (Sunni Community for Propagation of the Prophet’s Teachings and Jihad). Abubakar Shekau, who took over the leadership of Boko Haram following the extra-judicial execution of the group’s founder Mohammed Yusuf in 2009, re-named the group in September 2010. The group's members seemingly abhor the popular but derisive name of Boko Haram.
This paper studies the historical trends and dynamics associated with the emergence of the militant Islamic groups in northern Nigeria, the conditions that breed militant Islamic groups, roles do religious doctrine, ideology and socio-political realities play. The paper aims to interrogate the increasing challenges and threats posed to state authority by the growth and spread of these groups in northern Nigeria, particularly since the 1980s.

The area we know today as northern Nigeria is predominantly Muslim due to centuries of contacts a... more The area we know today as northern Nigeria is predominantly Muslim due to centuries of contacts and Links between Muslims in the region and the wider Islamic world date back to early trans-Saharan trade and Empire of Kanem-Borno activities and its historical role in the spread of Islam. The area for an equally long time has been involved in intellectual exchange with other parts the Islamic world and has been a source of new ideas and knowledge that fed Islamic practice, thinking and teaching far beyond its national borders. Muslim identity and thought in the region derive from the Sufi orders of Qadiriyya and Tijaniyya. At time of colonial conquest in 1903, the established Islamic groups were the two Sufi orders the Qadiriyya and the Tijaniyya. In post colonial northern Nigeria, the virtual domination of the Sufi orders over the Islamic public space in northern Nigeria was broken by the introduction of Salafism in late 1970s. In the early 1980s, another force in the form of Shiism emerged, creating a neo religio-political space in northern Nigerian Islam. Official accounts of Islamic history still portray Usman Dan Fodio as role model of a religious reformer, and the caliphate he founded is represented as the conclusion of Islamic civilisation.

Since 2009, a radical Islamic movement in Borno, north-eastern Nigeria has become widely known in... more Since 2009, a radical Islamic movement in Borno, north-eastern Nigeria has become widely known in the global media as Boko Haram, translated as western education is forbidden and as often yet deceptively as western education is sin. The movement's activities reported also in the other Lake Chad Basin region's neighbouring Niger, Chad and Cameroun. This paper, study the meaning of the Hausa word boko, its origin and how its form and meaning changed overtime, it looks as well at the meaning of the Arabic word haram. The paper, to understand the fundamental drivers of the movement and its character and doctrine, examines the evolution of the movement and its concepts of Islamic teachings and approaches, highlights the reasons behind the British colonial education policy in northern Nigeria and its effects on Islamic education and socio-economic fabric of the populace in the region and looks in brief at the resentment towards western education tradition.