James Tully - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Papers by James Tully

Articles, 2001

Les notions républicaines de liberté des citoyens et de liberté des peuples sont d’une aide préci... more Les notions républicaines de liberté des citoyens et de liberté des peuples sont d’une aide précieuse pour qui veut comprendre les luttes contemporaines pour la reconnaissance. Ces luttes visent à modifier les normes, jugées trop contraignantes, qui régissent la participation des citoyens. La solution n’est pas, comme le croient les auteurs libéraux, de définir une fois pour toutes les normes régissant la participation dans les milieux multiculturels, puisque les différences identitaires chères aux citoyens changent avec le temps. Il s’agit plutôt d’instituer une forme de démocratie constitutionnelle dont les normes publiques de reconnaissance des citoyens ne sont pas fixes mais souples et au sein de laquelle les citoyens seraient libres de contester, de négocier et de modifier les normes dominantes de la participation. La réponse ne réside pas dans une théorie de la justice, mais dans des pratiques républicaines de liberté renouvelées.

The theme of this lecture is the current crisis of global citizenship and democratic responses to... more The theme of this lecture is the current crisis of global citizenship and democratic responses to it. 1 The crisis is that citizens are unable to exercise effectively their civic 'response-abilities' in response to four major global problems. The global problems are: (1) the ecological and climate change crisis; (2) the imperial problem of inequality, exploitation and poverty of the Global South; (3) the problem of global wars and militarization; and (4) the problem of distrust and disrespect for different civilizations and peoples. These global problems are interconnected. The processes of modernisation, industrialisation, western expansion, exploitation of the world's resources and economic globalisation that are the cause of the ecological crisis are also the major cause of the inequalities between the global north and south. The primary purpose of the huge global military empire of the United States is to protect and expand the very processes of economic globalisation that are 1 This lecture was given at the Goethe University Frankfurt/Main under the auspices of the

Osgoode Hall Law Journal

To what extent is the development of modern constitutional democracy as a state form in the West ... more To what extent is the development of modern constitutional democracy as a state form in the West and its spread around the world implicated in western imperialism? This has been a leading question of legal scholarship over the last thirty years. James Tully draws on this scholarship to present a preliminary answer. Part I sets out seven central features of modern constitutional democracy and its corresponding international institutions of law and government. Part II sets out three major imperial roles that these legal and political institutions have played, and continue to play. And finally, Part III surveys ways in which the persisting imperial dimensions can be de-imperialized by being brought under the shared democratic authority of the people and peoples who are subject to them.

Nature and Value, 2019

I would like to address the question of social and ecological value by bringing two approaches to... more I would like to address the question of social and ecological value by bringing two approaches to this question into conversation with one another and show their connections. The two approaches are those of Jonathan Schell and Akeel Bilgrami. The connection between the two approaches is their shared interest in the 'conditions that sustain life' on earth. The answer to the question of what are the conditions that sustain life is, in my opinion, 'life sustains life': that is, living ecological systems sustain themselves and the living systems with which they interact (symbiosis).

BOOK I 1 On human action 17 2 On the rule of human actions, or on law in general 2 7 3 On natural... more BOOK I 1 On human action 17 2 On the rule of human actions, or on law in general 2 7 3 On natural law 33 4 On man's duty to God, or on natural religion 39 5 On duty to oneself 4°6 On the duty of every man to every man, and first of not harming others 5°7 On recognizing men's natural equality 8 On the common duties of humanity 9 On the duty of parties to agreements in general Ml Contents 10 On die duty of men in die use of language 11 On the duties involved in taking an oath 12 On duty in acquiring ownership of things 13 On die duties arising from ownership in itself 14 On value 15 On contracts which presuppose value in things and on die duties diey involve 16 On methods of dissolving obligations arising from agreements 17 On interpretation BOOK II 1 On men's natural state 2 On die duties of marriage 3 On the duties of parents and children On die duties of masters and slaves 5 On the impulsive cause of constituting die state 6 On die internal structure of states 7 On the functions of die sovereign power 8 On the forms of government 9 On die characteristics of civil audiority 10 On die ways of acquiring audiority, particularly monarchical 11 On the duty of sovereigns 12 On civil laws in particular 13 On the right of life and deatii 14 On reputation 15 On the power of sovereign authority over property within die state 16 On war and peace 17 On treaties 18 On die duties of citizens Index

Over the last 500 years the West has developed a social system that is socially and ecologically ... more Over the last 500 years the West has developed a social system that is socially and ecologically unsustainable and destructive. It overreaches and undermines the social and ecological conditions that sustain life on earth for Homo sapiens and many other species and ecosystems. This social system has been spread around the world by Western imperialism in the colonial and post-colonial periods and is now the dominant social system on the planet. It is a 'vicious' system in the technical sense that the regular feedback loops within the social system and between the social system and the ecosystems in which it is embedded reproduce and intensify the destructive effects of the system on the social sphere and ecosphere. These effects include such things as: global warming, climate change, pollution and the diseases it causes, acidification of the oceans, desertification of once arable land and the re-colonization of Africa, melting of the polar icecap and the release of methane, the depletion of non-renewable recourses and the military conflicts over what's left, the use of renewable resources and aquifers beyond their cyclical rate of renewal, millions of climate change refugees, global inequalities in life chances, petro-states, a planet of slums and gated enclaves, the domination of democracy by concentrations of private, media and military power, the concentration of the means of production in a handful of multinational companies, and counter-violences to the system's overt and structural violence that trigger counter-insurgencies and feed an ever-increasing arms race and arms trade, and so on. 1 This chapter follows from the first chapter on this theme at the 2013 NOMIS Workshop: Life Sustains Life 1. I would like to thank the participants in both the 2103 and 2014 workshops for their helpful comments on my presentations, especially the late Jonathan Schell, Akeel Bilgrami, Charles Taylor, Anthony Laden, David Kahane, and Pablo Ouziel. I would also like to thank Michael Carpenter for assistance with editing both chapters. I have discussed the topics in this chapter further in 'Reconciliation Here on Earth', in

Resurgence and Reconciliation, 2018

I. Overview I would like to discuss two interconnected projects of reconciliation. The first is t... more I. Overview I would like to discuss two interconnected projects of reconciliation. The first is the reconciliation of indigenous and non-indigenous people (natives and newcomers) with each other in all our diversity. The second is the reconciliation of indigenous and non-indigenous people (human beings) with the living earth: that is, reconciliation with more-than-human living beings (plants, animals, ecosystems and the living earth as a whole). I will not discuss formal reconciliation procedures carried on by governments, courts and commissions. Rather I focus on more basic, informal and transformative practices of reconciliation and the shared responsibilities we all have to engage in these two projects of reconciliation. 1 This first section sets out the general argument and the following three sections explore aspects of it. I.1 Two connected projects of reconciliation My suggestion is that these two projects of reconciliation have to be brought into being and carried on together if they are to be successful. Our relationships with each other and our relationships with the living earth are far too interdependent and entangled to treat their reconciliation separately, as if they were independent. They have been woven together since first contact in countless ways; sometimes in good ways, but also in multiple forms of intergenerational social and ecological suffering; understanding and misunderstanding; working together and domination, dispossession, colonization, cultural genocide, subordination, impoverishment, residential school, and starvation; and through treaty negotiations, violations, blockades, armed and unarmed conflicts, constitutional change, court cases, modern treaties, successful and failed consultations, and the complex web of relationships in every area of contemporary life that has evolved over the last thirty years.

Communicative action now commonly takes place in electronically mediated global networks and the ... more Communicative action now commonly takes place in electronically mediated global networks and the networks are a powerful form of social ordering. This article analyzes the different forms of power that operate in communicative networks and how these alter communicative action. It suggests that the more optimistic literature on global and network governance, arguing and bargaining, and soft norm generation has not taken these new modes of hegemony fully into account. An analysis of the possible forms of communicative freedom in networks rounds off the article.

Global Constitutionalism, 2016

Press disagreement with the doomsaying conclusion he draws, see text accompanying n 27 below. 6 S... more Press disagreement with the doomsaying conclusion he draws, see text accompanying n 27 below. 6 See also LR Brown , World on the Edge: How to Prevent Environmental and Economic Collapse (WW Norton and Co , London , 2011).

Globe, 1999

Les luttes pour la reconnaissance des identités nationales dans les sociétés multinationales et d... more Les luttes pour la reconnaissance des identités nationales dans les sociétés multinationales et démocratiques subissent une réorientation fondamentale. Puisque les sociétés multinationales, après de longues et épuisantes luttes pour la reconnaissance, se sont avérées incapables de s’entendre sur des formes de reconnaissance constitutionnelle définitives, l’enjeu n'est plus d’établir des formes de reconnaissance permanentes (une question de justice), mais plutôt de s’assurer qu’une démocratie constitutionnelle demeure ouverte aux luttes pour et contre des formes spécifiques de reconnaissance (une question relative au droit des peuples à l’autodétermination). Cette réorientation est perceptible dans l’avis de la Cour suprême au sujet de la sécession du Québec. Réumé traduit de l’anglais par Jocelyn Maclure.

Global Constitutionalism, 2015

Hard times: Progress narratives, historical contingency and the fate of global constitutionalism ... more Hard times: Progress narratives, historical contingency and the fate of global constitutionalism j e f f r e y l. d u n o f f , a n t j e w i e n e r , m a t t i a s k u m m , a n t h o n y f. l a n g j r. a n d j a m e s t u l l y

In the inaugural set of Seeley Lectures, the distinguished political philosopher James Tully addr... more In the inaugural set of Seeley Lectures, the distinguished political philosopher James Tully addresses the demands for cultural recognition that constitute the major conflicts of today: supranational associations, nationalism and federalism, linguistic and ethnic minorities, feminism, multiculturalism and aboriginal self government. Neither modern nor post-modern constitutionalism can adjudicate such claims justly. However, by surveying 400 years of constitutional practice, with special attention to the American aboriginal peoples, Tully develops a new philosophy of constitutionalism based on dialogues of conciliation which, he argues, have the capacity to mediate contemporary conflicts and bring peace to the twenty-first century. Strange Multiplicity brings profound historical, critical and philosophical perspectives to our most pressing contemporary conflicts, and provides an authoritative guide to constitutional possibilities in a multicultural age.

Global Constitutionalism, 2014

Négociations, 2007

Le champ d'études comprenant théorie et pratique des luttes pour la reconnaissance s'est développ... more Le champ d'études comprenant théorie et pratique des luttes pour la reconnaissance s'est développé au cours des cinquante dernières années dans une relative indépendance par rapport au champ de la démocratie délibérative et agonistique. Au cours des dix dernières années, ces deux champs ont fusionné. Les tribunaux, législatures, ministères et armées rivales, tout autour du monde, ont souvent laissé la gestion des conflits de reconnaissance aux soins de diverses institutions pratiques de négociation et dialogue. Le résultat fut l'émergence d'un nouveau champ, hybride : « reconnaissance et dialogue ». Cet article propose un examen critique de cette émergence et des forces et faiblesses de ce nouveau champ, et examine ses implications politiques et légales. Mots-clefs : lutte pour la reconnaissance, procédures dialogiques, normes intersubjectives de reconnaissance mutuelle, gouvernance. The field comprising both theory and practice of struggles over recognition developed over the last 50 years in relative independence of the parallel field of deliberative and agonistic democracy. Over the last decade these two fields in both theory and practice, have merged because courts, legislatures, ministries and rival armies around the world have often turned the reconciliation of struggles over recognition over to various institutions and practices of negotiation and deliberation. The result is the emergence of a new hybrid field of recognition and dialogue. This paper is a critical examination of the emergence and the strengths and weakness of this new and important field of politics and law.

Public Philosophy in a New Key, 2008

These two ambitious volumes from one of the world's most celebrated political philosophers pr... more These two ambitious volumes from one of the world's most celebrated political philosophers present a new kind of political and legal theory that James Tully calls a public philosophy, and a complementary new way of thinking about active citizenship, called civic freedom. Professor Tully takes the reader step-by-step through the principal debates in political theory and the major types of political struggle today. These volumes represent a genuine landmark in political theory from the author of Strange Multiplicity, one of the most influential and distinctive commentaries on politics and the contemporary world published in recent years. This first volume of Public Philosophy in a New Key consists of a presentation and defence of a contextual approach to public philosophy and civic freedom, and then goes on to study specific struggles over recognition and distribution within states.

The Modern Law Review, 2008

The paper is a critical survey of the last ten years of research on the principles of legitimacy ... more The paper is a critical survey of the last ten years of research on the principles of legitimacy of constitutional democracy and their application in practice in Europe and North America. A constitutional democracy is legitimate if it meets the test of two principles: the principles of democracy or popular sovereignty and of constitutionalism or the rule of law. There are three contemporary trends which tend to conflict with the principle of democracy and thus diminish democratic freedom. There are three responses to the lack of legitimacy of these three trends. The first is to downplay the principle of democracy in order to endorse the three trends. The second is to uphold the principle of democracy, in the form of deliberative constitutional democracy, in order to criticise aspects of the three trends and to call for further democratisation. The third trend deepens this critical response by tying the test of democratic legitimacy more closely to case studies of attempts by citizen...

Cambridge University Press eBooks, Dec 7, 2006

Bustamante, Gonzalo. "La crítica al modelo rawlsiano de Quentin Skinner", Conceptos His... more Bustamante, Gonzalo. "La crítica al modelo rawlsiano de Quentin Skinner", Conceptos Históricos 2 (3), pp. 64-90. RESUMEN El proyecto de Quentin Skinner buscará desarrollar una historia sufi-cientemente atenta a su propia politización, que pueda dar cuenta del contexto del pensamiento político y que exponga la intencionalidad y los conflictos ideológicos en el cual surge todo discurso y proposición político-social. Propondré que es plausible sostener que la metodología de Skinner se-rá inseparable de su intención de rescatar el republicanismo. Lo anterior se haría evidente en la estructuración de su crítica a John Rawls. El autor de Teoría de la justicia será leído por el historiador británico como otro momento hobbesiano de neutralización política de la teoría por medio de la metodológica. Presentaré los aspectos centrales de la crítica de Skinner al liberalismo rawlsiano. Luego, argumentaré si son concluyentes o no esas críticas respecto de la relación entre Rawls y el re...