Jamil Hilal - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Papers by Jamil Hilal
DOAJ (DOAJ: Directory of Open Access Journals), Dec 1, 2021
The paper focuses on the conditions and processes that have shaped and conditioned class formatio... more The paper focuses on the conditions and processes that have shaped and conditioned class formation in the West Bank and Gaza Strip (WBG) that were occupied in 1967, with special attention on the emergence of the new middle class. Reference to middle class has gained popularity in Arab writing in recent years out of two main concerns: First, a presumed importance of the middle class to "development", democracy and political stability in the countries of the region; and second, using the condition (real or imagined) of the middle class to diagnose presumed ills facing society in these countries. The prevalent assumption is that the existence of a large middle class is a necessary condition for stability, democracy and economic development. A known Egyptian economist titled a book of his in the nineties "Farewell to the Middle Class", and it warned of dire consequences resulting from the contraction of the Egyptian middle class resulting from the adoption of neo-liberalism. Fears (mostly by the middle classes themselves) of the catastrophic consequences of any shrinking of the new middle classes are common in poor Arab countries like Egypt and Jordan, as well as in rich countries like Saudi Arabia. Many thought that recent Arab popular uprisings were led by the new middle class, and see in this class a force for justice and freedom. Yet there are hardly any recent serious studies that have examined the dynamics of class formation in the Arab countries. This paper is an attempt to outline class formation in the West Bank (WB i.e., central area of Palestine) and Gaza Strip (GS i.e., the southern tip of Palestine) particularly following their occupation by Israel in June 1967.
Journal of Palestine Studies, Apr 1, 1980
Journal of Palestine Studies, 1982
مؤسسة الدراسات الفلسطينية eBooks, 2013
Palestinian parties remain entrenched in the political system despite their splits and weaknesses... more Palestinian parties remain entrenched in the political system despite their splits and weaknesses. What role can they play within - or outside - the PLO and what other avenues exist for national or local leadership? While some Al-Shabaka policy analysts offer ideas beyond the current political set-up, others suggest ways to make the current structure work.
Journal of Palestine Studies, Oct 1, 2004
... In contrast is Um Sleiman, a camp resident who cleans the cooperative, is religious and veile... more ... In contrast is Um Sleiman, a camp resident who cleans the cooperative, is religious and veiled, but a great cook and hospitable. ... Oikonomides observes that Um Sleiman had not gone beyond elemen-tary education, but she learned Hebrew and other things on her own. ...
Journal of Palestine Studies, Apr 1, 2007
... include a report on Meeting the Housing Needs of Palestinian Women and Men by Eileen Kuttab... more ... include a report on Meeting the Housing Needs of Palestinian Women and Men by Eileen Kuttab, Randa Nassar, and Lina Mi'ari (vol. ... The Emergence of a Palestinian Glob-alized Elite: Donors, International Or-ganizations, and Local NGOs, by Sari Hanafi and Linda Tabar. ...
This chapter offers a wider historical and sociological analysis of the national Palestinian poli... more This chapter offers a wider historical and sociological analysis of the national Palestinian political field through various historical periods. It reconstructs its various articulations and the forces that drove it, as well as its internal workings, and examines the processes that led to its collapse into localized political fields formed by Palestinian communities responding to the exigencies of the situations in which they are dispersed. It argues that while this collapse has had a drastic impact on the political, economic and social dynamic of the Palestinian people, the processes of localization are also re-invigorating a cultural dynamic in a similar fashion to that which followed the Nakba of 1948. The chapter concludes by arguing that the ongoing responses of Palestinian communities to their vulnerable conditions could lead to the eventual (re)construction of a new national political field.
The mid-1960s saw the beginnings of the construction of a Palestinian political field after it co... more The mid-1960s saw the beginnings of the construction of a Palestinian political field after it collapsed in 1948, when, with the British government's support of the Zionist movement, which succeeded in establishing the state of Israel, the Palestinian national movement was crushed. This article focuses mainly on the Palestinian political field as it developed in the 1960s and 1970s, the beginnings of its fragmentation in the 1990s, and its almost complete collapse in the first decade of this century. It was developed on a structure characterized by the dominance of a center where the political leadership functioned. The center, however, was established outside historic Palestine. This paper examines the components and dynamics of the relationship between the center and the peripheries, and the causes of the decline of this center and its eventual disappearance, leaving the constituents of the Palestinian people under local political leadership following the collapse of the national representation institutions, that is, the political, organizational, military, cultural institutions and sectorial organizations (women, workers, students, etc.) that made up the PLO and its frameworks. The paper suggests that the decline of the political field as a national field does not mean the disintegration of the cultural field. There are, in fact, indications that the cultural field has a new vitality that deserves much more attention than it is currently assigned.
DOAJ (DOAJ: Directory of Open Access Journals), Dec 1, 2021
The paper focuses on the conditions and processes that have shaped and conditioned class formatio... more The paper focuses on the conditions and processes that have shaped and conditioned class formation in the West Bank and Gaza Strip (WBG) that were occupied in 1967, with special attention on the emergence of the new middle class. Reference to middle class has gained popularity in Arab writing in recent years out of two main concerns: First, a presumed importance of the middle class to "development", democracy and political stability in the countries of the region; and second, using the condition (real or imagined) of the middle class to diagnose presumed ills facing society in these countries. The prevalent assumption is that the existence of a large middle class is a necessary condition for stability, democracy and economic development. A known Egyptian economist titled a book of his in the nineties "Farewell to the Middle Class", and it warned of dire consequences resulting from the contraction of the Egyptian middle class resulting from the adoption of neo-liberalism. Fears (mostly by the middle classes themselves) of the catastrophic consequences of any shrinking of the new middle classes are common in poor Arab countries like Egypt and Jordan, as well as in rich countries like Saudi Arabia. Many thought that recent Arab popular uprisings were led by the new middle class, and see in this class a force for justice and freedom. Yet there are hardly any recent serious studies that have examined the dynamics of class formation in the Arab countries. This paper is an attempt to outline class formation in the West Bank (WB i.e., central area of Palestine) and Gaza Strip (GS i.e., the southern tip of Palestine) particularly following their occupation by Israel in June 1967.
Journal of Palestine Studies, Apr 1, 1980
Journal of Palestine Studies, 1982
مؤسسة الدراسات الفلسطينية eBooks, 2013
Palestinian parties remain entrenched in the political system despite their splits and weaknesses... more Palestinian parties remain entrenched in the political system despite their splits and weaknesses. What role can they play within - or outside - the PLO and what other avenues exist for national or local leadership? While some Al-Shabaka policy analysts offer ideas beyond the current political set-up, others suggest ways to make the current structure work.
Journal of Palestine Studies, Oct 1, 2004
... In contrast is Um Sleiman, a camp resident who cleans the cooperative, is religious and veile... more ... In contrast is Um Sleiman, a camp resident who cleans the cooperative, is religious and veiled, but a great cook and hospitable. ... Oikonomides observes that Um Sleiman had not gone beyond elemen-tary education, but she learned Hebrew and other things on her own. ...
Journal of Palestine Studies, Apr 1, 2007
... include a report on Meeting the Housing Needs of Palestinian Women and Men by Eileen Kuttab... more ... include a report on Meeting the Housing Needs of Palestinian Women and Men by Eileen Kuttab, Randa Nassar, and Lina Mi'ari (vol. ... The Emergence of a Palestinian Glob-alized Elite: Donors, International Or-ganizations, and Local NGOs, by Sari Hanafi and Linda Tabar. ...
This chapter offers a wider historical and sociological analysis of the national Palestinian poli... more This chapter offers a wider historical and sociological analysis of the national Palestinian political field through various historical periods. It reconstructs its various articulations and the forces that drove it, as well as its internal workings, and examines the processes that led to its collapse into localized political fields formed by Palestinian communities responding to the exigencies of the situations in which they are dispersed. It argues that while this collapse has had a drastic impact on the political, economic and social dynamic of the Palestinian people, the processes of localization are also re-invigorating a cultural dynamic in a similar fashion to that which followed the Nakba of 1948. The chapter concludes by arguing that the ongoing responses of Palestinian communities to their vulnerable conditions could lead to the eventual (re)construction of a new national political field.
The mid-1960s saw the beginnings of the construction of a Palestinian political field after it co... more The mid-1960s saw the beginnings of the construction of a Palestinian political field after it collapsed in 1948, when, with the British government's support of the Zionist movement, which succeeded in establishing the state of Israel, the Palestinian national movement was crushed. This article focuses mainly on the Palestinian political field as it developed in the 1960s and 1970s, the beginnings of its fragmentation in the 1990s, and its almost complete collapse in the first decade of this century. It was developed on a structure characterized by the dominance of a center where the political leadership functioned. The center, however, was established outside historic Palestine. This paper examines the components and dynamics of the relationship between the center and the peripheries, and the causes of the decline of this center and its eventual disappearance, leaving the constituents of the Palestinian people under local political leadership following the collapse of the national representation institutions, that is, the political, organizational, military, cultural institutions and sectorial organizations (women, workers, students, etc.) that made up the PLO and its frameworks. The paper suggests that the decline of the political field as a national field does not mean the disintegration of the cultural field. There are, in fact, indications that the cultural field has a new vitality that deserves much more attention than it is currently assigned.
On schools and social capital in West Bank_Palestine
The apaer traces the socio-economic changes in the West Bank and Gaza Strip since their occupatio... more The apaer traces the socio-economic changes in the West Bank and Gaza Strip since their occupation in June 1967 and the impact of the establishment of the Palestinian Authority in 1994 on class formation in these areas.
This paper traces the socio-economic transformation in the West Bank and Gaza Strip under settler... more This paper traces the socio-economic transformation in the West Bank and Gaza Strip under settler-colonialism (i.e. since the Israeli occupation in June 1967) and the impact on class structure of the formation of the Palestinian Authority in 1994.