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Pope Eugenius IV, the Council of Basel and the Secular and Ecclesiastical Authorities in the Empire, 1978

Renaissance Quarterly, 2018

Church History, 1982

the other personalities studied, allows us to see in a more nuanced manner the differences betwee... more the other personalities studied, allows us to see in a more nuanced manner the differences between the conciliar thought of Basle and that of Constance, especially as reflected in the writings of Jean Gerson and Pierre d'Ailly. Although he recognizes the various influences that contributed to the evolution of the ideal of organic unity and communal decision making, as the title of his work suggests, Black would like to give more weight to the influence of the late medieval communes and guilds. His argumentation in this respect is not always convincing primarily because of the difficulty of disentangling these influences from the corporational ideology of the canonists. However, this occasional weakness should in no way be regarded as seriously detracting from the rich contribution which Professor Black has made not only to our understanding of conciliarism at Basle but also to the history of late medieval and early modern political theory.

Parliaments, Estates and Representation, 2012

The American Historical Review, 1988

florins a year from Cyprus for Smyrna's defence, and, by Gregory xi's death in 1378, the Turks ha... more florins a year from Cyprus for Smyrna's defence, and, by Gregory xi's death in 1378, the Turks had advanced far into Serbia. Housley maintains that the papacy 'could not support Smyrna by itself (p. 307) and that its Eastern policies 'called for greater influence and material resources than the Curia could muster' (p. 222). Yet, between 1324 and 1327, John XXII'S Italian legate spent roughly 388,000 florins a year on mercenaries alone; for three years Cardinal Albornoz, that Castilian reconquistador, expended some 291,000 florins a year on the Italian Crusade; and Gregory xi sent an annual average of 194,000 florins to Italy. These bare figures take little, if any, account of monies and other resources raised in Italy itself or of manpower and enthusiasms consumed there. Papal policies were hopelessly misconceived. The Italian Crusade led to forty years of papal schism. Apart from 3,000 florins a year for Smyrna, Gregory xi refused any financial contribution to resistance against the Turks. The popes did, on the whole, support the Hospitallers who, by 1376, could send some 25,000 to 30,000 florins a year from the West and who did hold Rhodes and Smyrna. Such crude financial comparisons ignore countless political complexities and Housley (p. 49) dismisses them as 'unfair', yet the facts are there to support the impression that the Avignon popes would not, rather than could not, do more for the defence of Christendom; some people felt that they were obsessed with the wrong crusade. As Housley himself remarks, ' Italy came first' (p. 115).

Parliaments, Estates and Representation, 2012

This collection of essays is based on a conference of the ‘Sonderforschungsbereich’ (Special Proj... more This collection of essays is based on a conference of the ‘Sonderforschungsbereich’ (Special Project) SFB 496: ‘Symbolische Kommunikation und gessellschaftliche Wertesysteme von Mittelalter bis zur Französchen Revolution’, discussed in the article that directly precedes this review. Zelebrieren und Verhandeln: Zur Praxis ständischer Institutionen im frühneuzeitlichen Europas clearly indicates the themes proposed for the conference that resulted in the papers published in this volume. Tim Neu, Michael Sikora and Thomas Weller, the organizers of the conference and editors of the papers, were colleagues in the SFB 496 on ‘Symbolic Communication and Social Value Systems’ at the University of Münster. Their joint Introduction reflects the perspectives of that special research project, taking seriously the importance that members of early modern representative institutions attached to the symbolical enactment in ceremony of their individual and collective social and political status. The editors note that such a perspective avoids projecting modern criteria of effectiveness in terms of contributions to state-building and also reflects theoretical models of the social construction of institutions offered in sociology and modern political theory of institutions (pp. 41–5, 53–8). In the first paper, ‘Symbolische Kommunikation auf dem Sejm in der Krise (1649–1668): Zeremonielle und instrumentelle Akte in Krieg und Bürgerkrieg’, H.-J. Bömelburg challenges the traditional view of this period as marking the beginning of the decline of the Polish commonwealth. He notes that the Sejm met almost annually and that the refusal to adopt more efficient modes of procedure, such as non-public sessions and a fixed agenda, were deliberately rejected on grounds that privileged a symbolic view of the proceedings, with an insistence on maintaining the right to speak publicly on any topic as a mark of freedom. Whereas there was no written mode of procedure, the order of precedence by rank was precisely written down.

The American Historical Review, 1980

Http Dx Doi Org 10 1080 02606755 2012 719700, Nov 30, 2012

Es gibt viele moderne Studien über einzelne Republiken im Europa der frühen Neuzeit, weniger über... more Es gibt viele moderne Studien über einzelne Republiken im Europa der frühen Neuzeit, weniger über den Republikanismus als politische Theorie und fast gar keine über Republiken und Republikanismus als ein beinahe in ganz Europa aufscheinendes Phänomen. Wir wissen wenig Systematisches über die Beziehungen der Republiken und Quasirepubliken und deren Ideologie zu den Monarchien und dem zeitgenössischen Monarchismus. Und obwohl einerseits die Ursprünge von Republiken und Republikanismus im Altertum und andrerseits ihre Entwicklung zur vorherrschenden Staatsform und Staatsideologie des modernen Europa, ja der ganzen modernen Welt, augenfällig sind, so gibt es auch zu diesem Thema recht wenig systematische Forschung. Der vorliegende Band kann nicht vorgeben, diese Lücke zu füllen. Aber ich hoffe, daß er die Problemstellung etwas klären wird, die Weitläufigkeit, Viclschichtigkeit und historische Zentralität des Themas dem Leser vor Augen führen und vielleicht andere Historiker anleiten wird, dem Thema weitere Aufmerksamkeit zu widmen. Mein eigenes Interesse erwuchs aus dem Thema, für das ich die Ehre hatte, vom Historischen Kolleg in München für das Jahr 1984/85 als Stipendiat gewählt zu werden: Die Generalstaaten der Niederlande im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert. Wie oft bei einem solchen Symposium waren die Diskussionen so anregend wie die Vorträge. Es ist aber auch immer schwer, Substanz und Ton solcher Diskussionen im Druck zu fassen. Daher habe ich sowohl auf ihre wörtliche Wiedergabe wie auch auf ihre Zusammenfassung verzichtet, aber einige, mir besonders wichtig erscheinende Argumente in meiner Schlußbetrachtung verarbeitet. Ich danke den Teilnehmern des Symposiums für ihre freundliche und gelehrte Mitarbeit. Für die ausgezeichnete Organisation und die großzügige finanzielle und räumliche Gastlichkeit, ohne die dieses Symposium nicht hätte stattfinden können, danke ich der Stiftung Historisches Kolleg, der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften und den Personen, auf die die eigentliche organisatorische Arbeit gefallen ist:

Pope Eugenius IV, the Council of Basel and the Secular and Ecclesiastical Authorities in the Empire, 1978

Renaissance Quarterly, 2018

Church History, 1982

the other personalities studied, allows us to see in a more nuanced manner the differences betwee... more the other personalities studied, allows us to see in a more nuanced manner the differences between the conciliar thought of Basle and that of Constance, especially as reflected in the writings of Jean Gerson and Pierre d'Ailly. Although he recognizes the various influences that contributed to the evolution of the ideal of organic unity and communal decision making, as the title of his work suggests, Black would like to give more weight to the influence of the late medieval communes and guilds. His argumentation in this respect is not always convincing primarily because of the difficulty of disentangling these influences from the corporational ideology of the canonists. However, this occasional weakness should in no way be regarded as seriously detracting from the rich contribution which Professor Black has made not only to our understanding of conciliarism at Basle but also to the history of late medieval and early modern political theory.

Parliaments, Estates and Representation, 2012

The American Historical Review, 1988

florins a year from Cyprus for Smyrna's defence, and, by Gregory xi's death in 1378, the Turks ha... more florins a year from Cyprus for Smyrna's defence, and, by Gregory xi's death in 1378, the Turks had advanced far into Serbia. Housley maintains that the papacy 'could not support Smyrna by itself (p. 307) and that its Eastern policies 'called for greater influence and material resources than the Curia could muster' (p. 222). Yet, between 1324 and 1327, John XXII'S Italian legate spent roughly 388,000 florins a year on mercenaries alone; for three years Cardinal Albornoz, that Castilian reconquistador, expended some 291,000 florins a year on the Italian Crusade; and Gregory xi sent an annual average of 194,000 florins to Italy. These bare figures take little, if any, account of monies and other resources raised in Italy itself or of manpower and enthusiasms consumed there. Papal policies were hopelessly misconceived. The Italian Crusade led to forty years of papal schism. Apart from 3,000 florins a year for Smyrna, Gregory xi refused any financial contribution to resistance against the Turks. The popes did, on the whole, support the Hospitallers who, by 1376, could send some 25,000 to 30,000 florins a year from the West and who did hold Rhodes and Smyrna. Such crude financial comparisons ignore countless political complexities and Housley (p. 49) dismisses them as 'unfair', yet the facts are there to support the impression that the Avignon popes would not, rather than could not, do more for the defence of Christendom; some people felt that they were obsessed with the wrong crusade. As Housley himself remarks, ' Italy came first' (p. 115).

Parliaments, Estates and Representation, 2012

This collection of essays is based on a conference of the ‘Sonderforschungsbereich’ (Special Proj... more This collection of essays is based on a conference of the ‘Sonderforschungsbereich’ (Special Project) SFB 496: ‘Symbolische Kommunikation und gessellschaftliche Wertesysteme von Mittelalter bis zur Französchen Revolution’, discussed in the article that directly precedes this review. Zelebrieren und Verhandeln: Zur Praxis ständischer Institutionen im frühneuzeitlichen Europas clearly indicates the themes proposed for the conference that resulted in the papers published in this volume. Tim Neu, Michael Sikora and Thomas Weller, the organizers of the conference and editors of the papers, were colleagues in the SFB 496 on ‘Symbolic Communication and Social Value Systems’ at the University of Münster. Their joint Introduction reflects the perspectives of that special research project, taking seriously the importance that members of early modern representative institutions attached to the symbolical enactment in ceremony of their individual and collective social and political status. The editors note that such a perspective avoids projecting modern criteria of effectiveness in terms of contributions to state-building and also reflects theoretical models of the social construction of institutions offered in sociology and modern political theory of institutions (pp. 41–5, 53–8). In the first paper, ‘Symbolische Kommunikation auf dem Sejm in der Krise (1649–1668): Zeremonielle und instrumentelle Akte in Krieg und Bürgerkrieg’, H.-J. Bömelburg challenges the traditional view of this period as marking the beginning of the decline of the Polish commonwealth. He notes that the Sejm met almost annually and that the refusal to adopt more efficient modes of procedure, such as non-public sessions and a fixed agenda, were deliberately rejected on grounds that privileged a symbolic view of the proceedings, with an insistence on maintaining the right to speak publicly on any topic as a mark of freedom. Whereas there was no written mode of procedure, the order of precedence by rank was precisely written down.

The American Historical Review, 1980

Http Dx Doi Org 10 1080 02606755 2012 719700, Nov 30, 2012

Es gibt viele moderne Studien über einzelne Republiken im Europa der frühen Neuzeit, weniger über... more Es gibt viele moderne Studien über einzelne Republiken im Europa der frühen Neuzeit, weniger über den Republikanismus als politische Theorie und fast gar keine über Republiken und Republikanismus als ein beinahe in ganz Europa aufscheinendes Phänomen. Wir wissen wenig Systematisches über die Beziehungen der Republiken und Quasirepubliken und deren Ideologie zu den Monarchien und dem zeitgenössischen Monarchismus. Und obwohl einerseits die Ursprünge von Republiken und Republikanismus im Altertum und andrerseits ihre Entwicklung zur vorherrschenden Staatsform und Staatsideologie des modernen Europa, ja der ganzen modernen Welt, augenfällig sind, so gibt es auch zu diesem Thema recht wenig systematische Forschung. Der vorliegende Band kann nicht vorgeben, diese Lücke zu füllen. Aber ich hoffe, daß er die Problemstellung etwas klären wird, die Weitläufigkeit, Viclschichtigkeit und historische Zentralität des Themas dem Leser vor Augen führen und vielleicht andere Historiker anleiten wird, dem Thema weitere Aufmerksamkeit zu widmen. Mein eigenes Interesse erwuchs aus dem Thema, für das ich die Ehre hatte, vom Historischen Kolleg in München für das Jahr 1984/85 als Stipendiat gewählt zu werden: Die Generalstaaten der Niederlande im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert. Wie oft bei einem solchen Symposium waren die Diskussionen so anregend wie die Vorträge. Es ist aber auch immer schwer, Substanz und Ton solcher Diskussionen im Druck zu fassen. Daher habe ich sowohl auf ihre wörtliche Wiedergabe wie auch auf ihre Zusammenfassung verzichtet, aber einige, mir besonders wichtig erscheinende Argumente in meiner Schlußbetrachtung verarbeitet. Ich danke den Teilnehmern des Symposiums für ihre freundliche und gelehrte Mitarbeit. Für die ausgezeichnete Organisation und die großzügige finanzielle und räumliche Gastlichkeit, ohne die dieses Symposium nicht hätte stattfinden können, danke ich der Stiftung Historisches Kolleg, der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften und den Personen, auf die die eigentliche organisatorische Arbeit gefallen ist: