John Calabrese - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Papers by John Calabrese
Handbook of Oil Politics, 2012
This study examines China's relations with the Middle East. Its primary objective is to deter... more This study examines China's relations with the Middle East. Its primary objective is to determine to what extent, and in what ways, China's involvement with the region has evolved. To accomplish this aim I have adopted an historical approach, examining China's relations with the Middle East between 1950 and 1988. The study is therefore subdivided into seven chapters, each of which treats a 'distinctive' period in the history of China's foreign relations since the founding of the PRC in 1949. For purposes of this study, the 'Middle East' is defined as the 'zone of Arab--Israeli confrontation', comprising the states of Israel, Egypt, Jordan, and Syria as well as including the PLO; plus the Persian Gulf, with emphasis on the states of Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. Each chapter begins with a discussion of China's relations with the superpowers, and with developing countries. By indicating China's general foreign policy concerns, the...
Revolutionary Horizons, 1994
Central Asia and the Transcaucasus form a strategic belt that arches from the Black Sea to China.... more Central Asia and the Transcaucasus form a strategic belt that arches from the Black Sea to China. Together with the southern shores of the Caspian Sea, three of the six Soviet successor states which comprise this area — Azerbaijan, Armenia and Turkmenistan — wrap around Iran’s northern border. Iran’s attempts to develop relations with them are a direct outgrowth of several related developments: the dissolution of the Soviet Union; the penetration of the area by foreign governments and multinational corporations; and Iran’s own strategic, economic and political concerns. This combination of circumstances has led Iran to interact with the former Soviet republics in ways that can best be described as restorative, preventative, competitive and developmental.
Revolutionary Horizons, 1994
The Persian Gulf frames the relationship between Iran and the Arab littoral states, for through i... more The Persian Gulf frames the relationship between Iran and the Arab littoral states, for through it flow vast quantities of oil upon which their economies, indeed all national economies in varying degree, depend. Yet, the relationships between Iran and its Arab neighbours during the three decades which preceded the Revolution were defined by more than just these geographical and geological realities. The interplay between Cold War and Arab politics, coupled with the Shah’s fears and ambitions, to a large extent determined their character.
Revolutionary Horizons, 1994
Asian Affairs, 2020
The vulnerabilities that turn natural hazards such as hurricanes and earthquakes into disasters a... more The vulnerabilities that turn natural hazards such as hurricanes and earthquakes into disasters are rooted in inequality. The overarching aim of this article is to shed light on the nexus between social justice principles and the mitigation of disaster impacts. The article uses ‘disaster justice’ – an offshoot of ‘environmental justice’ – as a conceptual lens to help enrich understanding of the differential impacts of disasters upon communities and to craft more inclusive policies and programmes. In India, among the world's most disaster-prone countries, as elsewhere, there is growing recognition that children and youth, who assume a disproportionate share of the burden created by disasters, are an underutilized demographic force multipliers for disaster risk reduction. The country's multi-hazard risk and vulnerability profile has led Indian non-governmental organisations (NGOs) not just to provide post-disaster relief but increasingly to integrate into their work programs designed to unleash the potential of young people to develop the resilience of their communities.
Asian Affairs, 2020
Borrowing the term ‘Indo-Pacific’ from Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and refashioning the Ob... more Borrowing the term ‘Indo-Pacific’ from Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and refashioning the Obama ‘Pivot to Asia’ or ‘Rebalance Strategy’, the Trump administration has articulated a vision of a Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP), which, as its public discourse and official documents reveal, is defined through the lens of great power competition with China. Since the latter part of 2017, the administration has laid the groundwork for a whole-of-government approach aimed at advancing this vision, which consists of three pillars: economy, governance, and security. Southeast Asia – a dynamic sub-region and the fulcrum of the wider Indo-Pacific – is central to the evolving US strategy. However, in its current form, that strategy casts China in the role of an existential threat and economic enemy, and seems overly focused on military security. For these reasons, it is unlikely to garner the full support of allies and partners – without which shared prosperity, good governance, and a peaceful and secure regional order across the Indo-Pacific cannot be assured. A repositioning and repurposing of the recently resuscitated Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (or Quad) could transform this minilateral platform into a useful instrument to coordinate the four members' actions, leverage the capabilities of Quad-Plus countries, and engage ASEAN in managing non-traditional security challenges and furthering its connectivity agenda.
Social Transformations in Chinese Societies
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate a significant course correction in US–China p... more Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate a significant course correction in US–China policy. It examines the increasingly broad dissatisfaction with China policy, which has resulted in an apparent end the era of intensive engagement and led to a hardening of the US approach to China across the policy spectrum, as exemplified by the critique of and incipient efforts to counter China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Design/methodology/approach The research draws on primary and secondary source material to identify evidence of and examine the rationale behind the shift from the USA’s decades-long “engagement” approach toward an in intensifying strategic competition with China. Findings A course correction in US–China policy has been years in the making, and as most now argue is long overdue. The idea that China has emerged as America’s foremost strategic competitor is widely accepted, and indeed deeply ingrained in the thinking of most US foreign affairs professionals. It i...
The Middle East Journal, Jul 1, 1998
Br J Middle East Stud, 1998
... For other discussions of Islam and Turkish politics, see Mehmet Yasar Geyikdag, Political Par... more ... For other discussions of Islam and Turkish politics, see Mehmet Yasar Geyikdag, Political Parties in Turkey: The Role of Islam (New York: Praeger, 1984); Sencer Ayata, 'Patronage, Party and the State: The Politicization of Islam in Turkey', The Middle East Journal, 50:1 (Winter ...
European Security, 1997
... The new challenges Page 8. BEYOND BARCELONA 93 posed to Western Europe by instability on its ... more ... The new challenges Page 8. BEYOND BARCELONA 93 posed to Western Europe by instability on its southern periphery have not dramatically altered this pattern. ... Page 10.BEYOND BARCELONA 95 ... These demands had far-reaching implications. ...
Handbook of Oil Politics, 2012
This study examines China's relations with the Middle East. Its primary objective is to deter... more This study examines China's relations with the Middle East. Its primary objective is to determine to what extent, and in what ways, China's involvement with the region has evolved. To accomplish this aim I have adopted an historical approach, examining China's relations with the Middle East between 1950 and 1988. The study is therefore subdivided into seven chapters, each of which treats a 'distinctive' period in the history of China's foreign relations since the founding of the PRC in 1949. For purposes of this study, the 'Middle East' is defined as the 'zone of Arab--Israeli confrontation', comprising the states of Israel, Egypt, Jordan, and Syria as well as including the PLO; plus the Persian Gulf, with emphasis on the states of Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. Each chapter begins with a discussion of China's relations with the superpowers, and with developing countries. By indicating China's general foreign policy concerns, the...
Revolutionary Horizons, 1994
Central Asia and the Transcaucasus form a strategic belt that arches from the Black Sea to China.... more Central Asia and the Transcaucasus form a strategic belt that arches from the Black Sea to China. Together with the southern shores of the Caspian Sea, three of the six Soviet successor states which comprise this area — Azerbaijan, Armenia and Turkmenistan — wrap around Iran’s northern border. Iran’s attempts to develop relations with them are a direct outgrowth of several related developments: the dissolution of the Soviet Union; the penetration of the area by foreign governments and multinational corporations; and Iran’s own strategic, economic and political concerns. This combination of circumstances has led Iran to interact with the former Soviet republics in ways that can best be described as restorative, preventative, competitive and developmental.
Revolutionary Horizons, 1994
The Persian Gulf frames the relationship between Iran and the Arab littoral states, for through i... more The Persian Gulf frames the relationship between Iran and the Arab littoral states, for through it flow vast quantities of oil upon which their economies, indeed all national economies in varying degree, depend. Yet, the relationships between Iran and its Arab neighbours during the three decades which preceded the Revolution were defined by more than just these geographical and geological realities. The interplay between Cold War and Arab politics, coupled with the Shah’s fears and ambitions, to a large extent determined their character.
Revolutionary Horizons, 1994
Asian Affairs, 2020
The vulnerabilities that turn natural hazards such as hurricanes and earthquakes into disasters a... more The vulnerabilities that turn natural hazards such as hurricanes and earthquakes into disasters are rooted in inequality. The overarching aim of this article is to shed light on the nexus between social justice principles and the mitigation of disaster impacts. The article uses ‘disaster justice’ – an offshoot of ‘environmental justice’ – as a conceptual lens to help enrich understanding of the differential impacts of disasters upon communities and to craft more inclusive policies and programmes. In India, among the world's most disaster-prone countries, as elsewhere, there is growing recognition that children and youth, who assume a disproportionate share of the burden created by disasters, are an underutilized demographic force multipliers for disaster risk reduction. The country's multi-hazard risk and vulnerability profile has led Indian non-governmental organisations (NGOs) not just to provide post-disaster relief but increasingly to integrate into their work programs designed to unleash the potential of young people to develop the resilience of their communities.
Asian Affairs, 2020
Borrowing the term ‘Indo-Pacific’ from Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and refashioning the Ob... more Borrowing the term ‘Indo-Pacific’ from Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and refashioning the Obama ‘Pivot to Asia’ or ‘Rebalance Strategy’, the Trump administration has articulated a vision of a Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP), which, as its public discourse and official documents reveal, is defined through the lens of great power competition with China. Since the latter part of 2017, the administration has laid the groundwork for a whole-of-government approach aimed at advancing this vision, which consists of three pillars: economy, governance, and security. Southeast Asia – a dynamic sub-region and the fulcrum of the wider Indo-Pacific – is central to the evolving US strategy. However, in its current form, that strategy casts China in the role of an existential threat and economic enemy, and seems overly focused on military security. For these reasons, it is unlikely to garner the full support of allies and partners – without which shared prosperity, good governance, and a peaceful and secure regional order across the Indo-Pacific cannot be assured. A repositioning and repurposing of the recently resuscitated Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (or Quad) could transform this minilateral platform into a useful instrument to coordinate the four members' actions, leverage the capabilities of Quad-Plus countries, and engage ASEAN in managing non-traditional security challenges and furthering its connectivity agenda.
Social Transformations in Chinese Societies
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate a significant course correction in US–China p... more Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate a significant course correction in US–China policy. It examines the increasingly broad dissatisfaction with China policy, which has resulted in an apparent end the era of intensive engagement and led to a hardening of the US approach to China across the policy spectrum, as exemplified by the critique of and incipient efforts to counter China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Design/methodology/approach The research draws on primary and secondary source material to identify evidence of and examine the rationale behind the shift from the USA’s decades-long “engagement” approach toward an in intensifying strategic competition with China. Findings A course correction in US–China policy has been years in the making, and as most now argue is long overdue. The idea that China has emerged as America’s foremost strategic competitor is widely accepted, and indeed deeply ingrained in the thinking of most US foreign affairs professionals. It i...
The Middle East Journal, Jul 1, 1998
Br J Middle East Stud, 1998
... For other discussions of Islam and Turkish politics, see Mehmet Yasar Geyikdag, Political Par... more ... For other discussions of Islam and Turkish politics, see Mehmet Yasar Geyikdag, Political Parties in Turkey: The Role of Islam (New York: Praeger, 1984); Sencer Ayata, 'Patronage, Party and the State: The Politicization of Islam in Turkey', The Middle East Journal, 50:1 (Winter ...
European Security, 1997
... The new challenges Page 8. BEYOND BARCELONA 93 posed to Western Europe by instability on its ... more ... The new challenges Page 8. BEYOND BARCELONA 93 posed to Western Europe by instability on its southern periphery have not dramatically altered this pattern. ... Page 10.BEYOND BARCELONA 95 ... These demands had far-reaching implications. ...