John McGarry - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Papers by John McGarry
International Negotiation, 2021
For decades, the UN has failed to mediate a settlement in Cyprus because of a general and profoun... more For decades, the UN has failed to mediate a settlement in Cyprus because of a general and profound weakness: it is unable, outside of unity and resolve in the Security Council, to offer direct incentives to parties in conflict that would shape their calculus towards conflict resolution, or to control the actions of third parties in a way that would incentivize conflict resolution or prevent disincentives. In the resulting vacuum, the prospects for peace settlements come to rest largely on domestic politics within the contesting camps and, sometimes relatedly, on the balance of power between them. In the case of Cyprus, the article claims that these weaknesses on the part of the UN were clearly on display during the negotiation process surrounding the Annan Plan (2001–04) and the resumed process that began in 2008 and ended at Crans-Montana in 2017.
International Journal of Constitutional Law, 2015
Power-sharing coalitions in severely divided places can take centripetal or consociational forms.... more Power-sharing coalitions in severely divided places can take centripetal or consociational forms. Respectively, these aim to foster moderation by restricting coalitions to moderate parties from different ethnic communities or inclusivity by ensuring that coalitions are broadly and proportionately representative of the main political forces. This article draws on the experience of Cyprus to show the limits of negotiating centripetal coalitions even under "most likely to succeed" conditions. It investigates a major centripetalist initiative on the island between 2008 and 2010, and explains why this failed to catalyze a negotiated settlement. Likewise, the article points to the limits of classic consociational approaches in mediating power-sharing arrangements, particularly approaches that rely on corporate ethnic quotas. Contrary to conventional wisdom and much international practice, the article shows that consociational coalitions can take a liberal form that bypass such quotas. Specifically, the article presents and defends an important innovation in consociational theory and practice: the proportional sequential (PS) coalition. PS coalitions are automatically determined by election results, and allocate portfolios on a proportionate and liberal basis amongst a divided polity's main political parties. We argue that PS coalitions can provide a broadly inclusive and negotiable settlement in the context of a reunited Cyprus as well as in other divided polities.
Nations and Nationalism, 2002
Pierre van den Berghe has argued that democracy in divided societies can take five different form... more Pierre van den Berghe has argued that democracy in divided societies can take five different forms: Herrenvolk democracy, ethnic democracy, liberal democracy, multicultural democracy and consociational democracy. My article argues that each of van den Berghe's five versions of democracy, or relatives of them, has been experimented with in pre-partition Ireland and Northern Ireland. While all have clear limits, the one that is most suited to Northern Ireland's conditions is consociational democracy. The article discusses some limits of the consociational approach in Northern Ireland but also defends it against common criticisms.
Power-Sharing in Europe, 2020
Area controlled by Cyprus government (Greek Cypriot area) Turkish Cypriot-controlled area UN Buff... more Area controlled by Cyprus government (Greek Cypriot area) Turkish Cypriot-controlled area UN Buffer Zone UK Sovereign Bases Map 10.
Parliamentary Affairs
The Political Regulation of National and Ethnic Conflict BY JOHN McGARRY AND BRENDAN CLEAR Y NATI... more The Political Regulation of National and Ethnic Conflict BY JOHN McGARRY AND BRENDAN CLEAR Y NATIONAL and ethnic conflict has been a persistent feature of modern-ity but the last few years have brought seismic changes in the relations between several ethnic ...
Journal of Conflict Studies, Jun 6, 1990
Free institutions are next to impossible in a country made up of different nationalities. Among a... more Free institutions are next to impossible in a country made up of different nationalities. Among a people without fellow-feeling... the united public opinion necessary to the working of representative government cannot exist'-John Stuart Mill, Considerations on Representative Government (1861). Northern Ireland is a "segmented" society. Segmented societies are divided into separate subcultures which possess radically different identities and values. The subcultures frequently have their own network of separate and exclusive voluntary associations, such as political parties. They enjoy different leisure activities, read separate newspapers, attend separate educational institutions and live in segregated neighbourhoods. The divisions in these societies may be racial, ethnic, religious, linguistic or ideological, or some cumulative permutation thereof. Northern Ireland's segmentation is based on ethnicity and religion, and has its origins in Britain's imperial and colonial past. The historic province of Ulster was an ethnic frontier between Britain and Ireland, where Scots and English planters settled amidst Irish natives. 2 Segmented societies lack the internal consensus which underlies political stability in more homogeneous societies. 3 They are inherently unbalanced and often, as in Northern Ireland, exist in an unstable state ranging from uneasy peace to outright civil war. There are, however, several strategies available for stabilizing segmented societies, many of which have been proposed for Northern Ireland. These strategies can be divided into five basic types: control, assimilation, partition, externally managed arbitration, and power-sharing. 4 This paper assesses the value and relevance of each of these strategies as a way forward for Northern Ireland.
Multinational Federalism, 2012
The Global Promise of Federalism 2013 Isbn 9781442626478 Pags 99 138, 2013
Http Dx Doi Org 10 1080 07907180008406622, Oct 19, 2007
International Negotiation, 2021
For decades, the UN has failed to mediate a settlement in Cyprus because of a general and profoun... more For decades, the UN has failed to mediate a settlement in Cyprus because of a general and profound weakness: it is unable, outside of unity and resolve in the Security Council, to offer direct incentives to parties in conflict that would shape their calculus towards conflict resolution, or to control the actions of third parties in a way that would incentivize conflict resolution or prevent disincentives. In the resulting vacuum, the prospects for peace settlements come to rest largely on domestic politics within the contesting camps and, sometimes relatedly, on the balance of power between them. In the case of Cyprus, the article claims that these weaknesses on the part of the UN were clearly on display during the negotiation process surrounding the Annan Plan (2001–04) and the resumed process that began in 2008 and ended at Crans-Montana in 2017.
International Journal of Constitutional Law, 2015
Power-sharing coalitions in severely divided places can take centripetal or consociational forms.... more Power-sharing coalitions in severely divided places can take centripetal or consociational forms. Respectively, these aim to foster moderation by restricting coalitions to moderate parties from different ethnic communities or inclusivity by ensuring that coalitions are broadly and proportionately representative of the main political forces. This article draws on the experience of Cyprus to show the limits of negotiating centripetal coalitions even under "most likely to succeed" conditions. It investigates a major centripetalist initiative on the island between 2008 and 2010, and explains why this failed to catalyze a negotiated settlement. Likewise, the article points to the limits of classic consociational approaches in mediating power-sharing arrangements, particularly approaches that rely on corporate ethnic quotas. Contrary to conventional wisdom and much international practice, the article shows that consociational coalitions can take a liberal form that bypass such quotas. Specifically, the article presents and defends an important innovation in consociational theory and practice: the proportional sequential (PS) coalition. PS coalitions are automatically determined by election results, and allocate portfolios on a proportionate and liberal basis amongst a divided polity's main political parties. We argue that PS coalitions can provide a broadly inclusive and negotiable settlement in the context of a reunited Cyprus as well as in other divided polities.
Nations and Nationalism, 2002
Pierre van den Berghe has argued that democracy in divided societies can take five different form... more Pierre van den Berghe has argued that democracy in divided societies can take five different forms: Herrenvolk democracy, ethnic democracy, liberal democracy, multicultural democracy and consociational democracy. My article argues that each of van den Berghe's five versions of democracy, or relatives of them, has been experimented with in pre-partition Ireland and Northern Ireland. While all have clear limits, the one that is most suited to Northern Ireland's conditions is consociational democracy. The article discusses some limits of the consociational approach in Northern Ireland but also defends it against common criticisms.
Power-Sharing in Europe, 2020
Area controlled by Cyprus government (Greek Cypriot area) Turkish Cypriot-controlled area UN Buff... more Area controlled by Cyprus government (Greek Cypriot area) Turkish Cypriot-controlled area UN Buffer Zone UK Sovereign Bases Map 10.
Parliamentary Affairs
The Political Regulation of National and Ethnic Conflict BY JOHN McGARRY AND BRENDAN CLEAR Y NATI... more The Political Regulation of National and Ethnic Conflict BY JOHN McGARRY AND BRENDAN CLEAR Y NATIONAL and ethnic conflict has been a persistent feature of modern-ity but the last few years have brought seismic changes in the relations between several ethnic ...
Journal of Conflict Studies, Jun 6, 1990
Free institutions are next to impossible in a country made up of different nationalities. Among a... more Free institutions are next to impossible in a country made up of different nationalities. Among a people without fellow-feeling... the united public opinion necessary to the working of representative government cannot exist'-John Stuart Mill, Considerations on Representative Government (1861). Northern Ireland is a "segmented" society. Segmented societies are divided into separate subcultures which possess radically different identities and values. The subcultures frequently have their own network of separate and exclusive voluntary associations, such as political parties. They enjoy different leisure activities, read separate newspapers, attend separate educational institutions and live in segregated neighbourhoods. The divisions in these societies may be racial, ethnic, religious, linguistic or ideological, or some cumulative permutation thereof. Northern Ireland's segmentation is based on ethnicity and religion, and has its origins in Britain's imperial and colonial past. The historic province of Ulster was an ethnic frontier between Britain and Ireland, where Scots and English planters settled amidst Irish natives. 2 Segmented societies lack the internal consensus which underlies political stability in more homogeneous societies. 3 They are inherently unbalanced and often, as in Northern Ireland, exist in an unstable state ranging from uneasy peace to outright civil war. There are, however, several strategies available for stabilizing segmented societies, many of which have been proposed for Northern Ireland. These strategies can be divided into five basic types: control, assimilation, partition, externally managed arbitration, and power-sharing. 4 This paper assesses the value and relevance of each of these strategies as a way forward for Northern Ireland.
Multinational Federalism, 2012
The Global Promise of Federalism 2013 Isbn 9781442626478 Pags 99 138, 2013
Http Dx Doi Org 10 1080 07907180008406622, Oct 19, 2007