Juliana Sanin - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Papers by Juliana Sanin

The Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Anthropology, 2019

Routledge eBooks, Jun 9, 2020

With thoughts added later from Shauna Shames, Rutgers University-Camden, who helped organize this... more With thoughts added later from Shauna Shames, Rutgers University-Camden, who helped organize this panel but was unable to attend the conference at the last minute)] Session Description: Sexual harassment law is based in part on a theory of "hostile spaces," with the central idea being that individual harassing actions have larger consequences for the more general environment in which they take place. But what exactly do they do? This Roundtable will draw on both theory and empirics to consider the causes and consequences of outsiders (women, people of color, LGBTQ people, and working-class people especially) being made to feel they do not belong in political spaces, including parties, legislatures, political campaigns, political science departments and conferences, and more. Sometimes the exclusions are explicitly gendered, raced, or classed, and other times subtler, but the topic is of both personal and academic interest for political science. Feelings of non-belonging and exclusion contribute to the leaking pipeline problem in both elective politics and in our discipline, for outsiders of all stripes, and deprive us of diverse perspectives and good talent that we need in both politics and political science. This roundtable will address first the question of the feeling of non-belonging, and what we know from the research, anecdotal evidence, and personal experience about its causes and effects, and then move on to consider what makes spaces non-hostile and what we need to do in our politics and discipline to achieve that.

Routledge eBooks, Jun 9, 2020

This panel offered different perspectives on the #MeToo hashtag, the campaign/movement it ignited... more This panel offered different perspectives on the #MeToo hashtag, the campaign/movement it ignited, and the general context in which women decide to come out with their experiences with sexual harassment and assault. In general, the panelists were very critical of the #MeToo "movement" because it is focused on individual experiences of sexual harassment without challenging or questioning the structures-socioeconomic and political-that facilitate sexual harassment in the first place.

This chapter analyzes the history of women’s voting rights and political participation in Colombi... more This chapter analyzes the history of women’s voting rights and political participation in Colombia. The largest mobilization occurred in the 1930s and 1940s, during a tumultuous period with increasingly polarized partisan politics and attempts to destabilize electoral politics, including the start of what is simply known as La Violencia. This context framed many of the debates on women’s political rights, with women’s suffrage becoming part of an attempt to pacify the country. Colombia’s subsequent history of civil conflict continues to impact political participation, from voters’ access to the ballot boxes to regions plagued with electoral fraud to the recent referendum on the peace accord. The presence of armed actors has also had a profound impact on Colombian women’s political participation.

European journal of politics and gender, Sep 1, 2021

Signs, 2020

I n March 2012, Juana Quispe, a councilwoman from a small town in Bolivia, was found murdered in ... more I n March 2012, Juana Quispe, a councilwoman from a small town in Bolivia, was found murdered in La Paz, the country's largest city. Her death prompted the approval of Law 243, against "Political Harassment and Violence against Women." 1 With this law, Bolivia became the first country to criminalize what practitioners have called "violence against women in politics" (Krook and Restrepo Sanín 2016a). Politically active women have faced violence for as long as they have participated in politics in any capacity. Indeed, women demanding the right to vote were force-fed and learned self-defense techniques to ward off the attacks of those who opposed their demands (Williams 2012; Rouse and Slutsky 2014). Activists in Latin America and other regions of the world have documented violence against women in politics since at least the 1990s. Although men in politics also face violence, the violence that women face is distinctive in its form and effects (Bardall 2011). While violence against men

Current history, Feb 1, 2023

International Feminist Journal of Politics, 2022

ABSTRACT Latin American countries have struggled to improve the quality of democracy after the tr... more ABSTRACT Latin American countries have struggled to improve the quality of democracy after the transition from authoritarian regimes. Countries have adopted various measures, including gender quotas, to make democracies more inclusive. Despite impressive gains in terms of the number of women in electoral politics, the quotas have proved insufficient to level the playing field of politics and promote the representation of women’s interests. Women report being the victims of violence and harassment that has the goal of forcing them to resign or controlling their decisions as political actors. This article examines the case of Bolivia to show that violence and harassment against women in politics include both traditional forms of gender-based violence and “novel” ways to attack women facilitated by democratic reforms. The article also analyzes feminist resistance to violence against women in politics in the context of regional campaigns to end gender-based violence. The analysis shows that democratization efforts, including the adoption of symbolic gender equality measures, can have unintended effects that undermine women’s political participation and gender equality goals and represent a significant obstacle to the consolidation of democracy.

Comparative Political Studies, Jun 23, 2021

Does political mistrust lead to institutional disengagement? Much work in political science holds... more Does political mistrust lead to institutional disengagement? Much work in political science holds that trust matters for political participation, including recourse to the justice system. Scholars of judicial institutions, relying largely on survey research, argue that low trust decreases legal compliance and cooperation, threatening the rule of law. Legal consciousness and mobilization scholars, meanwhile, suggest that trust does not drive justice system engagement. However, their single-case study approach makes assessing the wider implications of their findings difficult. Based on an innovative comparative focus-group study in two uneven democratic states, Chile and Colombia, we show that trust is not the primary factor driving justice system engagement. Rather, people’s engagement decisions are shaped by their expectations and aspirations for their political system and by their politically constructed capacities for legal agency. Our study offers insights of relevance for analysts of various forms of political participation in uneven democratic states across the globe.

Politics & Gender, Nov 13, 2018

has been at the vanguard in implementing diverse strategies to combat violence against women in p... more has been at the vanguard in implementing diverse strategies to combat violence against women in politics (VAWIP). In 2012, Bolivia became the first country to criminalize "political violence and harassment against women" with Law 243. Soon, Ecuador, Peru, Costa Rica, and Mexico followed with similar proposals (Krook and Restrepo Sanín 2016). Despite high levels of criminal impunity (Piscopo 2016), legislative measures have been the preferred strategy to combat VAWIP within the region. The Inter-American Commission on Women (CIM) recently published a model law, drawing on experiences in Bolivia, 1 to serve as inspiration for other legislative measures in the region. What can these legislative definitions tell us about the phenomenon of VAWIP, its limits, and its challenges? This essay reflects on the impact of legal definitions on our understanding of VAWIP. First, it briefly explains the background of Law 243. Then, it engages in a critical analysis, discussing the limitations of the law. Finally, it proposes the use of broader definitions of VAWIP that better reflect the experiences of the women who suffer from VAWIP, as well as its impact on democracy.

European Journal of Politics and Gender, 2021

Politics & Gender, 2020

Violence against women politicians is increasingly recognized as an issue that undermines women&#... more Violence against women politicians is increasingly recognized as an issue that undermines women's presence in politics. Latin America has been at the vanguard of this global discussion. In 2012, Bolivia became the only country in the world to criminalize “political violence and harassment against women.” Several other countries have similar legislation in the works. What explains the emergence of these bill proposals? This article argues that the creation of these bills is the result of three processes: activism at the local level used international norms to propose an innovative solution to a problem; women politicians and “femocrats” worked within the state apparatus to overcome resistance; and international actors worked to foster connections among activists and politicians across the region. In this process, international norms have been transformed, with important implications for women's political representation.

Perspectives on Politics, 2020

Politica Y Gobierno, Jun 1, 2016

Resumen: La violencia contra las mujeres en política es cada vez más reconocida alrededor del mun... more Resumen: La violencia contra las mujeres en política es cada vez más reconocida alrededor del mundo, pero especialmente en América Latina, como una nueva táctica para impedir la participación política de las mujeres. En este artículo exploramos cómo este concepto ha sido definido por académicos y activistas en la región, a menudo en términos de violencia física y psicológica, y usamos datos de globales, así como estudios de varias disci plinas, para expandir este concepto e incluir dos formas adicionales de violencia: económica y simbólica. Proveemos ejemplos de los cuatro tipos de violencia en países de América Latina. Posteriormente consideramos múltiples soluciones que pueden aplicarse dada esta definición ampliada. Enfatizamos que un abordaje más amplio es la mejor manera de combatir la violencia en todas sus formas.

Politica Y Gobierno, 2016

The phenomenon of violence against women in politics is gaining growing and urgent attention from... more The phenomenon of violence against women in politics is gaining growing and urgent attention from actors around the globe. Piscopo (2016) criticizes emerging theories and strategies to theorize and combat this problem, arguing that scholars have accepted activist definitions at face value, violence against women in politics is simply a subcatego ry of violence in politics more generally, weak state capacity and criminal justice sys tems-the result of incomplete democratic consolidation-explain this phenomenon, these acts of violence do not only violate women's political rights but also other laws, leg islation is insufficient given widespread impunity for criminal offenses, and further state actors and policies should be activated to tackle this issue. In response, we argue that nas cent academic studies do bring new tools to bear on definitions of this phenomenon. We maintain that violence against women in politics is distinct from violence in politics, seek ing to prevent women's participation as women. Worryingly, this problem is present in all regions of the world, not just Latin America, although context may influence the content and prevalence of different categories of violent acts. This violence is more than a crimi nal issue, posing a serious challenge to democracy, human rights, and gender equality

Violence against women in politics is increasingly recognized around the world-but especially in ... more Violence against women in politics is increasingly recognized around the world-but especially in Latin America-as an emerging tactic to deter women's political participation. We survey how this concept has been defined by academics and practitioners across the region-largely in terms of physical and psychological violence-and draw on global data and research in various disciplines to propose expanding this concept to include two further forms of violence: economic and symbolic. We provide examples of all four types of violence in Latin American countries and then consider a range of solutions that might be pursued in light of this broader definition. We emphasize that a comprehensive approach provides the best means for tackling violence in all its forms.

Perspectives on Politics, 2019

Violence against women in politics is increasingly recognized around the world as a significant b... more Violence against women in politics is increasingly recognized around the world as a significant barrier to women’s political participation, following a troubling rise in reports of assault, intimidation, and abuse directed at female politicians. Yet conceptual ambiguities remain as to the exact contours of this phenomenon. In this article, we seek to strengthen its theoretical, empirical, and methodological foundations. We propose that the presence of bias against women in political roles—originating in structural violence, employing cultural violence, and resulting in symbolic violence—distinguishes this phenomenon from other forms of political violence. We identify five types of violence against women in politics—physical, psychological, sexual, economic, and semiotic—and three methodological challenges related to underreporting, comparing men’s and women’s experiences, and intersectionality. Inspired by the literature on hate crimes, we develop an empirical approach for identifyi...

Politics & Gender

Research on violence against women in politics (VAWIP) has exploded in the last five years. Initi... more Research on violence against women in politics (VAWIP) has exploded in the last five years. Initially, most of the work in this area was done by local and domestic organizations and by international organizations (Krook 2019; Restrepo Sanín 2022). Today, more and more scholars are researching VAWIP, publishing articles and books on its multiple dimensions, and studying its impact in advanced democracies and democratizing contexts (

Journal of Women, Politics & Policy, 2019

This panel offered different perspectives on the #MeToo hashtag, the campaign/movement it ignited... more This panel offered different perspectives on the #MeToo hashtag, the campaign/movement it ignited, and the general context in which women decide to come out with their experiences with sexual harassment and assault. In general, the panelists were very critical of the #MeToo "movement" because it is focused on individual experiences of sexual harassment without challenging or questioning the structures-socioeconomic and political-that facilitate sexual harassment in the first place.

Journal of Women, Politics & Policy, 2019

With thoughts added later from Shauna Shames, Rutgers University-Camden, who helped organize this... more With thoughts added later from Shauna Shames, Rutgers University-Camden, who helped organize this panel but was unable to attend the conference at the last minute)] Session Description: Sexual harassment law is based in part on a theory of "hostile spaces," with the central idea being that individual harassing actions have larger consequences for the more general environment in which they take place. But what exactly do they do? This Roundtable will draw on both theory and empirics to consider the causes and consequences of outsiders (women, people of color, LGBTQ people, and working-class people especially) being made to feel they do not belong in political spaces, including parties, legislatures, political campaigns, political science departments and conferences, and more. Sometimes the exclusions are explicitly gendered, raced, or classed, and other times subtler, but the topic is of both personal and academic interest for political science. Feelings of non-belonging and exclusion contribute to the leaking pipeline problem in both elective politics and in our discipline, for outsiders of all stripes, and deprive us of diverse perspectives and good talent that we need in both politics and political science. This roundtable will address first the question of the feeling of non-belonging, and what we know from the research, anecdotal evidence, and personal experience about its causes and effects, and then move on to consider what makes spaces non-hostile and what we need to do in our politics and discipline to achieve that.

The Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Anthropology, 2019

Routledge eBooks, Jun 9, 2020

With thoughts added later from Shauna Shames, Rutgers University-Camden, who helped organize this... more With thoughts added later from Shauna Shames, Rutgers University-Camden, who helped organize this panel but was unable to attend the conference at the last minute)] Session Description: Sexual harassment law is based in part on a theory of "hostile spaces," with the central idea being that individual harassing actions have larger consequences for the more general environment in which they take place. But what exactly do they do? This Roundtable will draw on both theory and empirics to consider the causes and consequences of outsiders (women, people of color, LGBTQ people, and working-class people especially) being made to feel they do not belong in political spaces, including parties, legislatures, political campaigns, political science departments and conferences, and more. Sometimes the exclusions are explicitly gendered, raced, or classed, and other times subtler, but the topic is of both personal and academic interest for political science. Feelings of non-belonging and exclusion contribute to the leaking pipeline problem in both elective politics and in our discipline, for outsiders of all stripes, and deprive us of diverse perspectives and good talent that we need in both politics and political science. This roundtable will address first the question of the feeling of non-belonging, and what we know from the research, anecdotal evidence, and personal experience about its causes and effects, and then move on to consider what makes spaces non-hostile and what we need to do in our politics and discipline to achieve that.

Routledge eBooks, Jun 9, 2020

This panel offered different perspectives on the #MeToo hashtag, the campaign/movement it ignited... more This panel offered different perspectives on the #MeToo hashtag, the campaign/movement it ignited, and the general context in which women decide to come out with their experiences with sexual harassment and assault. In general, the panelists were very critical of the #MeToo "movement" because it is focused on individual experiences of sexual harassment without challenging or questioning the structures-socioeconomic and political-that facilitate sexual harassment in the first place.

This chapter analyzes the history of women’s voting rights and political participation in Colombi... more This chapter analyzes the history of women’s voting rights and political participation in Colombia. The largest mobilization occurred in the 1930s and 1940s, during a tumultuous period with increasingly polarized partisan politics and attempts to destabilize electoral politics, including the start of what is simply known as La Violencia. This context framed many of the debates on women’s political rights, with women’s suffrage becoming part of an attempt to pacify the country. Colombia’s subsequent history of civil conflict continues to impact political participation, from voters’ access to the ballot boxes to regions plagued with electoral fraud to the recent referendum on the peace accord. The presence of armed actors has also had a profound impact on Colombian women’s political participation.

European journal of politics and gender, Sep 1, 2021

Signs, 2020

I n March 2012, Juana Quispe, a councilwoman from a small town in Bolivia, was found murdered in ... more I n March 2012, Juana Quispe, a councilwoman from a small town in Bolivia, was found murdered in La Paz, the country's largest city. Her death prompted the approval of Law 243, against "Political Harassment and Violence against Women." 1 With this law, Bolivia became the first country to criminalize what practitioners have called "violence against women in politics" (Krook and Restrepo Sanín 2016a). Politically active women have faced violence for as long as they have participated in politics in any capacity. Indeed, women demanding the right to vote were force-fed and learned self-defense techniques to ward off the attacks of those who opposed their demands (Williams 2012; Rouse and Slutsky 2014). Activists in Latin America and other regions of the world have documented violence against women in politics since at least the 1990s. Although men in politics also face violence, the violence that women face is distinctive in its form and effects (Bardall 2011). While violence against men

Current history, Feb 1, 2023

International Feminist Journal of Politics, 2022

ABSTRACT Latin American countries have struggled to improve the quality of democracy after the tr... more ABSTRACT Latin American countries have struggled to improve the quality of democracy after the transition from authoritarian regimes. Countries have adopted various measures, including gender quotas, to make democracies more inclusive. Despite impressive gains in terms of the number of women in electoral politics, the quotas have proved insufficient to level the playing field of politics and promote the representation of women’s interests. Women report being the victims of violence and harassment that has the goal of forcing them to resign or controlling their decisions as political actors. This article examines the case of Bolivia to show that violence and harassment against women in politics include both traditional forms of gender-based violence and “novel” ways to attack women facilitated by democratic reforms. The article also analyzes feminist resistance to violence against women in politics in the context of regional campaigns to end gender-based violence. The analysis shows that democratization efforts, including the adoption of symbolic gender equality measures, can have unintended effects that undermine women’s political participation and gender equality goals and represent a significant obstacle to the consolidation of democracy.

Comparative Political Studies, Jun 23, 2021

Does political mistrust lead to institutional disengagement? Much work in political science holds... more Does political mistrust lead to institutional disengagement? Much work in political science holds that trust matters for political participation, including recourse to the justice system. Scholars of judicial institutions, relying largely on survey research, argue that low trust decreases legal compliance and cooperation, threatening the rule of law. Legal consciousness and mobilization scholars, meanwhile, suggest that trust does not drive justice system engagement. However, their single-case study approach makes assessing the wider implications of their findings difficult. Based on an innovative comparative focus-group study in two uneven democratic states, Chile and Colombia, we show that trust is not the primary factor driving justice system engagement. Rather, people’s engagement decisions are shaped by their expectations and aspirations for their political system and by their politically constructed capacities for legal agency. Our study offers insights of relevance for analysts of various forms of political participation in uneven democratic states across the globe.

Politics & Gender, Nov 13, 2018

has been at the vanguard in implementing diverse strategies to combat violence against women in p... more has been at the vanguard in implementing diverse strategies to combat violence against women in politics (VAWIP). In 2012, Bolivia became the first country to criminalize "political violence and harassment against women" with Law 243. Soon, Ecuador, Peru, Costa Rica, and Mexico followed with similar proposals (Krook and Restrepo Sanín 2016). Despite high levels of criminal impunity (Piscopo 2016), legislative measures have been the preferred strategy to combat VAWIP within the region. The Inter-American Commission on Women (CIM) recently published a model law, drawing on experiences in Bolivia, 1 to serve as inspiration for other legislative measures in the region. What can these legislative definitions tell us about the phenomenon of VAWIP, its limits, and its challenges? This essay reflects on the impact of legal definitions on our understanding of VAWIP. First, it briefly explains the background of Law 243. Then, it engages in a critical analysis, discussing the limitations of the law. Finally, it proposes the use of broader definitions of VAWIP that better reflect the experiences of the women who suffer from VAWIP, as well as its impact on democracy.

European Journal of Politics and Gender, 2021

Politics & Gender, 2020

Violence against women politicians is increasingly recognized as an issue that undermines women&#... more Violence against women politicians is increasingly recognized as an issue that undermines women's presence in politics. Latin America has been at the vanguard of this global discussion. In 2012, Bolivia became the only country in the world to criminalize “political violence and harassment against women.” Several other countries have similar legislation in the works. What explains the emergence of these bill proposals? This article argues that the creation of these bills is the result of three processes: activism at the local level used international norms to propose an innovative solution to a problem; women politicians and “femocrats” worked within the state apparatus to overcome resistance; and international actors worked to foster connections among activists and politicians across the region. In this process, international norms have been transformed, with important implications for women's political representation.

Perspectives on Politics, 2020

Politica Y Gobierno, Jun 1, 2016

Resumen: La violencia contra las mujeres en política es cada vez más reconocida alrededor del mun... more Resumen: La violencia contra las mujeres en política es cada vez más reconocida alrededor del mundo, pero especialmente en América Latina, como una nueva táctica para impedir la participación política de las mujeres. En este artículo exploramos cómo este concepto ha sido definido por académicos y activistas en la región, a menudo en términos de violencia física y psicológica, y usamos datos de globales, así como estudios de varias disci plinas, para expandir este concepto e incluir dos formas adicionales de violencia: económica y simbólica. Proveemos ejemplos de los cuatro tipos de violencia en países de América Latina. Posteriormente consideramos múltiples soluciones que pueden aplicarse dada esta definición ampliada. Enfatizamos que un abordaje más amplio es la mejor manera de combatir la violencia en todas sus formas.

Politica Y Gobierno, 2016

The phenomenon of violence against women in politics is gaining growing and urgent attention from... more The phenomenon of violence against women in politics is gaining growing and urgent attention from actors around the globe. Piscopo (2016) criticizes emerging theories and strategies to theorize and combat this problem, arguing that scholars have accepted activist definitions at face value, violence against women in politics is simply a subcatego ry of violence in politics more generally, weak state capacity and criminal justice sys tems-the result of incomplete democratic consolidation-explain this phenomenon, these acts of violence do not only violate women's political rights but also other laws, leg islation is insufficient given widespread impunity for criminal offenses, and further state actors and policies should be activated to tackle this issue. In response, we argue that nas cent academic studies do bring new tools to bear on definitions of this phenomenon. We maintain that violence against women in politics is distinct from violence in politics, seek ing to prevent women's participation as women. Worryingly, this problem is present in all regions of the world, not just Latin America, although context may influence the content and prevalence of different categories of violent acts. This violence is more than a crimi nal issue, posing a serious challenge to democracy, human rights, and gender equality

Violence against women in politics is increasingly recognized around the world-but especially in ... more Violence against women in politics is increasingly recognized around the world-but especially in Latin America-as an emerging tactic to deter women's political participation. We survey how this concept has been defined by academics and practitioners across the region-largely in terms of physical and psychological violence-and draw on global data and research in various disciplines to propose expanding this concept to include two further forms of violence: economic and symbolic. We provide examples of all four types of violence in Latin American countries and then consider a range of solutions that might be pursued in light of this broader definition. We emphasize that a comprehensive approach provides the best means for tackling violence in all its forms.

Perspectives on Politics, 2019

Violence against women in politics is increasingly recognized around the world as a significant b... more Violence against women in politics is increasingly recognized around the world as a significant barrier to women’s political participation, following a troubling rise in reports of assault, intimidation, and abuse directed at female politicians. Yet conceptual ambiguities remain as to the exact contours of this phenomenon. In this article, we seek to strengthen its theoretical, empirical, and methodological foundations. We propose that the presence of bias against women in political roles—originating in structural violence, employing cultural violence, and resulting in symbolic violence—distinguishes this phenomenon from other forms of political violence. We identify five types of violence against women in politics—physical, psychological, sexual, economic, and semiotic—and three methodological challenges related to underreporting, comparing men’s and women’s experiences, and intersectionality. Inspired by the literature on hate crimes, we develop an empirical approach for identifyi...

Politics & Gender

Research on violence against women in politics (VAWIP) has exploded in the last five years. Initi... more Research on violence against women in politics (VAWIP) has exploded in the last five years. Initially, most of the work in this area was done by local and domestic organizations and by international organizations (Krook 2019; Restrepo Sanín 2022). Today, more and more scholars are researching VAWIP, publishing articles and books on its multiple dimensions, and studying its impact in advanced democracies and democratizing contexts (

Journal of Women, Politics & Policy, 2019

This panel offered different perspectives on the #MeToo hashtag, the campaign/movement it ignited... more This panel offered different perspectives on the #MeToo hashtag, the campaign/movement it ignited, and the general context in which women decide to come out with their experiences with sexual harassment and assault. In general, the panelists were very critical of the #MeToo "movement" because it is focused on individual experiences of sexual harassment without challenging or questioning the structures-socioeconomic and political-that facilitate sexual harassment in the first place.

Journal of Women, Politics & Policy, 2019

With thoughts added later from Shauna Shames, Rutgers University-Camden, who helped organize this... more With thoughts added later from Shauna Shames, Rutgers University-Camden, who helped organize this panel but was unable to attend the conference at the last minute)] Session Description: Sexual harassment law is based in part on a theory of "hostile spaces," with the central idea being that individual harassing actions have larger consequences for the more general environment in which they take place. But what exactly do they do? This Roundtable will draw on both theory and empirics to consider the causes and consequences of outsiders (women, people of color, LGBTQ people, and working-class people especially) being made to feel they do not belong in political spaces, including parties, legislatures, political campaigns, political science departments and conferences, and more. Sometimes the exclusions are explicitly gendered, raced, or classed, and other times subtler, but the topic is of both personal and academic interest for political science. Feelings of non-belonging and exclusion contribute to the leaking pipeline problem in both elective politics and in our discipline, for outsiders of all stripes, and deprive us of diverse perspectives and good talent that we need in both politics and political science. This roundtable will address first the question of the feeling of non-belonging, and what we know from the research, anecdotal evidence, and personal experience about its causes and effects, and then move on to consider what makes spaces non-hostile and what we need to do in our politics and discipline to achieve that.