Karl Kaltenthaler - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Papers by Karl Kaltenthaler
Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, 2013
Oxford University Press eBooks, May 18, 2023
Oxford University Press eBooks, Jul 16, 2023
Oxford University Press eBooks, Jul 16, 2023
Oxford University Press eBooks, Jul 16, 2023
Oxford University Press eBooks, Jul 16, 2023
Oxford University Press eBooks, Jul 16, 2023
Oxford University Press eBooks, Jul 16, 2023
the arab world geographer, Mar 1, 2020
Working Paper Series, Dec 1, 2022
This study has been prepared within the UNU-WIDER project Institutional legacies of violent confl... more This study has been prepared within the UNU-WIDER project Institutional legacies of violent conflict.
Lynne Rienner Publishers eBooks, Dec 31, 1993
ISIS in Iraq
One of the most asked questions about ISIS during its occupation of large swathes Iraq is this: W... more One of the most asked questions about ISIS during its occupation of large swathes Iraq is this: What was it like to live under the governance of the group? Using data collected from ordinary Iraqis, the chapter attempts to give a picture of everyday life in ISIS-occupied Iraq. Most Sunni Iraqis who experienced the arrival of ISIS, particularly in Mosul, say the group was largely accepted at first, as an alternative to what was viewed as a corrupt, abusive, and sectarian Iraqi state. In retrospect, however, many of the people interviewed about ISIS’s governance thought that although ISIS was superior in some aspects of governance to the Iraqi state, the group largely wore out its welcome through its brutal imposition of an interpretation of sharia that was far more extreme than even relatively conservative Sunni Iraqis were willing to accept.
Lynne Rienner Publishers eBooks, Dec 31, 1993
Contributing Authors: Sher Jan Ahmadzai, University of Nebraska, Omaha; Daniel Bolger, North Caro... more Contributing Authors: Sher Jan Ahmadzai, University of Nebraska, Omaha; Daniel Bolger, North Carolina State University; Karl Kaltenthaler, Case Western Reserve University & University of Akron; Vern Liebl, US Marine Corps University, Center for Advanced Operational and Culture Learning; Raffaello Pantucci, Royal United Services Institute; Barnett Rubin, New York University; US Army Training and Doctrine Command, G27 Modeling & Simulation Branch; Craig Whiteside, Naval Postgraduate School
This is a book review of The Truth Matters: A Citizen’s Guide to Separating Facts from Lies and S... more This is a book review of The Truth Matters: A Citizen’s Guide to Separating Facts from Lies and Stopping Fake News in Its Tracks by Bruce Bartlett.
Redefining the Third World, 1998
Nothing short of a sea change has occurred in the political economies of Latin-America since the ... more Nothing short of a sea change has occurred in the political economies of Latin-America since the 1980s. Almost every Latin-American state has engaged in a profound process of political-economic liberalisation and reform. Some have compared this dual transition process to the transformation that occurred in the 1930s, when most states replaced the oligarchic and self-regulating political economy of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries with an authoritarian-populist model.1 By and large, Latin America’s political economy has come full circle. The 1980s witnessed a paradigm shift where the goals of democratisation and profound economic reform were pursued simultaneously. Politically, in the early 1980s, the region began its transition from bureaucratic-authoritarianism toward a more open and competitive form of representative democracy. In the economic realm, neo-liberal macroeconomic policies have replaced populism and demand-management policies and import-substitution with a new economic logic that emphasises the market, domestic decentralisation, deregulation, privatisation, trade liberalisation and, generally speaking, the removal of the state from the ownership of production. Latin-American states have embarked on a bold path of reform to achieve the political stability and economic growth and development that has eluded them for so long.
European Union Politics DOI: 10.1177/1465116504047315 Volume 5 (4): 509 Copyright�� 2004 SAGE Pub... more European Union Politics DOI: 10.1177/1465116504047315 Volume 5 (4): 509 Copyright�� 2004 SAGE Publications London, Thousand Oaks CA, New Delhi ... Max Albert Christopher J. Anderson Konstantin Baltz Stefano Bartolini Manfred Max Bergman Thomas Bernauer Jan Beyers Steven Brams Andreas Broscheid Daniel Brou Christopher Butler Sean Carey Cliff Carrubba Francesco Cavatorta Lars-Erik Cederman Jeffrey T. Checkel Thomas Christin Claudio Cioffi-Revilla Juan D��ez Medrano Antoaneta Dimitrova Herbert D��ring Han Dorussen Richard Eichenberg ...
POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY, 2021
In this article, we test this argument’s utility in explaining individual sympathy for and opposi... more In this article, we test this argument’s utility in explaining individual
sympathy for and opposition to the Pakistan‐based and Pakistan‐backed
LeT using data collected from a 2013 novel survey of 7,656 respondents
representative of Pakistan’s four main provinces. We employ positivity
indexing to assess attitudes toward sensitive issues that might otherwise
illicit high nonresponse rates or answers that are influenced by social
desirability or other kinds of bias. Our empirical results support our
posited contention that the respondents who are most likely to see LeT
sympathetically are Pakistanis who support the political status quo,
Punjabis, Ahl‐e‐Hadith adherents, and women. As we argue, these are
individuals who are likely to view LeT as a means of preserving or improving their social significance. Respondents who are likely to see LeT
as a threat to their sense of significance, such as Shia, Deobandis, Sufis,
and ethnic Baloch, are more likely to view LeT negatively. Understanding
the factors that condition individual perceptions of a militant group such
as LeT is likely germane to the efforts of those who are committed to
countering the allure of such violent extremist groups.
Choice Reviews Online, 1999
Contents Acknowledgements Introduction The German monetary paradigm: actors, interests and instit... more Contents Acknowledgements Introduction The German monetary paradigm: actors, interests and institutions German domestic politics and the development of the European monetary system Challenging Bundesbank dominance: the Franco-German Economic and Finance Council initiative The ties that bind: German policy toward European monetary union The price of change: german policy and transformation of the ems Conclusion Notes Bibliography Index
Pakistan's Enduring Challenges, 2015
Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, 2013
Oxford University Press eBooks, May 18, 2023
Oxford University Press eBooks, Jul 16, 2023
Oxford University Press eBooks, Jul 16, 2023
Oxford University Press eBooks, Jul 16, 2023
Oxford University Press eBooks, Jul 16, 2023
Oxford University Press eBooks, Jul 16, 2023
Oxford University Press eBooks, Jul 16, 2023
the arab world geographer, Mar 1, 2020
Working Paper Series, Dec 1, 2022
This study has been prepared within the UNU-WIDER project Institutional legacies of violent confl... more This study has been prepared within the UNU-WIDER project Institutional legacies of violent conflict.
Lynne Rienner Publishers eBooks, Dec 31, 1993
ISIS in Iraq
One of the most asked questions about ISIS during its occupation of large swathes Iraq is this: W... more One of the most asked questions about ISIS during its occupation of large swathes Iraq is this: What was it like to live under the governance of the group? Using data collected from ordinary Iraqis, the chapter attempts to give a picture of everyday life in ISIS-occupied Iraq. Most Sunni Iraqis who experienced the arrival of ISIS, particularly in Mosul, say the group was largely accepted at first, as an alternative to what was viewed as a corrupt, abusive, and sectarian Iraqi state. In retrospect, however, many of the people interviewed about ISIS’s governance thought that although ISIS was superior in some aspects of governance to the Iraqi state, the group largely wore out its welcome through its brutal imposition of an interpretation of sharia that was far more extreme than even relatively conservative Sunni Iraqis were willing to accept.
Lynne Rienner Publishers eBooks, Dec 31, 1993
Contributing Authors: Sher Jan Ahmadzai, University of Nebraska, Omaha; Daniel Bolger, North Caro... more Contributing Authors: Sher Jan Ahmadzai, University of Nebraska, Omaha; Daniel Bolger, North Carolina State University; Karl Kaltenthaler, Case Western Reserve University & University of Akron; Vern Liebl, US Marine Corps University, Center for Advanced Operational and Culture Learning; Raffaello Pantucci, Royal United Services Institute; Barnett Rubin, New York University; US Army Training and Doctrine Command, G27 Modeling & Simulation Branch; Craig Whiteside, Naval Postgraduate School
This is a book review of The Truth Matters: A Citizen’s Guide to Separating Facts from Lies and S... more This is a book review of The Truth Matters: A Citizen’s Guide to Separating Facts from Lies and Stopping Fake News in Its Tracks by Bruce Bartlett.
Redefining the Third World, 1998
Nothing short of a sea change has occurred in the political economies of Latin-America since the ... more Nothing short of a sea change has occurred in the political economies of Latin-America since the 1980s. Almost every Latin-American state has engaged in a profound process of political-economic liberalisation and reform. Some have compared this dual transition process to the transformation that occurred in the 1930s, when most states replaced the oligarchic and self-regulating political economy of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries with an authoritarian-populist model.1 By and large, Latin America’s political economy has come full circle. The 1980s witnessed a paradigm shift where the goals of democratisation and profound economic reform were pursued simultaneously. Politically, in the early 1980s, the region began its transition from bureaucratic-authoritarianism toward a more open and competitive form of representative democracy. In the economic realm, neo-liberal macroeconomic policies have replaced populism and demand-management policies and import-substitution with a new economic logic that emphasises the market, domestic decentralisation, deregulation, privatisation, trade liberalisation and, generally speaking, the removal of the state from the ownership of production. Latin-American states have embarked on a bold path of reform to achieve the political stability and economic growth and development that has eluded them for so long.
European Union Politics DOI: 10.1177/1465116504047315 Volume 5 (4): 509 Copyright�� 2004 SAGE Pub... more European Union Politics DOI: 10.1177/1465116504047315 Volume 5 (4): 509 Copyright�� 2004 SAGE Publications London, Thousand Oaks CA, New Delhi ... Max Albert Christopher J. Anderson Konstantin Baltz Stefano Bartolini Manfred Max Bergman Thomas Bernauer Jan Beyers Steven Brams Andreas Broscheid Daniel Brou Christopher Butler Sean Carey Cliff Carrubba Francesco Cavatorta Lars-Erik Cederman Jeffrey T. Checkel Thomas Christin Claudio Cioffi-Revilla Juan D��ez Medrano Antoaneta Dimitrova Herbert D��ring Han Dorussen Richard Eichenberg ...
POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY, 2021
In this article, we test this argument’s utility in explaining individual sympathy for and opposi... more In this article, we test this argument’s utility in explaining individual
sympathy for and opposition to the Pakistan‐based and Pakistan‐backed
LeT using data collected from a 2013 novel survey of 7,656 respondents
representative of Pakistan’s four main provinces. We employ positivity
indexing to assess attitudes toward sensitive issues that might otherwise
illicit high nonresponse rates or answers that are influenced by social
desirability or other kinds of bias. Our empirical results support our
posited contention that the respondents who are most likely to see LeT
sympathetically are Pakistanis who support the political status quo,
Punjabis, Ahl‐e‐Hadith adherents, and women. As we argue, these are
individuals who are likely to view LeT as a means of preserving or improving their social significance. Respondents who are likely to see LeT
as a threat to their sense of significance, such as Shia, Deobandis, Sufis,
and ethnic Baloch, are more likely to view LeT negatively. Understanding
the factors that condition individual perceptions of a militant group such
as LeT is likely germane to the efforts of those who are committed to
countering the allure of such violent extremist groups.
Choice Reviews Online, 1999
Contents Acknowledgements Introduction The German monetary paradigm: actors, interests and instit... more Contents Acknowledgements Introduction The German monetary paradigm: actors, interests and institutions German domestic politics and the development of the European monetary system Challenging Bundesbank dominance: the Franco-German Economic and Finance Council initiative The ties that bind: German policy toward European monetary union The price of change: german policy and transformation of the ems Conclusion Notes Bibliography Index
Pakistan's Enduring Challenges, 2015
Political Science Quarterly, 2021
This paper explores Pakistani public opinion toward the Lashkar-e-Tayyaba (LeT) (also known as Ja... more This paper explores Pakistani public opinion toward the Lashkar-e-Tayyaba (LeT) (also known as Jamaat ul Dawa, or JuD), which is one of the most competent and lethal Pakistan-based and backed militant groups operating in India and elsewhere in South Asia. Building on the theory of significance quest, this study argues that Pakistanis who believe that the group will increase their own sense of personal significance are most likely to sympathize with the group. This study contends that the LeT, which is allied with the Pakistani state, should be most favorably viewed by those who look favorably on the political status quo in Pakistan, Punjabis, Ahl-e-Hadith adherents and women as these are the groups most likely to believe they gain status because of the LeT. Conversely, the LeT should be opposed by Shia, Barelvis, Deobandis, and Baloch Pakistanis, all groups that are disparaged by the LeT and thus see it as a threat to their status. Using data from a country-wide survey of 7, 653 Pakistanis carried out in 2013, these contentions are tested in a multiple regression analysis and are supported.
This paper explores Pakistani public support for the Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT,also known as Jamaat ul... more This paper explores Pakistani public support for the Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT,also known as Jamaat ul Dawa, or JuD), which is one of the most competent and lethal Pakistan-based and-backed militant groups operating in India and elsewhere in South Asia. Contrary to common perceptions that Islamist militant groups are inherently revolutionary, this study, using data from a country-wide survey of 7, 653 Pakistanis carried out in 2013, argues form a social psychology perspective that the sense of significance that a violent extremist group may bestow on its in-group members is the essential factor in conditioning sympathy and support for that group. We posit that the LeT, a Salafi group based in Punjab, is most likely to be supported by Salafis and Punjabis as these are the societal groups most likely to believe that the LeT accords them significance. By analyzing data from a novel dataset derived from a nationally-representative survey of Pakistanis, we find strong support for these contentions.