Kosovar Centre for Security Studies KCSS (original) (raw)

Papers by Kosovar Centre for Security Studies KCSS

Citizens’ Perceptions on Public Safety and Threats to National Security in Kosovo, 2023

The following Western Balkans Security Barometer (WBSB) report provides a thorough analysis of re... more The following Western Balkans Security Barometer (WBSB) report provides a thorough
analysis of respondents’ perception of potential threats to their public safety and national
security in Kosovo in 2022.
Respondents feel generally safe in their close communities. Nevertheless, the sense
of safety gradually decreases as the communities grow larger. Around 77 percent of
the respondents declared that they feel safe in their houses, while they feel the least
safe in their country (around 33 percent). Respondents’ perceptions between 2021 and
2022 indicate a slow decrease in their feeling of public safety; whereby in the previous
2021 WBSB, 79 percent and 40 percent of respondents stated that they feel safe in
their homes and in their country, respectively. On the other hand, almost half of the
respondents feel safe on the cyberspace.
Brain drain is ranked as the highest threat to public safety, with 83 percent of the
respondents viewing it as a threat or high threat to their respective communities. Stray
animals and drug abuse are also perceived as highly threatening phenomena. Moreover,
respondents are generally concerned about shortages of necessities, however, they
express the biggest concerns about the shortages of electricity.
On the national level, respondents see the increased prices of goods as the highest
threat towards Kosovo’s national security, followed closely by the energy crisis. Pollution
and climate change, violent extremism, and COVID-19 are seen as the lowest threats to
national security.
When asked if COVID-19 continues to endanger public health, almost half of the
respondents answered negatively. Further, COVID-19 was ranked as the lowest
threat to Kosovo’s national security. Opinions are somewhat divided when it comes to
the efficiency of the COVID-19 vaccine on hindering the pandemic; yet 45 percent of
respondents believe that the vaccine contributed to curb the pandemic.
According to the survey data, the main causes of domestic violence in Kosovo are poor
economic conditions and low levels of education. Respondents believe that raising the
quality of education, and organizing more raising awareness campaigns are some of
the measures that need to be taken by institutions to prevent and fight domestic violence.

Citizens’ Perceptions on Public Safety and Threats to National Security in Kosovo, 2023

Kosovo citizens perceptions of violent extremism and reintegration and rehabilitation of the returnees, 2022

Kosovo citizens continue to perceive violent extremism as a threat for the national security of K... more Kosovo citizens continue to perceive violent extremism as a threat for the national security of Kosovo. Majority (76%) of the WBSB respondents believe that violent extremism presents a high threat or a threat for Kosovo. As per the forms of violent extremism, Kosovo citizens see the ethno/national based violence as the most threating, with 42 percent of respondents sharing the opinion that it presents a high threat for the security of Kosovo. Political based violence is perceived as a high threat for the security of Kosovo by 38 percent of the WBSB respondents, while religious based violence is perceived as threatening by 34 percent of the respondents. Kosovo, as other European countries, have faced challenges with respect to participation of citizens in foreign conflicts. The WBSB data shows that 37 percent of the respondents see citizens that participated in the war zones in Syria and Iraq and returned to Kosovo, as a high threat potential for the country.

Despite the challenges, it is important to note that the WBSB data shows that Kosovars support the work of the government of Kosovo to repatriate citizens from Syria. Accordingly, 65 percent of the respondents support the repatriation of all citizens that still remain in Syria, while 15 percent hold the opinion that only the remaining women and children should be repatriated. Positive attitudes are noted in citizens’ perceptions of what approach should be applied to those returning from conflict zones in Syria. 75 percent of the respondents believe that the approach/measures undertaken by Kosovo institutions should be focused on reintegration, as opposed to 11 percent that believe the returnees should be subject of punitive measures and seven percent of the respondents that believe that there is no need for any specific measure. A rather disturbing development is noted with respect to citizen readiness to accept and welcome back to the community the children that have been returned from Syria and Iraq For instance, the majority of the respondents (57%) would not allow their children to be socialized with the repatriated children as they believe that they may have an adverse effect on other children. One the other hand, 35 percent of the respondents would have no problem in allowing their children to be associated with the returnee children.

The data presented in the report derive from the Western Balkans Security Barometer (WBSB) survey. WBSB is a new regional initiative launched by KCSS in 2020, implemented in cooperation with the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP) in Serbia and Center for the Study of Democracy and Governance (CSDG) in Albania, supported by the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). WBSB serves as an instrument to measure public perceptions in Albania, Kosovo and Serbia on different security-related issues. The findings demonstrate how citizens percept or are informed about the issues presented in this report. As such, the views presented in this report do not necessarily represent the views of the KCSS, BCSP, CSDG or NED.

Citizens perceptions of integrity of public institutions in Kosovo, 2022

The Kosovo Security Forces, the Kosovo Police, the President of Kosovo and the Municipalities are... more The Kosovo Security Forces, the Kosovo Police, the President of Kosovo and the Municipalities are the most trusted public institutions in Kosovo, with over 50 percent of respondents declaring that they trust or completely trust these institutions. This is followed by the Kosovo Customs and the Kosovo Intelligence Agency with 45 percent of respondents sharing such an opinion. On the other hand, less than 40 percent of the respondents declared that they trust or completely trust Courts, Prosecution, Kosovo Correctional Services, the Government of Kosovo and the Kosovo Assembly. The results of the report show that citizens of Kosovo find the security institutions more reliable with a higher level of trust towards them, compared to other public institutions in Kosovo, such as the justice institutions which citizens perceive less trustworthy and with weak integrity. The citizen confidence in the institutions of the Courts and the Prosecution in Kosovo has been consistently in decline, and this is concerning. Citizens have higher confidence in the public institutions from the central level, especially when compared to the previous year (2020), however, the skepticism towards these institutions generally prevails.

The citizen perception of the presence of corruption in the public institutions follows their perception of trust in the institutions. The lower the trust in an institution, the higher the perception that corruption is present in the respective institution. In line with this, the Security institutions are perceived to be less corrupted when compared to the other institutions. Kosovo Security Forces and Kosovo Police are perceived to be the least corrupted institutions with less than 25 percent of respondents declaring that these two institutions are corrupt or very corrupt, followed by Municipalities with 33 percent of respondents sharing the opinion that they are corrupt. On the other hand, more than 45 percent of the respondents perceive the Government of Kosovo, Courts and Prosecution as corrupt and very corrupt.

Finally, high level of skepticism about the competence of public administration employees is observed among the WBSB respondents. The majority of WBSB respondents believe that only a small group of people are employed in the state administration solely on the basis of merit and qualifications. Although in slightly lower level, similar attitudes are present towards the security institutions as well. More than 50 percent of the respondents hold the opinion that only a fraction of the employees in the security institutions are there on the basis of merits and qualifications.

Community perceptions on violent extremism and repatriation of Kosovo Citizens' from ISIS battlegrounds, 2021

THE BIDEN AGENDA: HOW THE NEW ADMINISTRATION CAN HELP WESTERN BALKANS OUT OF STAGNATION, 2021

Between denial and respond: Citizens' perceptions on Kosovo Institutions dealing with COVID-19, 2021

Published by: Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS) Title: Between denial and respond: Ci... more Published by:

Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)

Title:

Between denial and respond: Citizens' perceptions on Kosovo Institutions dealing with COVID-19

Date:

June 2021

This report examines attitudes and perceptions of Kosovo citizens as to the coronavirus pandemic aiming to deconstruct respondents’ opinions on the most topical issues related to the COVID-19 situation in Kosovo. First section of the report presents perceptions whether Kosovar respondents believe on the existence of the COVID-19 pandemic. It also interprets perceptions on how the Kosovo institutions handled the COVID-19 situation in Kosovo from March – September 2020. The second section is related to the degree the COVID-19 has impacted everyday life of citizens from socio-economic to human rights points of view. Whilst, the third section of the report highlights perceptions on political influence of foreign countries/organisations towards Kosovo on handling the COVID-19 as well as their financial and humanitarian aid donated to Kosovo amidst the coronavirus crisis in Kosovo.

A considerable number of citizens in Kosovo were doubtful and distrustful on the existence of coronavirus disease. This was specifically in common in the course of early stages of the pandemic situation, whilst some public figures were campaigning against the Kosovo Government’s prevention and protective measures against the spread of coronavirus disease in 2020. This apparently was motivated by circulation of dozens of conspiracies and pseudoscience news articles among the Kosovar media stating that the COVID-19 pandemic is an inexistent disease. Thus, citizens were eager to believe in conspiracy and disinformation campaign. This explains as to why 1/3 of citizens interviewed by Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS) through this survey back in September-October 2020 responded that they do not believe on existence of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Furthermore, KCSS decided to measure perceptions of Kosovar respondents on this specific matter as well as on the performance of Kosovo’s central, local, security and health related institutions on handling the COVID-19 pandemic crisis in the country in order to surface respondents’ perceptions on these issues. Besides this, this survey had also measured socio-economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic in Kosovo and perceived foreign support / influence in Kosovo amid the COVID-19 pandemic. It is worth mentioning that perceptions presented in this report were gathered by Kosovo Security Barometer (KSB), a distinctive tool through which KCSS annually measures public perceptions in Kosovo on the trust towards institutions and various securityrelated issues, including attitudes on the COVID-19 pandemic situation in Kosovo. In its tenth edition, KSB has taken a regional dimension and marks the first edition of the Western Balkans Security Barometer (WBSB) implemented simultaneously in Kosovo and Serbia in September-October 2020.

Busting myths about KSF transition into a defence force, 2021

Published by: Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS) Title: Busting myths about KSF transi... more Published by:

Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)

Title:

Busting myths about KSF transition into a defence force

Date:

June 2021

It has been close to three years since Kosovo’s institutions moved forward with the decision to start the process of transition of the Kosovo Security Force (KSF) from a disaster relief mandate into a defence force. However, this move by the Kosovo’s leadership driven by massive public support was viewed with scepticism by some of the traditional allies of the country who feared that the decision would lead to instability. So, did the instability occur as a result of this decision? A short answer is - no.

Looking back at the process, it is clear that the consequences some feared of the transition of the KSF into a defence force for Kosovo were exaggerated - to say the least - and it seems the decision was, nothing less or more than a regular technocratic move of the Kosovan institutions. Some, might even argue that actually the process of transition of the KSF mandate has helped societal cohesion in Kosovo and as such strengthened stability of the country. In other words, fearmongering discourse about the KSF transition showed to be ungrounded and the decision proved more benefits than expected to date.

KEY FINDINGS:

The process of transition of the KSF mandate is moving ahead according to the plan. The Ministry of Defence (MoD) has followed rigorously the process of transition as set forth in the Comprehensive Development Plan of building defence capabilities. There was no intention of other ambitions or “jumping” from the original plan;

Since 2018, the KSF intensified its efforts of serving as a force for good, both internally and externally. In the latest development, it provided tangible contribution during the earthquake disaster in Albania in November 2019 and it deployed first ever overseas mission in Kuwait as part of US IOWA contingent in March 2021;

The KSF transition did not translate into any escalation in the relations between Kosovo and Serbia and so far its development trajectory did not contribute in the destructive narrative in the relations between both countries

The sceptics of the transition of the KSF have faltered, while those in support of the new mandate have been empowered.

Perception on Kosovo - Serbia Dialogue and Identity issues, 2021

Published by: Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS) and Belgrade Center for Security Policy... more Published by:

Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS) and Belgrade Center for Security Policy (BCSP)

Title:

Perception on Kosovo - Serbia Dialogue and Identity issues

Date:

February 2021

EU-led dialogue for normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia is assumed to be the main issue for both countries, since the process started in 2011. After almost a decade of the process and in some cases negative coverage by the media, the citizens of both Serbia and Kosovo seem to be relatively strong in their support of the dialogue. The percentage in support for the dialogue is slightly different in Kosovo and Serbia. Kosovar citizens seem to have a stronger support with 68 percent compared to the Serbian citizens with 51 percent. This, rather high percentage of the support for the dialogue in both countries challenges the common assumption that the dialogue is not popular. This would seem to suggest that the citizens see a value and a benefit in the dialogue process. However, this assumption is undermined, with the very high percentage of the citizens in Kosovo (80 percent) and Serbia (90 percent) who do not see any personal benefit from the dialogue. were asked percentage of the citizens in Serbia who say they have not personally. This result, can imply that citizens see the dialogue as a responsibility of the elites, or a process happening at the macro level, not touching their lives. Perhaps, the high percentage of the citizens in both countries, that do not perceive the dialogue to have personal benefits to them is a manifestation of a lack of effective communication from the EU and more importantly the governments in Kosovo and Serbia, about the benefits the dialogue.

The negative perceptions of citizens towards the benefits of the dialogue, seem to be connected with the citizen perceptions of the transparency of the process. In Serbia, only 17 percent have said that they are familiar with the content of the dialogue and considered it transparent, where as in Kosovo this figure is even lower at 11 percent. In this sense, a common denominator for both societies emerges, as citizens in both countries seem to agree that the dialogue lacks transparency. In Serbia 82 percent of the citizens said that the dialogue is partly or not at all transparent, while in Kosovo 77 percent said the dialogue is not transparent or completely lacks transparency. Transparency or the extent of it is an inherent challenge with the processes of facilitations/mediation of disputes between parties. Facilitators are faced with the difficult dilemma of when, what and how much to reveal to the public, in order to not spoil or create backlash on potential compromise solutions.

KEY FINDINGS:

• Majority of citizens of Kosovo and Serbia support the dialogue process; however, they have diametrically opposed perception of the goals of the dialogue. While most Kosovo citizens believe the goal of the dialogue is mutual recognition, in Serbia the goal is perceived to be return of Kosovo to Serbia with wider autonomy;

• Citizens of Kosovo and of Serbia largely share their negative perceptions of the dialogue process, with respect to transparency and its impact. Most citizens of Kosovo and Serbia think that the dialogue lacked transparency and it did not change anything or that they had any personal benefits from the process. This suggests significant shortcoming in communication approaches of the EU and governments of Kosovo and Serbia;

• Citizens of Serbia are less optimistic compared to Kosovo citizens about the future of therelations between the two countries. Majority of the Serbs do not expect to see normalization of relations with Kosovo Albanians regardless of the outcome of the dialogue;

• The citizens’ perception of the Kosovo-Serbia dialogue seems to suggest that they do not view the process to mean normalization between the two societies of the countries, but it is rather seen as normalization between state authorities. Agreements and achievements in the dialogue that are reached in Brussels do not see to be translated in the same way in the society as a whole. In other words, a final agreement between Kosovo and Serbia that would be seen to constitute achievement of normalization, would not signify the same for the citizens in both countries. Therefore, normalization of the relations process should not supplant the clear necessity that these result show for a process of reconciliation and healing between peoples of Serbia and Kosovo.

This report is published in the framework of the regional project "Western Balkans Security Barometer" supported by the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). The views presented in this report are perceptions of the respondents and do not necessarily represent the views of Kosovar Centre for Security Studies and Belgrade Centre for Security Policy. Opinions expressed in this report do not necessarily represent the views of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED).

UNTANGLING KOSOVO'S CHALLENGES IN DEALING WITH CORRUPTION AND ORGANISED CRIME CASE STUDY, 2021

Kosovo and the broader region of the Western Balkans are highly relevant for EU’s security and st... more Kosovo and the broader region of the Western Balkans are highly relevant for EU’s security and stability. If there was ever any doubt about this, the refugee crisis of 2014/2015 – when refugees and migrants used the Balkan route as the key transit pathway to EU countries – proved it wrong. While the EU Member States were slow in responding to the crisis and adopting a cohesive policy (some member States even kept their doors closed), countries in the Western Balkans struggled, with their strained and limited resources, to manage the massive inflow of people.

The EU’s role has been crucial in ensuring that the Western Balkans takes significant steps in the right direction following the end of the war of 1999, and supported state-building/ transformation efforts as well as democratic transition. However, amidst the growing influence of the far-right populism, especially towards the enlargement policy, the region’s progress is hindered by domestic factors as well as challenges to a cohesive EU policy vis-à-vis the region. A weakened European enlargement perspective is likely to exacerbate bilateral disputes, embolden corrupt elites and undermine the civil society.

Corruption and organised crime are the key challenges the region must overcome if it wishes to build democratic resilience through the rule of law. This paper provides a brief overview of the challenges that Kosovo faces in dealing with corruption and organised crime in an effective manner. These are considered quintessential issues in moving the country forward in achieving the aspiration for Euro-Atlantic integration. Drawing from the existing research, as well as primary sources, such as interviews with rule of law officials and the civil society, this paper provides the context of the spread and impact of corruption and organised crime in Kosovo’s institutions and economy. Its purpose is to inform the reader of the existing state of play and discuss the way forward in dealing with these challenges by focusing on strengthening the institutions of the rule of law. It argues that meaningful transformation of the fight against corruption and organised crime requires the ability of institutions to assume full ownership of the process, and that they be accountable to their own public, as well as the EU, in the framework of fulfilment of requirements in the accession process.

The first section of this paper summarises the key issues with respect to the challenge of corruption in Kosovo. It brings together different sources that have written on the subject and considers the consequences for Kosovo, especially for its economy and the democratic functioning of its public institutions. In the same spirit, the second section investigates the challenge of organised crime in greater detail, focusing particularly on understanding the nature of organised crime and its impact on institutions and the economy. It shows that political patronage has become a lifeline for organised crime, and that weak law enforcement thus serves the interest of the elite and organised crime networks. The third section provides a brief discussion of how to move forward, focusing on the rule of law. The main recommendation from this section is to decuple the judiciary from political patronage through a vetting process and allow for a meaningful local ownership to run the process.

Opinions expressed in the publication do not necessary represent those of the Royal Norwegian Embassy in Belgrade, the Balkan Trust for Democracy, the German Marshall Fund of the United States, or its partners.

Between a rock and a hard place: Kosovo's challenges in dealing with the COVID-19 Pandemic, 2020

Published by: Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS) Title: Between a rock and a hard place: ... more Published by:
Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
Title:
Between a rock and a hard place: Kosovo's challenges in dealing with the COVID-19 Pandemic

Authors:

Teuta Avdimetaj

Co-Author:

Shpat Balaj and Plator Avdiu

Date:

December 2020

This study provides a critical overview of Kosovo’s national framework in emergency response and crisis management, including the legal and strategic framework in dealing with emergencies as well as the roles of key institutions involved in emergency planning and response. In doing so, it seeks to elucidate factors that can influence the efficacy of the institutional response to crises due to potential gaps in the legislative framework, ambiguity over roles and responsibilities, coordination issues among the relevant institutions, insufficient allocation of funds, limited training and staff capacities among others.

The study does not delve into specific shortcomings in laws, institutional setup or policy process, but instead points to major inconsistencies in the legal, strategic, and policy framework of Kosovo. The first part of this study lays out the main laws and strategic documents that guide policy-making during emergency-related situations in Kosovo. The second part zeroes in on Kosovo’s response during the COVID-19 pandemic by focusing on the onset’s impact on various dimensions of the lives of the citizens, including political ramifications, security implications and socio-economic uncertainties.

The COVID-19 pandemic presents the first large-scale crisis that Kosovo’s fledging institutions have faced. Although the COVID-19 is still an ongoing development in Kosovo and beyond, and the lessons learned from the critical response will be plenty, nevertheless a number of key findings stand out already at this stage. It is the aim of this study to highlight those early findings after 10 month-long efforts to control the pandemic. In sum, this study demonstrates that most of the measures taken by Kosovo Government have had a limited success in bringing COVID-19 under control due to lack of prior planning in emergency response, further exacerbated by an ongoing political crisis.

Hence. Kosovo’s scorecard is a mixed bag of early successes, avoidable failures and numerous flaws, often leaving citizens confused and to their own devices. At the time of concluding this report, a Constitutional Court ruling brought down Hoti’s government, paving the way to new elections by mid-February. At the height of the second wave of the pandemic, Kosovo is governed by an acting President and a caretaker government with a pending election process that is likely to further distract Kosovo authorities from an effective and focused response to the ongoing pandemic as well as to delay country’s vaccine purchase and distribution plan.

KEY FINDINGS

• In the backdrop of competing priorities in the post-conflict reconstruction process and post-independence state building efforts, less attention has been paid to emergency preparedness and crisis management, as a sector that requires foresight and strategic planning. Few measures have been put in place to try to thwart or adequately address such crises through a mix of legislative, policy, and operational tools. The issue is compounded by an alarming dearth of studies regarding emergency preparedness and crisis management in Kosovo, creating a knowledge gap among policy makers and the public alike.

• Kosovo faces a number of risks that could cause large-scale emergency that may threaten the safety and security of its citizens and test the institutional capacities to prevent, prepare for, respond, and recover from crises. These threats can disproportionally affect more disadvantaged communities and are exacerbated by existing vulnerabilities such as fragile economy, limited public health capacities and illegal construction in hazard zones.

• Although the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo contains several provisions related to emergencies, it is not sufficient to prevent legal ambiguity in practice, especially in terms ofdefining circumstances that justify or require the declaration of a nation-wide emergency or institutional roles in its response.

• Regular risk assessments grounded on solid evidence are imperative to inform policymaking and raise public awareness on emergency situations, including through the use of early warning systems. Existing risk assessments are either outdated or are not comprehensive enough to cover the range or risks and threats facing Kosovo due to poor policy planning and prioritization, lack or resources and capacities, and lack of a functional institutional structure to coordinate and carry risk assessments periodically.

• There are gaps in Kosovo’s legislation especially in clarifying key stakeholders’ roles and responsibilities in times of crisis, covering a broader range of emergency situations, strengthening provisions on human rights and civil liberties during a State of Emergency, promoting a more participatory approach to policy planning and response to disasters, and in placing greater focus on preparedness and post-emergency resilience. Further, laws are marred by poor implementation.

• Most strategic documents related to emergency preparedness and crisis management are either expired or outdated. Although there have been changes in legislation, since 2010, the National Security Strategy, the IEMS and the NRP have not been updated, andwithin these ten years there has not been any new - legally binding - strategic document on addressing emergency-related situations.

• There is overlap and/or ambiguity in roles and responsibilities of stakeholders involved and there is no clear process in place that can be sustained in times of crisis;

• Kosovo lacks a preventive approach and has limited capacities for preparedness and response; Existing plans to reduce risk from emergency situations , albeit limited in scope, are not fully implemented and as a result key entities involved in the response are not informed and adequately trained to respond to emergencies. There is also a need for a comprehensive assessment of operational capacities and gaps in preparedness and response.

• Kosovo’s lack of membership in international bodies hampers efforts for a more effective approach to emergency situations by creating a knowledge gap, making access to funds more difficult, and preventing international cooperation to disaster prevention and response.

• There is no community-based risk reduction and emergency preparedness, which involves various actors in the society through a participatory and inclusive approach.

• Kosovo’s approach to dealing with COVID-19 was challenged by the lack of a preventive and preparatory approach to emergency situations, lack of a clear legal basis for government decisions, limited resources and staff capacities, shifting public trust in the institutions, allegations of mismanagement and discrimination, and lack of a clear, transparent, consistent communication strategy with the public

• The COVID-19 pandemic has had significant political, rule of law, security, and socioeconomic implications. It has exacerbated political instability and deepened socioeconomic issues, including deprivation among the most disadvantaged communities such as women and minorities. It has exposed vulnerabilities in the security sector, especially in the cyberspace – leading to an increase in cyberattacks. COVID-19 has impacted rule of law, but it was mostly used as an excuse for lack of results in dealing with cases of corruption and organized crime, which are linked to systematic inefficiencies and impunity.

• There is a lack of publicly available record on the policy processes in Kosovo institutions during situations of emergency and relief response, including the state response towards the COVID-19 pandemic.

• Low level of trust in the institutions undermined an effective and efficient response to the pandemic, affecting the degree to which the public – which was often at the receiving end of mixed messages issued by Kosovo’s top officials - embraced the measures introduced by the authorities.

• A continuation of the political crisis puts an effective and focused response to the pandemic in jeopardy

This publication has been produced with the support of The Balkan Trust for Democracy in the framework of the project “COVID-19: Emergency preparedness and crisis management in Kosovo”. Opinions expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent those of the Balkan Trust for Democracy, the German Marshal Fund of the United States, or its partners.

Kosovo Security Barometer - Tenth Edition, 2020

Published by: Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS) Title: Kosovo Security Barometer - Te... more Published by:

Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)

Title:

Kosovo Security Barometer - Tenth Edition

Author:

Shpat Balaj

Date:

November 2020

The Kosovo Security Barometer (KSB) is a distinctive tool through which Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS) measures public perceptions in Kosovo on the trust towards institutions and different security related issues. In its tenth edition, KSB has taken a regional dimension and marks the first edition of the Western Balkans Security Barometer (WBSB). In this edition, in addition to measuring the perception of Kosovo citizens regarding their trust in institutions and perceptions on public security, police integrity, national threats, violent extremism, EU integration, regional cooperation and Kosovo-Serbia relations, WBSB measured simultaneously the opinion of the citizens of Serbia on the same issues as well. This publication includes the analyzed data for Kosovo only, while the report on Serbia can be accessed here.

The tenth edition of the Kosovo Security Barometer, respectively the first edition of the Western Balkans Security Barometer, consists of three main chapters:

1. Citizens’ trust towards Security, Justice and Central Institutions;

2. Citizens’ perceptions on the corruption of the key institutions;

3. Frequency of citizens’ contact with key security and justice institutions.

While this report provides a general overview of citizens' perceptions on the above-mentioned chapters, it also presents the data based on Gender, Region, Area (Urban/Rural), Age (18-35/36+) and Ethnicity of the respondents. In addition, the report offers additional analysis on why such citizens’ perception towards the issues provided in the report are present. This was enabled by conducting two focus groups with field researchers - who provided first-hand information from the field in addition to the fixed responses of the citizens’ and two focus groups with representatives of institutions and other stakeholders that are subject of KSB analysis - who provided their perspective on why such perceptions are present and offered potential solutions on how to further the citizens' perception towards them.

The Key Findings of the tenth edition of the KSB are as follow:

* Respondents of Kosovo Security Barometer continue to have higher trust towards Security institutions compared to Central and Justice institutions;

* The Kosovo Security Force continues to be the most trusted institution with 81 percent of respondents having trust or complete trust in them;

* Kosovo Intelligence Agency, Kosovo Customs and Kosovo Correctional Service are the least trusted security institutions;

* In general, Security institutions are perceived as less corrupted by citizens compared to Justice and Central institutions;

* Justice institutions, namely the Courts and the Prosecution, continue to be perceived as corrupted by over 40 percent of respondents believing that these institutions are corrupted or very corrupted;

* The Government of Kosovo is considered the most corrupted institution with 72 percent respondents stating that the Government is corrupted or very corrupted;

* In general, citizens have a low frequency of direct contact with the institutions in Kosovo;

* The institutions with which the citizens have had more direct contact in the last 12 months are the Municipalities;

* The institution with which the citizens have had the least direct contact in the last 12 months is the Government;

* This report is published in the framework of the regional project "Western Balkans Security Baroemter - Promoting Accountability in Security and Justice Institutions" supported by the National Endowment for Democracy (NED).

**Perceptions presented in this report are a summary of information gathered from respondents and it only demonstrates how people percept institutions. It is in no way a conclusive assessment of the quality of the work of institutions subject to this study. It shall serve as an instrument to them for addressing potential shortcomings but also an indicator of the effectiveness of their communication with the people.

**The views presented in this report are perceptions of the respondents and do not necessarily represent the views of the Kosovar Centre for Security Studies. Opinions expressed in this report do not necessarily represent the views of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED).

RUSSIAN INFLUENCE IN KOSOVO IN THE SHADOWS OF MYTH AND REALITY, 2020

This report sheds light on the extent to which Russian influence in Kosovo and the region has bee... more This report sheds light on the extent to which Russian influence in Kosovo and the region has been exercised. It provides a thorough contextual understanding of the Russian foothold in the region and particularly Kosovo. The report as such provides for the first time comprehensive empirical based research on the myriad of Russian influence in the broader fields of politics, security, economy and culture. It adds to the growing knowledge of non-western powers influencing the dynamics in Kosovo and Western Balkans, often to the detriment of democracy and liberal peacebuilding efforts. In short, the report provides answer to set of questions pertaining Russian interests vis-à-vis Kosovo

Foreign Fighters and Kosovo's Diaspora: The case of Germany , 2020

The conflicts in Syria and Iraq and the rise of the Islamic State (IS) have attracted thousands o... more The conflicts in Syria and Iraq and the rise of the Islamic State (IS) have attracted thousands of foreign fighters from European countries to join the conflict in the Middle East. A large number of foreign fighters are second and third-generation migrants from the Middle East, North Africa and the Western Balkans. This paper aims to provide some groundwork for research on the radicalisation of immigrants, by investigating why some Kosovar immigrants in Germany have joined violent extremism organisations like IS and Hayat Tahrir al Sham. In particular, the paper identifies some of the consequences of shifting social dynamics and identity formation as the ties between the diaspora community and the country of origin change over time. The paper concludes with a few policy recommendations both to German and Kosovar political authorities on increasing the resilience of Kosovar diaspora living in Germany against radicalisation and violent extremism.

Legitimising external missions: Deconstructing citizens' perceptions towards EULEX in Kosovo, 2020

Published by: Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS) Title: Legitimising external missions... more Published by:

Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)

Title:

Legitimising external missions: Deconstructing citizens' perceptions towards EULEX in Kosovo

Author:

Emma-Louise Rose

Date:

31 August 2020

EUELX has been present in Kosovo for over a decade (since 2008), with an aim to create and improve rule of law institutions, free of corruption and political interference and embracing internationally recognised standards. EULEX is accompanied by other international missions in Kosovo namely KFOR who is mandated to ensure safety and security for citizens of Kosovo.

On the EU’s part, EULEX has been its largest ever civilian mission in an attempt to strengthen what is considered to be the EU’s weakest spot: foreign and security policy. Despite its lengthy presence, EULEX has not gained the trust of the citizens of Kosovo. The Kosovo Security Barometer (KSB) conducted annually by KCSS has been measuring the amount of trust that Kosovo citizens have in the mission and have found the number to be consistently low when compared to other local and international institutions. The lack of trust, and therefore support, from the public seems to stem from many different areas particularly EU/EULEX’s neutrality on the issue of Kosovo independence (due to lack of recognition by 5 member states) and a failure to carry out its mission. Based on the quantitative measurement of KSB, the lack of trust has remained fairly stable over the years, with all of the given statistics being within 15% of each other (between 16% and 31%), the lowest amount of trust was recorded in 2015. This brought the legitimacy and public support for the mission into question.

This paper has examined the years that the KSB have measured public trust in the mission and the corresponding events concerning the mission that happened in that year and has analysed the reasons given for the lack of trust both in various editions of the KSB and other sources such as academic journals, studies conducted by other researchers and first person reports of people who have been involved in the mission. The main findings were that the public has never had a large amount of trust in EULEX, but still sees the EU as a positive aspect as it wishes to become a member state. There are also regional and ethnic differences in levels of trust, which can be explained by issues of sovereignty and EULEX activity in different areas of Kosovo. Overall, this paper questions whether EULEX still has a mandate to remain in Kosovo given that gaining the trust of both Kosovo-Albanians and Kosovo-Serbs seems an almost impossible task, and the fact it has done little to improve the situation in Kosovo despite their public narrative claiming otherwise.

Kosova Resilience Index - Violent Extremism in Kosova: What community resilience can teach us?, 2020

Published by: Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS) Title: Kosova Resilience Index - Viol... more Published by:

Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)

Title:

Kosova Resilience Index - Violent Extremism in Kosova: What community resilience can teach us?

Author:

Skender Perteshi

Date:

30 September 2020

Since 2011, Kosova has faced major challenges in preventing and combating violent extremism and radicalization. Hundreds of Kosova citizens joined the conflict as a result of the spread of violent extremism and radicalization and and foreign wars in Syria and Iraq. Institutional efforts were mainly focused on preventing and combating violent extremism, in particular focusing on preventing individuals from joining foreign wars as well as prosecuting those who recruited our citizens to join foreign conflicts. At that time there was no thought on the role of resilience in preventing violent extremism and radicalization. Resilience is a new and unexploredd issue around in term of its effect in preventing violent extremism. Through this research we have assessed the resilience of the community against violent extremism and radicalization and identified the drivers that increase the resilience of the community to various forms of extremism and radicalization

To measure the community resilience towards extremism and radicalization, three indicators have been treated, namely: identity and social cohesion, connection with the country, and trust in state institutions and religious harmony between communities in the country. By evaluating these indicators, we have identified the strong points of community resilience in Kosova, which should be worked on in order to create communities which are resilient against violence and radicalization.

This research finds that there is a good social cohesion within communities that have different religious beliefs and belong to different ethnicities. The communities in Kosova trust each other and there is a very good cooperation within the communities. Yet there is a lack of cooperation and interaction between the community and state institutions at central and local level in Kosova.

Citizens have low level of trust in both the municipal level and institutionally at the central level in Kosova. This is a concern since the lack of interaction between the community and state institutions creates a greater window for increased insecurity in the country, and a conducive environment for the spread of violence and radicalization.

Religious harmony remains one of the main values with which the Kosovar society is identified, thus helping the country to prevent the spread of radical religious elements internally. While there is excellent harmony between communities belonging to different religions, the challenge remains the clash of different sects or groups within the Muslim community of the country, especially within the Islamic Community of Kosova (BIK). Such clashes have antagonized the country’s practicing Muslim community and created parallel religious bodies in the country.

The national identity or the expression of national feeling remains very strong in Kosova and the community feels very proud with the determination of its national identity. The challenge remains the creation of space to freely express religious feelings or political orientation. Respondents stated that there is not enough freedom in the country to freely express their political orientation, identity or religious feeling. Such a situation is concerning due to the fact that the lack of freedom to express political orientation or religious sentiment creates an environment conducive to discrimination and stigma of communities vulnerable to extremism or radicalism in the country.

Kosova faces great challenges which have hindered the development of the country and the increase of the quality of citizens’ life which have resulted in increased insecurity among the Kosovar society for a better life in Kosova. The lack of insecurity among citizens has influenced the Kosovar society to look for alternatives for a better life by migrating to Western European countries. Challenges such as corruption, organized crime, poor education and health systems, lack of rule of law and poor governance have created an environment of hopelessness for better life in the country and have increased the level of the community’s vulnerability to extremism and radicalism in the country.

The opinions presented in this research are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands and the Kosovar Centre for Security Studies.

WHAT EU MEMBER STATES CAN LEARN FROM KOSOVO’S EXPERIENCE IN REPATRIATING FORMER FOREIGN FIGHTERS AND THEIR FAMILIES, 2020

This policy brief examines Kosovo’s response to the phenomenon of foreign fighters, how the retur... more This policy brief examines Kosovo’s response to the phenomenon of foreign fighters, how the return of foreign fighters and their families from Syria has been handled, and what has happened during the year since their return. The brief also includes what lessons can be learned by EU countries, including the Netherlands,in handling the complex issue of how to manage the return of foreign fighters and their families.

Challenges of Public Safety in Kosovo, 2020

Published by: Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS) Title: Kosovo Security Barometer - Sp... more Published by:

Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)

Title:

Kosovo Security Barometer - Special Edition

Challenges of Public Safety in Kosovo

Author:

Donika Marku

Date:

May 2020

This special edition of the KSB comprises four chapters. The first chapter unfolds citizens’ perceptions on national security concerns. The second chapter elaborates citizens’ perceptions on public safety. Consequently, the third chapter interrelates citizens’ perceptions toward public safety concerns with reality, while examining the reasons that may have influenced these perceptions. Meanwhile, the last chapter offers a range of recommendations, measures to be taken into consideration, in order to improve public safety in Kosovo.

Various elements affect citizens’ perceptions regarding public safety. Indisputably, such attitudes are shaped by personal experiences. However, the importance of media and social networks in shaping citizens’ opinions cannot be ignored. Perceptions might be correlated with personal characteristics such as age, gender, ethnicity, education and economic status. Therefore, beyond general data analyses, this edition also includes cross-analyses of various public security threats with personal characteristics.

This report is published in the framework of the Kosovo Security Barometer Programe. Perceptions presented in this report are a summary of information gathered from respondents and it solely demonstrates how people perceive institutions. It is no way a conclusive assessment on the quality of the work of institutions subject to this study. It shall serve as an instrument to them toward addressing potential shortcomings, but also an indicator of the effectiveness of their communication with the people.

The views presented in this report are perceptions of the respondents and do not necessarily represent the views of Kosovar Centre for Security Studies. Opinions expressed in this report do not represent the views of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED).

Challenges and practices of inclusiveness in Kosovo's security sector, 2020

Published by: Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS) Title: Challenges and practices of i... more Published by:

Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)

Title:

Challenges and practices of inclusiveness in Kosovo's security sector

Authors:

Shpat Balaj and Plator Avdiu

Date:

20 March 2020

Since its early stages, the development of the security sector, particularly Kosovo Security Forces (KSF) and Kosovo Police (KP) has been based on the principle of inclusiveness. Today the KP numbers about 16 percent of non-majority communities while KSF numbers up to 8 percent. On the other hand, women in the KP constitute 15 percent of the total number while in the KSF about 8 percent of uniformed members are women. Whereas the level of representation of non-majority communities in KP and KSF is satisfactory and reflects the ethnic composition of Kosovo, representation in higher ranks, leadership positions, and representation of women from non-majority communities is wanting. Despite the progress in representation of non-majority communities, the sustainability of inclusion of non-majority communities, namely the Kosovo Serb community is constantly challenged by the political connotation given to it, consequently overshadowing the actual developments and challenges of inclusion practices in the KP and KSF.

This paper provides an overview of the current level of inclusion of non-majority communities in KP and the KSF. It analyzes the state of inclusion in these institutions and the measures taken to ensure consistency in the process. Moreover, particular focus is given to the recruitment process, the practices on this regard and the specific measures taken to bring communities closer to these institutions. In addition, the paper offers an overview of the functioning of existing internal mechanisms that oversee and contribute to the development of inclusive policies. Among other, the paper focuses on the integrity of non-majority members, especially in the KP and the challenges posed in ensuring integrity.

The paper reflects the extensive research KCSS team did in the key Serbian majority inhabited municipalities in the recent years as well as the field work in municipalities where other non-majority communities reside. For the purposes of the paper two public discussions were organized in Gracanica and Shterpca and series of face-to-face interviews were conducted with civil society, local institutions and government representatives. Moreover, the primary data of the report have been formally obtained from KP and KSF, while the research team did thorough content analysis of official documents, reports and relevant legal framework. The report data also rely on existing KCSS programs on integrity and inclusiveness in security institutions, ongoing consultations and meetings with experts and institutional representatives as well as the involvement of KCSS team in relevant processes in the security sector in Kosovo and the region.

This publication has been produced with the support of the Canada Fund for Local Initiatives (CFLI). The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the Kosovar Centre for Security Studies and cannot be taken to reflect the views of the Government of Canada. Project activities were implemented with the assistance of Humani Centar Mitrovica.