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Papers by Laura Soria

Intercambio Psicoanalítico, 2024

Una afirmación de Nemirovsky adquiere para nosotros, miembros del Taller de Investigación Psicoan... more Una afirmación de Nemirovsky adquiere para nosotros, miembros del Taller de Investigación Psicoanalítica del CPPL, mucho sentido: “no hay psicoanálisis sin contexto; si alguien habla del psicoanálisis sin contexto, está hablando de una burbuja” (Área D. W. Winnicott, 2023). Y es precisamente en esta investigación colectiva que nos preguntamos por cómo afecta al proceso terapéutico el actual contexto de desborde social por el que atraviesa el país, donde priman los discursos de odio que apelan al miedo, al clasismo y al racismo profundizando aún más nuestra fragmentación social. Nuestra pregunta central de investigación fue formulada del siguiente modo: en un contexto de desborde social, ¿cómo se vivencia el amor y el odio entre el otro y el nosotros en la experiencia terapéutica psicoanalítica? Y es en este artículo que presentamos los resultados de esta investigación colectiva.

Intercambio Psicoanalítico, 2024

Este artículo tiene por objetivo compartir la experiencia de investigación colectiva del Taller d... more Este artículo tiene por objetivo compartir la experiencia de investigación colectiva del Taller de Investigación Psicoanalítica del CPPL (Lima, Perú); para ello, he organizado el texto en cuatro secciones. En la primera, narro, brevemente, la dinámica de trabajo del Taller. Luego, doy cuenta de lo que viene significando la experiencia de investigar colectivamente en psicoanálisis para quienes formamos parte del Taller. Seguidamente, describo la metodología que, en equipo, fuimos construyendo para el desarrollo de las investigaciones que emprendimos y, finalmente, cierro el texto con algunas ideas a modo de conclusiones y recomendaciones que surgen de nuestra particular experiencia.

Diagnóstico de justicia de género en los procesos de consulta de proyectos extractivos en Bolivia... more Diagnóstico de justicia de género en los procesos de consulta de proyectos extractivos en Bolivia, Ecuador y el Perú

Peru’s mining sector is well established and has contributed significantly to the country’s econo... more Peru’s mining sector is well established and has contributed significantly to the country’s economic growth. The country has likewise made significant gains in terms of addressing both income-based inequality and poverty. Despite these gains, however, more than seven million Peruvians persist in a state of poverty while levels of inequality remain stark. As such, despite the positive outcomes that have been produced by the country’s natural resource wealth, it appears that there is more that could be achieved with these riches in terms of addressing human development.
This research is inspired by the desire to improve the extent to which natural resource wealth contributes to poverty alleviation. The focus of the work is on exploring the possibilities for (i) increasing the quantity of revenues that remain in Peru as a result of the exploitation of their natural resources, and (ii) making sure that the revenues which flow from extractive industries are effectively allocated towards fighting poverty. To these ends the report is focused on understanding the political economy of revenue sharing agreements, budget processes and oversight institutions.
Peru’s extractive sector includes both petroleum and minerals. Despite this, due to the dominance of the mining sector in the country’s economy this work focuses only on mining.
Peru’s ability to capture revenues from the mineral sector has been shaped most prominently by the fact that the sector was reformed under conditions of radical structural adjustment. Within this process the mining sector was identified as the spearhead of efforts to attract foreign investment to the country and salvage the foundering economy. As such the terms offered to companies operating in the sector have historically been generous.
Since then, the extractive industry revenues in Peru have been contested. In general, these contests have included popular demand for the state to receive a greater portion of the revenues from extractive industries, an executive tolerance for neo-liberal economics focused on attracting investment, and a mining lobby focused on ensuring that agreements and regulations in the sector remained minimal and that those revenues which were collected were oriented towards the populations in affected areas—in order to create favorable conditions for extraction.
The Weak Link: The Role of Local Institutions in Accountable Natural Resource Management, Peru | Oxfam America 3
Over time, and with the boom in commodity prices, the Peruvian state has been able to wrest back control over the revenues raised from the sector and partially improve the terms for revenue collection so that they are more favorable towards the state. Illustrative of this has been the creation of royalties for mining companies, the renegotiation and amendment of fiscal stability agreements in the mining sector, the creation of the voluntary mining fund, and the establishment of a special mining tax. Despite these changes, the fiscal terms contained in Peru’s mining laws are still thought to be relatively generous towards companies, especially given the country’s attractiveness in terms of its mineral potential.
Revenues from Peru’s extractive industries are allocated through the “canon system,” by which fifty percent of the value of the mineral resources are transferred back to subnational governments in producing regions. The remaining fifty percent of the natural resource revenues enter the national budget.
Although the canon was introduced in the 1970s as part of the means to manage the revenues from oil production, it was translated to the mining sector in the 1990s as a means to provide subnational governments with a share of the income collected from the mining sector. The canon was retained in the 2000s as a means to fund decentralization in the country. Today the canon is largely understood as a compensation mechanism for dealing with the impacts of mining in production areas. Notably, although there has been significant national debate over the generosity of the agreements between the government and mining companies, historically the issue of how revenues are allocated through the canon has been more contentious.
Despite the large sums of money contained in the canon, its developmental outcomes have been somewhat disappointing. Significant differences in the flow of resources between producing and non-producing areas has created inequality in the country. Similarly, because local level government budgets are determined by the participatory budgeting process, and this process is susceptible to dominance by urban elites, the spending of canon revenues has benefited urban centers more than rural areas. In addition, problems of maladministration at the local level have created problems for the effective use of canon revenues.
In general, there is no specialized accountability mechanism monitoring revenues from the mining sector and revenues are audited under the existing administrative systems. There are, however, laws covering the transparent use of natural resources in Peru.
Despite these allowances oversight of the sector suffers from significant constraints. The capacity of the state to audit companies has historically been limited, as the tax authority has been unable to verify production volumes, costs and transaction prices; and there are no rules in place to assess mineral volumes
Oxfam America | The Weak Link: The Role of Local Institutions in Accountable Natural Resource Management, Peru 4
and values. Likewise, the country has historically shown little political will to audit its own budget process (including the canon).
The result is that the effectiveness of transparency legislation in the country is limited by the fact that resources are only open to public scrutiny once they are in the system of public finances. The points at which they leave and enter the system are not thought to experience suitable oversight, and this is where the largest leakages are thought to occur. In addition, even those transparency laws that do exist are compromised by the fact that they lack any sort of enforcement mechanism, and exclude much company data. Finally, the data which is made publicly available is thought to be too technical to be understood by the lay public.
The budget process, and the process of resource distribution which takes place through it, is dominated by the Ministry of the Economy and Finance (MEF) which was empowered as a result of the structural adjustment reforms which took place in the country. At the subnational level, budget priorities are set through the participatory budget. Due to the costs involved in participating in this institution, however, the participatory budget tends to be dominated by urban interests. In addition, the process of approving the participatory budget still places the process under the control of the MEF.
Budget oversight principally falls to Congress who has to formally approve the budget; however, Congress is unable to effectively carry out this function due to capacity and incentive problems. At the same time, internal oversight mechanisms, in the form of the Internal Control Entities, are insufficient.
The outcome of executive control over the budget is that budget allocations are driven by a competition between president and the MEF, with the former generally pushing to increase social expenditure, while the latter maintains a relatively austere approach to social expenditure.
The specific accountability failings regarding the budget and extractive revenues in Peru are related to the broader institutions of accountability which operate in the country more generally. In this respect failings of oversight regarding extractive revenues are related to problems in the Congress, the media and the judiciary. All of these institutions are thought to have failed to recover from the Fujimori regime under which power was centralized within the executive, the independence of the media was compromised, and the autonomy of oversight functions was compromised.
Today, problems with the Congress persist as a result of the general public’s mistrust of the established political parties, which means that it is difficult for any issue to achieve consensus in Congress. In addition, this lack of trust drives a high rate of turnover in elected officials which means that those officials have limited incentives to act in fidelity with their election promises. The result is that
The Weak Link: The Role of Local Institutions in Accountable Natural Resource Management, Peru | Oxfam America 5
issues of maladministration are hard to pursue, while the structural changes needed to address these problems cannot get political traction. At the same time, the media has become an important channel for shaping popular opinion, being generally sympathetic to a neoliberal agenda.
Within this context civil society’s ability to undertake effective audits of government expenditure, based on information published under the country’s transparency legislation, has been limited. Successes have largely been confined to cases focusing on budget transfers, however, when trying to audit actual expenditures, efforts are often frustrated by the fact that access to information requests are frequently ignored. Likewise, problems of record keeping at the local level prove an important hurdle to effective social auditing.

Conference Presentations by Laura Soria

Mesa FLAPPSIP en el XIV Congreso AEAPG | Buenos Aires, 24.09.2022, 2022

La pandemia trajo a nuestras vidas diversas transformaciones. Siendo el virus de la COVID19 uno q... more La pandemia trajo a nuestras vidas diversas transformaciones. Siendo el virus de la COVID19 uno que se transmite por aerosoles, debíamos mantener una debida distancia física para protegernos de posibles contagios. La distancia corporal se instaló entre nosotros, acercarse podía ser percibido como amenazante. Obligados al confinamiento, la sesión online se presentó como la única posibilidad de continuar, o de iniciar, los procesos terapéuticos.
En este artículo me interesa reflexionar sobre lo vivenciado en el tránsito de lo presencial a lo digital; más específicamente, sobre la experiencia corporal en la pérdida del ambiente físico donde se producía el encuentro terapéutico -el consultorio- y la conquista de la pantalla negra de los aparatos electrónicos para continuar con nuestra clínica psicoanalítica.
¿Qué brindaba ese espacio físico? ¿Qué significados se otorgaron a la mudanza? ¿Cómo fue vivenciada esta? ¿Qué elementos de las plataformas digitales se incorporaron al encuentro psicoanalítico? Son algunas de las preguntas que pretendo atender en este artículo.
Para ello, haré un primer recorrido sobre la experiencia corporal frente a las relaciones espaciales, destacada por Richard Sennett (1997), a fin de vincularlo con lo que en este artículo denomino la “habitación psicoanalítica” y me apoyaré en los hallazgos obtenidos en la investigación colectiva del Taller de Investigación Psicoanalítica del Centro de Psicoterapia Psicoanalítica de Lima (CPPL) (2021).

Intercambio Psicoanalítico, 2024

Una afirmación de Nemirovsky adquiere para nosotros, miembros del Taller de Investigación Psicoan... more Una afirmación de Nemirovsky adquiere para nosotros, miembros del Taller de Investigación Psicoanalítica del CPPL, mucho sentido: “no hay psicoanálisis sin contexto; si alguien habla del psicoanálisis sin contexto, está hablando de una burbuja” (Área D. W. Winnicott, 2023). Y es precisamente en esta investigación colectiva que nos preguntamos por cómo afecta al proceso terapéutico el actual contexto de desborde social por el que atraviesa el país, donde priman los discursos de odio que apelan al miedo, al clasismo y al racismo profundizando aún más nuestra fragmentación social. Nuestra pregunta central de investigación fue formulada del siguiente modo: en un contexto de desborde social, ¿cómo se vivencia el amor y el odio entre el otro y el nosotros en la experiencia terapéutica psicoanalítica? Y es en este artículo que presentamos los resultados de esta investigación colectiva.

Intercambio Psicoanalítico, 2024

Este artículo tiene por objetivo compartir la experiencia de investigación colectiva del Taller d... more Este artículo tiene por objetivo compartir la experiencia de investigación colectiva del Taller de Investigación Psicoanalítica del CPPL (Lima, Perú); para ello, he organizado el texto en cuatro secciones. En la primera, narro, brevemente, la dinámica de trabajo del Taller. Luego, doy cuenta de lo que viene significando la experiencia de investigar colectivamente en psicoanálisis para quienes formamos parte del Taller. Seguidamente, describo la metodología que, en equipo, fuimos construyendo para el desarrollo de las investigaciones que emprendimos y, finalmente, cierro el texto con algunas ideas a modo de conclusiones y recomendaciones que surgen de nuestra particular experiencia.

Diagnóstico de justicia de género en los procesos de consulta de proyectos extractivos en Bolivia... more Diagnóstico de justicia de género en los procesos de consulta de proyectos extractivos en Bolivia, Ecuador y el Perú

Peru’s mining sector is well established and has contributed significantly to the country’s econo... more Peru’s mining sector is well established and has contributed significantly to the country’s economic growth. The country has likewise made significant gains in terms of addressing both income-based inequality and poverty. Despite these gains, however, more than seven million Peruvians persist in a state of poverty while levels of inequality remain stark. As such, despite the positive outcomes that have been produced by the country’s natural resource wealth, it appears that there is more that could be achieved with these riches in terms of addressing human development.
This research is inspired by the desire to improve the extent to which natural resource wealth contributes to poverty alleviation. The focus of the work is on exploring the possibilities for (i) increasing the quantity of revenues that remain in Peru as a result of the exploitation of their natural resources, and (ii) making sure that the revenues which flow from extractive industries are effectively allocated towards fighting poverty. To these ends the report is focused on understanding the political economy of revenue sharing agreements, budget processes and oversight institutions.
Peru’s extractive sector includes both petroleum and minerals. Despite this, due to the dominance of the mining sector in the country’s economy this work focuses only on mining.
Peru’s ability to capture revenues from the mineral sector has been shaped most prominently by the fact that the sector was reformed under conditions of radical structural adjustment. Within this process the mining sector was identified as the spearhead of efforts to attract foreign investment to the country and salvage the foundering economy. As such the terms offered to companies operating in the sector have historically been generous.
Since then, the extractive industry revenues in Peru have been contested. In general, these contests have included popular demand for the state to receive a greater portion of the revenues from extractive industries, an executive tolerance for neo-liberal economics focused on attracting investment, and a mining lobby focused on ensuring that agreements and regulations in the sector remained minimal and that those revenues which were collected were oriented towards the populations in affected areas—in order to create favorable conditions for extraction.
The Weak Link: The Role of Local Institutions in Accountable Natural Resource Management, Peru | Oxfam America 3
Over time, and with the boom in commodity prices, the Peruvian state has been able to wrest back control over the revenues raised from the sector and partially improve the terms for revenue collection so that they are more favorable towards the state. Illustrative of this has been the creation of royalties for mining companies, the renegotiation and amendment of fiscal stability agreements in the mining sector, the creation of the voluntary mining fund, and the establishment of a special mining tax. Despite these changes, the fiscal terms contained in Peru’s mining laws are still thought to be relatively generous towards companies, especially given the country’s attractiveness in terms of its mineral potential.
Revenues from Peru’s extractive industries are allocated through the “canon system,” by which fifty percent of the value of the mineral resources are transferred back to subnational governments in producing regions. The remaining fifty percent of the natural resource revenues enter the national budget.
Although the canon was introduced in the 1970s as part of the means to manage the revenues from oil production, it was translated to the mining sector in the 1990s as a means to provide subnational governments with a share of the income collected from the mining sector. The canon was retained in the 2000s as a means to fund decentralization in the country. Today the canon is largely understood as a compensation mechanism for dealing with the impacts of mining in production areas. Notably, although there has been significant national debate over the generosity of the agreements between the government and mining companies, historically the issue of how revenues are allocated through the canon has been more contentious.
Despite the large sums of money contained in the canon, its developmental outcomes have been somewhat disappointing. Significant differences in the flow of resources between producing and non-producing areas has created inequality in the country. Similarly, because local level government budgets are determined by the participatory budgeting process, and this process is susceptible to dominance by urban elites, the spending of canon revenues has benefited urban centers more than rural areas. In addition, problems of maladministration at the local level have created problems for the effective use of canon revenues.
In general, there is no specialized accountability mechanism monitoring revenues from the mining sector and revenues are audited under the existing administrative systems. There are, however, laws covering the transparent use of natural resources in Peru.
Despite these allowances oversight of the sector suffers from significant constraints. The capacity of the state to audit companies has historically been limited, as the tax authority has been unable to verify production volumes, costs and transaction prices; and there are no rules in place to assess mineral volumes
Oxfam America | The Weak Link: The Role of Local Institutions in Accountable Natural Resource Management, Peru 4
and values. Likewise, the country has historically shown little political will to audit its own budget process (including the canon).
The result is that the effectiveness of transparency legislation in the country is limited by the fact that resources are only open to public scrutiny once they are in the system of public finances. The points at which they leave and enter the system are not thought to experience suitable oversight, and this is where the largest leakages are thought to occur. In addition, even those transparency laws that do exist are compromised by the fact that they lack any sort of enforcement mechanism, and exclude much company data. Finally, the data which is made publicly available is thought to be too technical to be understood by the lay public.
The budget process, and the process of resource distribution which takes place through it, is dominated by the Ministry of the Economy and Finance (MEF) which was empowered as a result of the structural adjustment reforms which took place in the country. At the subnational level, budget priorities are set through the participatory budget. Due to the costs involved in participating in this institution, however, the participatory budget tends to be dominated by urban interests. In addition, the process of approving the participatory budget still places the process under the control of the MEF.
Budget oversight principally falls to Congress who has to formally approve the budget; however, Congress is unable to effectively carry out this function due to capacity and incentive problems. At the same time, internal oversight mechanisms, in the form of the Internal Control Entities, are insufficient.
The outcome of executive control over the budget is that budget allocations are driven by a competition between president and the MEF, with the former generally pushing to increase social expenditure, while the latter maintains a relatively austere approach to social expenditure.
The specific accountability failings regarding the budget and extractive revenues in Peru are related to the broader institutions of accountability which operate in the country more generally. In this respect failings of oversight regarding extractive revenues are related to problems in the Congress, the media and the judiciary. All of these institutions are thought to have failed to recover from the Fujimori regime under which power was centralized within the executive, the independence of the media was compromised, and the autonomy of oversight functions was compromised.
Today, problems with the Congress persist as a result of the general public’s mistrust of the established political parties, which means that it is difficult for any issue to achieve consensus in Congress. In addition, this lack of trust drives a high rate of turnover in elected officials which means that those officials have limited incentives to act in fidelity with their election promises. The result is that
The Weak Link: The Role of Local Institutions in Accountable Natural Resource Management, Peru | Oxfam America 5
issues of maladministration are hard to pursue, while the structural changes needed to address these problems cannot get political traction. At the same time, the media has become an important channel for shaping popular opinion, being generally sympathetic to a neoliberal agenda.
Within this context civil society’s ability to undertake effective audits of government expenditure, based on information published under the country’s transparency legislation, has been limited. Successes have largely been confined to cases focusing on budget transfers, however, when trying to audit actual expenditures, efforts are often frustrated by the fact that access to information requests are frequently ignored. Likewise, problems of record keeping at the local level prove an important hurdle to effective social auditing.

Mesa FLAPPSIP en el XIV Congreso AEAPG | Buenos Aires, 24.09.2022, 2022

La pandemia trajo a nuestras vidas diversas transformaciones. Siendo el virus de la COVID19 uno q... more La pandemia trajo a nuestras vidas diversas transformaciones. Siendo el virus de la COVID19 uno que se transmite por aerosoles, debíamos mantener una debida distancia física para protegernos de posibles contagios. La distancia corporal se instaló entre nosotros, acercarse podía ser percibido como amenazante. Obligados al confinamiento, la sesión online se presentó como la única posibilidad de continuar, o de iniciar, los procesos terapéuticos.
En este artículo me interesa reflexionar sobre lo vivenciado en el tránsito de lo presencial a lo digital; más específicamente, sobre la experiencia corporal en la pérdida del ambiente físico donde se producía el encuentro terapéutico -el consultorio- y la conquista de la pantalla negra de los aparatos electrónicos para continuar con nuestra clínica psicoanalítica.
¿Qué brindaba ese espacio físico? ¿Qué significados se otorgaron a la mudanza? ¿Cómo fue vivenciada esta? ¿Qué elementos de las plataformas digitales se incorporaron al encuentro psicoanalítico? Son algunas de las preguntas que pretendo atender en este artículo.
Para ello, haré un primer recorrido sobre la experiencia corporal frente a las relaciones espaciales, destacada por Richard Sennett (1997), a fin de vincularlo con lo que en este artículo denomino la “habitación psicoanalítica” y me apoyaré en los hallazgos obtenidos en la investigación colectiva del Taller de Investigación Psicoanalítica del Centro de Psicoterapia Psicoanalítica de Lima (CPPL) (2021).