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Papers by Mustapha Abdallah

Contemporary Journal of African Studies

This article contributes to understanding local security practices in urban Africa by examining l... more This article contributes to understanding local security practices in urban Africa by examining links between international peacekeeping and local policing in Tamale, the capital of Ghana’s Northern Region. It uses the concept of assemblage to suggest that while experiences, skills and lessons gained from consistent engagement in United Nations peacekeeping may be detected in local policing in Tamale, their effects on everyday policing are in practice limited. This is due to the central role of traditional authorities in local security and general political interference in police matters. Local policing in Tamale is an assemblage of formal (police and military) and informal (chiefs and community leaders) security arrangements, with the latter, especially, dictating how crimes should be dealt with. This makes it next to impossible for the police to do their job without interference. The article examines how non-state or traditional actors shape policing and security provision in Tama...

Journal of African elections, 2013

This article examines the role of the National Election Security Task Force (NESTF) in the 2012 e... more This article examines the role of the National Election Security Task Force (NESTF) in the 2012 elections in Ghana. It traces the history of electoral politics in Ghana's Fourth Republic, highlighting significant developments and security challenges from 1992, with a particular focus on the 2012 elections. The structure, composition and powers as well as the functions of the NESTF are discussed. The article further examines the performance of the NESTF during all three phases of the elections relative to security challenges, responses and emerging issues that require urgent policy reforms. Based on face-to-face interviews and participant observations, the article concludes that the 2012 elections were not only keenly contested but all three phases were marred by extreme violence, particularly because of the novelty of the biometric voter registration and verification system. While commending various election stakeholders such as the Electoral Commission of Ghana, we argue that although the election results were contested in court, the NESTF, in particular, played an exemplary role in averting possible conflict after the declaration of the results. We recommend, however, that in subsequent elections the security forces should be seen to be neutral and government should also ensure adequate provision of logistics, transport and communication devices to ensure free, fair and violence-free elections.

International Relations and Diplomacy, 2016

Conflict, Security & Development, 2013

This article examines the incidences of Islamic radicalisation and violence in Ghana. It explores... more This article examines the incidences of Islamic radicalisation and violence in Ghana. It explores socio-economic and political dynamics, doctrinal and interpretational differences as sources of Islamic radicalisation and violence among the three major religious groups, namely, Al-tijaniyya Movement, Ahlussunna Waljama'a and Ahmadiyya Movement. The paper further explores how diverse factors such as preaching methodologies, external financial support, the presence of a youth bulge and different doctrinal and interpretational approaches to the concept of jihad serve as drivers of radicalisation and possible mutation into violence. Based on extensive empirical research, it argues that, while identified trends, intensity and frequency of incidences of radicalisation and violence among the three religious groups are, first and foremost, motivated by a struggle for doctrinal pre-eminence, they also have the tendency to undermine national peace and security.

As at 15 December 2011, International Organization for Migration (IOM) registered 209,030 returne... more As at 15 December 2011, International Organization for Migration (IOM) registered 209,030 returnees from Libya, including 95,760 in the Niger, 82,433 in Chad, 11,230 in Mali and 780 in Mauritania posing severe humanitarian challenges to the countries. See Report subsequent killing of Muammar Gaddafi, have raised multiple security concerns within the region. While the international community, particularly the United Nations (UN), the European Union (EU), and the African Union (AU) will continue to grapple with post-Gaddafi security

Introduction Globally, violent conflicts have had a devastating impact on lives and property. In ... more Introduction Globally, violent conflicts have had a devastating impact on lives and property. In an attempt to prevent existing conflict situations and potential ones from occurring, several regional consultations have been organized in order to garner support for the creation of national infrastructures for peace (I4P). Infrastructure for peace is defined as “the dynamic network of interdependent structures, mechanisms, resources, values, and skills which, through dialogue and consultation, contribute to conflict prevention and peace-building in a society".1

The popular uprisings against long-serving and despotic heads of state in North Africa has been d... more The popular uprisings against long-serving and despotic heads of state in North Africa has been dubbed the Jasmine Revolution or Arab Spring. The uprisings, which began in Tunisia in December 2010, and subsequently in Egypt culminated in mass demonstrations against Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, the Libyan Head of State. While the demonstrations that led to the ousting of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali of Tunisia and Hosni Mubarak of Egypt were short-lived, the intransigence of Gaddafi to stand down has consequently plunged Libya into protracted mayhem and bloodshed.

The future of African peace operations

Contemporary Journal of African Studies

This article contributes to understanding local security practices in urban Africa by examining l... more This article contributes to understanding local security practices in urban Africa by examining links between international peacekeeping and local policing in Tamale, the capital of Ghana’s Northern Region. It uses the concept of assemblage to suggest that while experiences, skills and lessons gained from consistent engagement in United Nations peacekeeping may be detected in local policing in Tamale, their effects on everyday policing are in practice limited. This is due to the central role of traditional authorities in local security and general political interference in police matters. Local policing in Tamale is an assemblage of formal (police and military) and informal (chiefs and community leaders) security arrangements, with the latter, especially, dictating how crimes should be dealt with. This makes it next to impossible for the police to do their job without interference. The article examines how non-state or traditional actors shape policing and security provision in Tama...

Journal of African elections, 2013

This article examines the role of the National Election Security Task Force (NESTF) in the 2012 e... more This article examines the role of the National Election Security Task Force (NESTF) in the 2012 elections in Ghana. It traces the history of electoral politics in Ghana's Fourth Republic, highlighting significant developments and security challenges from 1992, with a particular focus on the 2012 elections. The structure, composition and powers as well as the functions of the NESTF are discussed. The article further examines the performance of the NESTF during all three phases of the elections relative to security challenges, responses and emerging issues that require urgent policy reforms. Based on face-to-face interviews and participant observations, the article concludes that the 2012 elections were not only keenly contested but all three phases were marred by extreme violence, particularly because of the novelty of the biometric voter registration and verification system. While commending various election stakeholders such as the Electoral Commission of Ghana, we argue that although the election results were contested in court, the NESTF, in particular, played an exemplary role in averting possible conflict after the declaration of the results. We recommend, however, that in subsequent elections the security forces should be seen to be neutral and government should also ensure adequate provision of logistics, transport and communication devices to ensure free, fair and violence-free elections.

International Relations and Diplomacy, 2016

Conflict, Security & Development, 2013

This article examines the incidences of Islamic radicalisation and violence in Ghana. It explores... more This article examines the incidences of Islamic radicalisation and violence in Ghana. It explores socio-economic and political dynamics, doctrinal and interpretational differences as sources of Islamic radicalisation and violence among the three major religious groups, namely, Al-tijaniyya Movement, Ahlussunna Waljama'a and Ahmadiyya Movement. The paper further explores how diverse factors such as preaching methodologies, external financial support, the presence of a youth bulge and different doctrinal and interpretational approaches to the concept of jihad serve as drivers of radicalisation and possible mutation into violence. Based on extensive empirical research, it argues that, while identified trends, intensity and frequency of incidences of radicalisation and violence among the three religious groups are, first and foremost, motivated by a struggle for doctrinal pre-eminence, they also have the tendency to undermine national peace and security.

As at 15 December 2011, International Organization for Migration (IOM) registered 209,030 returne... more As at 15 December 2011, International Organization for Migration (IOM) registered 209,030 returnees from Libya, including 95,760 in the Niger, 82,433 in Chad, 11,230 in Mali and 780 in Mauritania posing severe humanitarian challenges to the countries. See Report subsequent killing of Muammar Gaddafi, have raised multiple security concerns within the region. While the international community, particularly the United Nations (UN), the European Union (EU), and the African Union (AU) will continue to grapple with post-Gaddafi security

Introduction Globally, violent conflicts have had a devastating impact on lives and property. In ... more Introduction Globally, violent conflicts have had a devastating impact on lives and property. In an attempt to prevent existing conflict situations and potential ones from occurring, several regional consultations have been organized in order to garner support for the creation of national infrastructures for peace (I4P). Infrastructure for peace is defined as “the dynamic network of interdependent structures, mechanisms, resources, values, and skills which, through dialogue and consultation, contribute to conflict prevention and peace-building in a society".1

The popular uprisings against long-serving and despotic heads of state in North Africa has been d... more The popular uprisings against long-serving and despotic heads of state in North Africa has been dubbed the Jasmine Revolution or Arab Spring. The uprisings, which began in Tunisia in December 2010, and subsequently in Egypt culminated in mass demonstrations against Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, the Libyan Head of State. While the demonstrations that led to the ousting of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali of Tunisia and Hosni Mubarak of Egypt were short-lived, the intransigence of Gaddafi to stand down has consequently plunged Libya into protracted mayhem and bloodshed.

The future of African peace operations