Paul N Cornish - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Papers by Paul N Cornish
Network and Data Security for Non-Engineers, 2016
International Affairs, Mar 1, 2009
Sir Menzies Campbell's article in the Guardian immediately after the 2008 Labour party conference... more Sir Menzies Campbell's article in the Guardian immediately after the 2008 Labour party conference in Manchester was just one in a series of commentaries by opposition spokespersons and retired military officers questioning Prime Minister Gordon Brown's defence policy and the state of the armed forces. 1 That same week Defense News reported that the Chief of the Defence Staff and the Permanent Under-Secretary at the Ministry of Defence had written to the Prime Minister urging him to permit the cancellation of a major weapons programme in order to rebalance the under-resourced defence budget. 2 The depleted state of the defence finances was epitomized by a 'Help for Heroes' charity rugby match which had just taken place, involving a plethora of international stars. The purpose of the event was to improve facilities for wounded service personnel, including the provision of a swimming pool at the Defence Medical Rehabilitation Centre at Headley Court. Without such a facility, service personnel undergoing physiotherapy had endured the affront of having to use a local public pool as early as 5 a.m. in order that a sensitive general public would not have to gaze upon severely injured young men and women. In the preceding week, as the 'Help for Heroes' stars visited No. 10 Downing Street for a photo-opportunity with Prime Minister Brown to promote the forthcoming rugby match, the UK National Defence Association published its paper 'Overcoming the defence crisis'. 3 While the conclusions of the report were scarcely surprising-that more should be spent on defence-it was the membership of the Association that was most striking, including among its number two of the previous three Chiefs of the Defence Staff and five former holders of that post altogether. 4 Since then, of course, turmoil across the world's
International Affairs, Jul 1, 2009
The desperate condition of the British economy in the immediate aftermath of VE day is well known... more The desperate condition of the British economy in the immediate aftermath of VE day is well known. Keynes provided a vivid summary of the problem for the new Labour government in the first week of August 1945. Britain had accumulated overseas debts of about £3,100m and had lost about £1,100m worth of overseas income through sale of overseas assets, and about £7,000m (25 per cent of national wealth) on the costs of the war. Between 25 per cent and 30 per cent of merchant shipping assets had been sunk, and although exports were yielding about £400m, the balance of payments was in deficit owing to the need for £1,100–£1,200m to maintain wartime levels of consumption.2 Following the surrender of Japan, problems were exacerbated within days by the termination of Lend-Lease from the United States and Mutual Aid from Canada. At a stroke, Britain was cut off from £1,350m of vital assistance. The landmarks in post-war economic reconstruction in Britain are equally familiar: from the Washington Loan of December 1945 to the convertibility crisis of 1947; from Marshall’s speech and the beginning of the European Recovery Programme, to the devaluation crisis of 1949. In spite of American assistance, Britain remained economically destitute during the Attlee governments, a constant factor in civil and military thinking about Germany, Europe and strategy generally.3
Palgrave Macmillan UK eBooks, 1996
In mid-December 1948,2 Slim conceded that the occupation forces should at least be made ‘battle-w... more In mid-December 1948,2 Slim conceded that the occupation forces should at least be made ‘battle-worthy’, by reorganising and training first one division, but had been reluctant to make any promise of reinforcement. He wanted to stimulate the Europeans into providing for their own defence, and was convinced that Britain’s ‘main effort’ in any war in Europe would be at sea and in the air. The first COS meetings of 1949 show that Slim’s view reflected something of a consensus within military planning circles. Defence of the WU seemed a lost cause and it was important not to create ‘the impression that if a big enough land contribution could be made, the position would be satisfactory’. Britain could make no contribution to WU defence without additional effort coming first from France and the Benelux countries. But then, even had it been possible to fund a large-scale commitment of land forces — which it was not — the strategic thinking of the day would rule out such an option in favour of action in the air (the strategic air offensive) and at sea.3
International Affairs, 2004
Journal of Military Ethics, Nov 1, 2003
The work of Carl von Clausewitz continues to provoke heated debate. For some scholars, Clausewitz... more The work of Carl von Clausewitz continues to provoke heated debate. For some scholars, Clausewitz's On War remains indispensable to serious thought on the resort to war in the modern period. Others, however, see Clausewitz's work as either outdated, or a morally repellent argument for unlimited, unrestrained and brutal warfare. This essay argues not only that Clausewitz's work continues to be relevant to discussions on the use of armed force, but also that On War provides a framework for ethical reflection on war and its conduct. Two main preoccupations of western military academies and staff colleges * /Clausewitz on the one hand, and the just war tradition on the other * /can complement, rather than rival each other. On War creates a space for reflection on the use of armed force, and for that reason if no other, should still be considered an important resource for contemporary students and practitioners of strategy.
Palgrave Macmillan UK eBooks, 1995
The notion that the resort to and conduct of conflict can, and should be constrained on ethical g... more The notion that the resort to and conduct of conflict can, and should be constrained on ethical grounds is well understood. Why then is it proving difficult to apply that understanding to cyber space? In the first place, it is as yet unclear how we might define ‘conflict’, ‘violence’ and ‘aggression’ in cyber space; what the ‘cyber domain’ might be; and what it might be to be secure within or from that domain. Do we apply existing understandings and simply prefix them with ‘cyber’, or is there something qualitatively different about cyber security and the conduct it permits or requires?
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2016
This brief argues for the importance of improving our understanding of what influences will to fi... more This brief argues for the importance of improving our understanding of what influences will to fight, and it describes two models for doing so: one for analyzing a military unit's will to fight, and one for analyzing a nation's will to fight.
is a not-for-profit organisation whose mission is to help improve policy and decisionmaking throu... more is a not-for-profit organisation whose mission is to help improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND's publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions.html.
Wiley-Blackwell eBooks, Aug 19, 2010
International Affairs, Jul 5, 2010
Network and Data Security for Non-Engineers, 2016
International Affairs, Mar 1, 2009
Sir Menzies Campbell's article in the Guardian immediately after the 2008 Labour party conference... more Sir Menzies Campbell's article in the Guardian immediately after the 2008 Labour party conference in Manchester was just one in a series of commentaries by opposition spokespersons and retired military officers questioning Prime Minister Gordon Brown's defence policy and the state of the armed forces. 1 That same week Defense News reported that the Chief of the Defence Staff and the Permanent Under-Secretary at the Ministry of Defence had written to the Prime Minister urging him to permit the cancellation of a major weapons programme in order to rebalance the under-resourced defence budget. 2 The depleted state of the defence finances was epitomized by a 'Help for Heroes' charity rugby match which had just taken place, involving a plethora of international stars. The purpose of the event was to improve facilities for wounded service personnel, including the provision of a swimming pool at the Defence Medical Rehabilitation Centre at Headley Court. Without such a facility, service personnel undergoing physiotherapy had endured the affront of having to use a local public pool as early as 5 a.m. in order that a sensitive general public would not have to gaze upon severely injured young men and women. In the preceding week, as the 'Help for Heroes' stars visited No. 10 Downing Street for a photo-opportunity with Prime Minister Brown to promote the forthcoming rugby match, the UK National Defence Association published its paper 'Overcoming the defence crisis'. 3 While the conclusions of the report were scarcely surprising-that more should be spent on defence-it was the membership of the Association that was most striking, including among its number two of the previous three Chiefs of the Defence Staff and five former holders of that post altogether. 4 Since then, of course, turmoil across the world's
International Affairs, Jul 1, 2009
The desperate condition of the British economy in the immediate aftermath of VE day is well known... more The desperate condition of the British economy in the immediate aftermath of VE day is well known. Keynes provided a vivid summary of the problem for the new Labour government in the first week of August 1945. Britain had accumulated overseas debts of about £3,100m and had lost about £1,100m worth of overseas income through sale of overseas assets, and about £7,000m (25 per cent of national wealth) on the costs of the war. Between 25 per cent and 30 per cent of merchant shipping assets had been sunk, and although exports were yielding about £400m, the balance of payments was in deficit owing to the need for £1,100–£1,200m to maintain wartime levels of consumption.2 Following the surrender of Japan, problems were exacerbated within days by the termination of Lend-Lease from the United States and Mutual Aid from Canada. At a stroke, Britain was cut off from £1,350m of vital assistance. The landmarks in post-war economic reconstruction in Britain are equally familiar: from the Washington Loan of December 1945 to the convertibility crisis of 1947; from Marshall’s speech and the beginning of the European Recovery Programme, to the devaluation crisis of 1949. In spite of American assistance, Britain remained economically destitute during the Attlee governments, a constant factor in civil and military thinking about Germany, Europe and strategy generally.3
Palgrave Macmillan UK eBooks, 1996
In mid-December 1948,2 Slim conceded that the occupation forces should at least be made ‘battle-w... more In mid-December 1948,2 Slim conceded that the occupation forces should at least be made ‘battle-worthy’, by reorganising and training first one division, but had been reluctant to make any promise of reinforcement. He wanted to stimulate the Europeans into providing for their own defence, and was convinced that Britain’s ‘main effort’ in any war in Europe would be at sea and in the air. The first COS meetings of 1949 show that Slim’s view reflected something of a consensus within military planning circles. Defence of the WU seemed a lost cause and it was important not to create ‘the impression that if a big enough land contribution could be made, the position would be satisfactory’. Britain could make no contribution to WU defence without additional effort coming first from France and the Benelux countries. But then, even had it been possible to fund a large-scale commitment of land forces — which it was not — the strategic thinking of the day would rule out such an option in favour of action in the air (the strategic air offensive) and at sea.3
International Affairs, 2004
Journal of Military Ethics, Nov 1, 2003
The work of Carl von Clausewitz continues to provoke heated debate. For some scholars, Clausewitz... more The work of Carl von Clausewitz continues to provoke heated debate. For some scholars, Clausewitz's On War remains indispensable to serious thought on the resort to war in the modern period. Others, however, see Clausewitz's work as either outdated, or a morally repellent argument for unlimited, unrestrained and brutal warfare. This essay argues not only that Clausewitz's work continues to be relevant to discussions on the use of armed force, but also that On War provides a framework for ethical reflection on war and its conduct. Two main preoccupations of western military academies and staff colleges * /Clausewitz on the one hand, and the just war tradition on the other * /can complement, rather than rival each other. On War creates a space for reflection on the use of armed force, and for that reason if no other, should still be considered an important resource for contemporary students and practitioners of strategy.
Palgrave Macmillan UK eBooks, 1995
The notion that the resort to and conduct of conflict can, and should be constrained on ethical g... more The notion that the resort to and conduct of conflict can, and should be constrained on ethical grounds is well understood. Why then is it proving difficult to apply that understanding to cyber space? In the first place, it is as yet unclear how we might define ‘conflict’, ‘violence’ and ‘aggression’ in cyber space; what the ‘cyber domain’ might be; and what it might be to be secure within or from that domain. Do we apply existing understandings and simply prefix them with ‘cyber’, or is there something qualitatively different about cyber security and the conduct it permits or requires?
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2016
This brief argues for the importance of improving our understanding of what influences will to fi... more This brief argues for the importance of improving our understanding of what influences will to fight, and it describes two models for doing so: one for analyzing a military unit's will to fight, and one for analyzing a nation's will to fight.
is a not-for-profit organisation whose mission is to help improve policy and decisionmaking throu... more is a not-for-profit organisation whose mission is to help improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND's publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions.html.
Wiley-Blackwell eBooks, Aug 19, 2010
International Affairs, Jul 5, 2010