Piet Konings - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Papers by Piet Konings

Canadian Journal of African Studies, 1988

Africa Today, 2006

The youth of New Bell, one of the largest and poorest immigrant quarters in Douala, have devised ... more The youth of New Bell, one of the largest and poorest immigrant quarters in Douala, have devised two innovative activities: one, commonly known as "bendskin," is the use of motorbikes as taxis; the other, "pousse-pousse," is the use of handcarts for transporting merchandise. These activities not only secure a sustainable livelihood and a feeling of self-esteem, but also make a contribution to solving the neighborhood's transportation problems. Bendskin drivers and pousseurs (handcart operators) are usually organized in small groups along ethnic and friendship lines, and form a social and spatial "neighborhood" within New Bell. Nevertheless, they have proved themselves capable of transcending group boundaries, and they rally round when outsiders, such as other road users and even the police, threaten their colleagues or their common interests.

plus récents tender and 'ver Estates lag, 1998).-mer, a été lef de l'État i du Tchad >n francaise... more plus récents tender and 'ver Estates lag, 1998).-mer, a été lef de l'État i du Tchad >n francaise. Il a écrit ;t Histoire

Politique africaine, 1989

La liquidation des plantations Unilever et les conflits intra-élite dans le Cameroun anglophone a... more La liquidation des plantations Unilever et les conflits intra-élite dans le Cameroun anglophone annonce officielle de la liquidation volontaire des L' Plantations Pamol du Cameroon Ltd, le 13 octobre 1987, fut ressentie au Cameroun, et plus particulièrement dans sa partie anglophone comme une secousse particulièrement grave. A cette date, Pamol, qui dépendait du groupe Unilever, était déjà présente au Cameroun anglophone depuis près de soixante ans. C'était une des entreprises agro-industrielles privées les plus importantes du pays : en 1980, elle cultivait, encore 9.241 ha de palmiers à huile et 1.783 ha de caoutchouc j elle employait environ 3 O00 ouvriers permanents et produisait pas moins de 15 922 tonnes d'huile de palmier, 4 265 tonnes de noyaux de palmiers et 1 998 tonnes de caoutchouc. Après avoir arrêté la production de caoutchouc en 1986, elle s'était consacrée exclusivement à la production d'huile de palmier dans le département de Ndian, l'une des régions les plus isolées et les plus marginalisées de la Province du Sud-Ouest. Pamol, en fait, était la seule entreprise industrielle d'envergure de la région et considérée comme la ((source de vie)) du département

Mr. Freek Schiphorst made an in-depth study of one of the villages affected by the Vea Irrigation... more Mr. Freek Schiphorst made an in-depth study of one of the villages affected by the Vea Irrigation Project; not only did we constantly exchange fieldwork experiences but we also became close friends. At various occasions I enjoyed the hospitality of the Catholic Mission in Ghana, in particular the White Fathers and the Society of African Missions. My greatest debt lies with the peasants in the Vea Irrigation Project who entrusted me with writing their history and making it known in Ghana and elsewhere. I dedicate this study to the memory of my father who died during my fieldwork on the Vea Irrigation Project.

BRILL eBooks, 2005

Although the current generation of Anglophone students in Cameroon feels even more marginalized t... more Although the current generation of Anglophone students in Cameroon feels even more marginalized than their Francophone counterparts because of their Anglophone identity, they have actualfy displayed a rather ambivalent attitude towards the Francophone-dominated regime that they hold responsible for their predicament. On the one hand, there are students who are seen as rebels and heroes. They have played a vanguard role in the Anglophone protest and, following political liberalization, have formed the leadership of the most militant Anglophone nationalist movement. However on the other hand, there are students who are seen as both predators and victims of the regime. They have beenprepared tojoin theyouth militia created by the regime to combat Anglophone organizations in exchangefor a share in the ever-diminishing state resources.

... SOUS LA DIRECTION DE Piet Konings, Wim van Binsbergen et Gerti Hesseling Trajectoires de libé... more ... SOUS LA DIRECTION DE Piet Konings, Wim van Binsbergen et Gerti Hesseling Trajectoires de libération en Afrique contemporaine Hommage à Robert Buijtenhuijs Editions KARTHALA Afrika-Studiecentrum 22-24, boulevard Arago BP 9555 75013 Paris 2300 RB Leyde ...

Journal of Higher Education in Africa, Jun 10, 2009

The deepening crisis in African universities has had grave consequences for students who are face... more The deepening crisis in African universities has had grave consequences for students who are faced with a dramatic deterioration in their living and study conditions and bleak prospects for future employment. The authoritarian management style and political control prevailing in most of these universities form formidable obstacles for students wishing to voice their grievances and organize in defence of their interests. However, African students seem not to be resigned to their fate and instead have displayed a growing activism that is reflected in various forms of protest, including strike actions. This study focuses on two recent violent strikes in the English-speaking University of Buea (UB) in Anglophone Cameroon. Like most other student protests in Africa during the ongoing process of economic and political liberalization, the UB students went on strike in an attempt to improve their unsatisfactory living and study conditions and to create democratic space within and outside the university. What was peculiar to the UB strikes was that they were inspired by deep feelings among the Anglophone student community of being more oppressed and marginalized than their Francophone counterparts, owing to their Anglophone identity, by the Francophone-dominated post-colonial state. Résumé La crise qui s'accentue dans les universités africaines a eu de graves conséquences pour les étudiants qui sont confrontés à une détérioration dramatique de leurs conditions de vie et d'étude et à de sombres perspectives d'emploi. Le style autoritaire de gestion et le contrôle politique qui prévalent dans la plupart de ces

Journal for the Study of Religion, Nov 12, 2009

The socio-political role of mainline Christian churches in the African postcolony tends to be mor... more The socio-political role of mainline Christian churches in the African postcolony tends to be more complex than a number of pessimistic and optimistic scholars originally assumed. There is growing evidence that the relations between church leaders and the authoritarian and corrupt elites, who seek to exercise hegemony in the African postcolonial states, cannot simply be reduced to either cooperation or conflict. This study of the relations between the Roman Catholic Church and the postcolonial state in Cameroon provides proof of a remarkable shift from relative harmony in the one-party era to frequent conflicts in the current political liberalisation era. And, even more significantly, it shows that church leaders failed to come to a united stand on socio-political issues in both periods due not only to personal rivalries but also to various ethno-regional cleavages.

Nordic Journal of African Studies, Sep 30, 2004

Academic staff trade unions in universities have succeeded in preserving a considerable degree of... more Academic staff trade unions in universities have succeeded in preserving a considerable degree of autonomy versus the state in a number of West African countries since independence, enabling them to play a significant role in the defence of their members' interests. Cameroon forms an exception in the region as it was not until political liberalisation in the early 1990s that an autonomous academic staff trade union emerged there. This article examines the role of this trade union amidst the deep crisis bedevilling the university system in Cameroon. Faced with apparent government insensitivity to its demands, it has displayed a considerable degree of militancy but its failure to achieve important gains for its members has, it will be argued, been mainly due to the government's evasive and repressive strategies. Only recently have the government and the university authorities become more prepared to solve university teachers' contractual problems and grievances through dialogue and negotiation.

Both politicians had begun by championing reunification with French Cameroon. They had been influ... more Both politicians had begun by championing reunification with French Cameroon. They had been influenced by the French Cameroons Welfare Union-an Organisation of Francophone immigrants (Amaazee, 1994)-and the Union des Populations du Cameroun (UPC)-the radical nationalist party in French Cameroon Joseph, 1977; Johnson, 1970)-both of which had propagated the idea of reunification in the Southern Cameroons. The strong anti-Nigerian sentiments prevailing in the Southern Cameroons generaled some support for reunification in the territory. Endeley, however, later changed his stand, becoming a strong advocate of integration into Nigeria. This change may be explained by the promulgation of successive Nigerian constitutions in the 1950s (Ngoh, 1990)-which eventually resulted in füll regional status of the Southern Cameroons within the Federation of Nigeria-as well as by the outbreak of a civil war within French Cameroon. With regional status, Endeley believed, Southern Cameroonians could rule themselves, develop their territory, maintain their ties to the British heritage, and avoid the violence and chaos of the war in French Cameroon. Unlike Endeley, Foncha was not content with regional status, and hè continued to campaign for Separation from Nigeria. He did feel obliged, however, to somewhat alter his position with regard to reunification with French Cameroon. There was widespread resistance among the region's modern and traditional elite to reunification with a territory with a THE ANGLOPHONE STRUGGLE FOR FEDERALISM IN CAMEROON 293