Roger Pilon - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Papers by Roger Pilon
Springer eBooks, Dec 31, 2022
When Bob Paquette asked me the other day for a title for my remarks this evening, I told him I... more When Bob Paquette asked me the other day for a title for my remarks this evening, I told him I'm using the title of the colloquium since it nicely captures not only our readings but what I'd like to say in a general way about the issues we'll be discussing over the next couple of days. At least since Locke, tolerance has been thought an important public or political virtue-indeed, a political necessity, given the brutal history of religious intolerance that Robert Weissberg sets forth early in our colloquium readings. And tolerance is also a useful private or personal virtue, although that's a more complex issue, as Weissberg suggests. But as a political virtue, tolerance is central to the American vision, rooted as we are in the Lockean tradition. It's incorporated in our basic law, the Constitution, or so I'll argue, even if its incorporation in our statutory and case law has been uneven, to say nothing of its incorporation in our practice. So there's t...
Additional copies of this booklet can be purchased by calling toll-free 1-800-767-1241 (noon-9:00... more Additional copies of this booklet can be purchased by calling toll-free 1-800-767-1241 (noon-9:00 p.m. eastern time). Single copies are $1. Ten to 100 copies are 50¢ each, and more than 100 copies are 40¢ each. is a series of distinguished essays on political economy and public policy. The Cato Institute takes its name from an earlier series of Cato's Letters, essays on political liberty written by John Trenchard and Thomas Gordon in the 18th century, which were widely read in the American colonies and played a major role in laying the philosophical foundation for the American Revolution.
The Cato Institute’s Center for Constitutional Studies is pleased to publish this eighth volume o... more The Cato Institute’s Center for Constitutional Studies is pleased to publish this eighth volume of the Cato Supreme Court Review, an annual critique of the Court’s most important decisions from the term just ended, plus a look at the cases ahead—all from a classical Madisonian perspective, grounded in the nation’s first principles, liberty and limited government. We release this volume each year at Cato’s annual Constitution Day conference. And each year in this space I discuss briefly a theme that seemed to emerge from the Court’s term or from the larger setting in which the term unfolded. Although the Court heard several important cases over the past year, the term was not marked by high-profile, landmark decisions. Accordingly, as we are still taking the measure of the unfolding Roberts Court, I am going to turn this year to one of the more abstract and abstruse questions that has emerged over its brief tenure, drawing the attention of a number of Court watchers in the process: n...
We are invited in this symposium to draw lessons from Lincoln’s constitutionalism for today’s War... more We are invited in this symposium to draw lessons from Lincoln’s constitutionalism for today’s War on Terror—and on this panel to consider whether a wartime decline in civil liberties can be justified by a gain of civil rights. As an initial matter, let me suggest that the distinction between civil liberties and civil rights is less than conspicuous. Notwithstanding Wesley Newcomb Hohfeld’s efforts in the 1913 and 1917 Yale Law Journal to distinguish rights, powers, privileges, and immunities—all of which could be reduced to rights, he concluded—I have never been persuaded that a clear contrast between the two could be drawn, other than nominally.1 Accordingly, I will take the basic questions before us to be: Do we at times give up a measure of liberty for a measure of security? And should we? Those questions take us to fundamental moral, political, and legal principles. And the answers to both, I submit, are yes—at times we do and we should sacrifice a measure of liberty for a great...
Chapman Law Review, 2013
The growing influence of the modern libertarian legal movement in America and beyond was no bette... more The growing influence of the modern libertarian legal movement in America and beyond was no better illustrated recently than during the twoyear run-up to the Supreme Court’s “Obamacare” decision, which came down on the Court’s final day last June.1 Marginalized for years by many conservatives2—to say nothing of the long dominant liberal establishment that dismissed their arguments out of hand3—libertarians offered a principled vision4 that resonated not only with judges who over that period decided several challenges to the Act’s massive expansion of government,5 but with a large part of the American public as well—and, in the end, with a majority on the High Court itself.6 And why not: The vision was grounded in the nation’s First Principles.
The Cato Institute’s Center for Constitutional Studies is pleased to publish this fifth volume of... more The Cato Institute’s Center for Constitutional Studies is pleased to publish this fifth volume of the Cato Supreme Court Review, an annual critique of the Court’s most important decisions from the term just ended, plus a look at the cases ahead—all from a classical Madisonian perspective, grounded in the nation’s first principles, liberty and limited government. We release this volume each year at Cato’s annual Constitution Day conference. And each year in this space I discuss briefly a theme that seemed to emerge from the Court’s term or from the larger setting in which the term unfolded. A year ago, with the Roberts hearings looming immediately before us and several stormy years of appellate court confirmation hearings just behind us, I focused on Politics and Law, arguing that our judicial confirmation hearings had become so ‘‘political’’ because so much of the twentieth century’s constitutional jurisprudence had amounted to politics trumping law. With that politicization of the ...
101 1 ANNALS OF CONG. 457 (Joseph Gales ed., 1789). 102 Califano, supra note 3. 103 Schumer, supr... more 101 1 ANNALS OF CONG. 457 (Joseph Gales ed., 1789). 102 Califano, supra note 3. 103 Schumer, supra note 4. 104 On March 8, 1993, shortly before President Clinton nominated her for the Supreme Court, then Judge Ruth Bader Ginsburg gave the Madison Lecture at the New York University School of Law, speculating that the nation might have been spared the ensuing political maelstrom had the Roe Court been more "measured" in its opinion and allowed greater latitude for state reforms that even then were taking place. Ruth Bader
навчання та атестація фахівців всіх рівнів з теплового методу контролю згідно вимог стандарту EN ... more навчання та атестація фахівців всіх рівнів з теплового методу контролю згідно вимог стандарту EN ISO 9712:2012 потребують роботи з екзаменаційними зразками з метою напрацювання процедур тепловізійного контролю та набуття навичок розшифрування отриманих термограм. розглянуто особливості створення екзаменаційних зразків, що можуть застосовуватись не лише для атестації фахівців всіх рівнів, а й для проведення практичних занять під час навчання. розглянуто і джерела тепла, які дозволяють моделювати різні умови експлуатації об'єктів контролю. Визначено конкретний тип об'єктів, які при заданих умовах експлуатації не можуть адекватно контролюватись із застосуванням промислових тепловізорів. Це викликано малим значенням різниці температур над дефектом, яке значно менше ніж температурна похибка вимірювального тепловізійного обладнання. Бібліогр. 3, рис. 9. К л ю ч о в і с л о в а : тепловий контроль, джерело нагріву, екзаменаційний зразок, об'єкт контролю, термограма © В. ю. глуховський, Б. о. онащенко, 2017 Рис. 1. термограми: нагрівання інфрачервоним випромінюванням (а), потоком гарячого повітря (б) та видиме зображення пластини з дефектами, що імітує корозійно-ерозійне спрацьовування (в)
Stanford law and policy review, 1994
Introduction One is easily entangled in a thicket. That seems the condition of the Supreme Court ... more Introduction One is easily entangled in a thicket. That seems the condition of the Supreme Court after Wyeth v. Levine1—entangled in a thicket of its own making, its pre-emption jurisprudence. Pre-emption flows from the Constitution’s Supremacy Clause.2 Stated simply, given the Constitution’s provisions for dual sovereignty, its division of powers between the federal and state governments, pre-emption stands for the idea that, in a conflict between the two, federal law trumps state law.3 Yet for all that simplicity—‘‘conflict’’ is deceptively simple— the Court over the years, as one seasoned litigator has put it, ‘‘has issued a confusing, erratic succession of fragmented tort preemption decisions involving various types of federally regulated products and state-law causes of action. . . . Practicing attorneys, as well as judges and legal scholars, have found it virtually impossible to reconcile these decisions.’’4 Undaunted, I shall wade into this thicket to try to make such sense a...
Springer eBooks, Dec 31, 2022
When Bob Paquette asked me the other day for a title for my remarks this evening, I told him I... more When Bob Paquette asked me the other day for a title for my remarks this evening, I told him I'm using the title of the colloquium since it nicely captures not only our readings but what I'd like to say in a general way about the issues we'll be discussing over the next couple of days. At least since Locke, tolerance has been thought an important public or political virtue-indeed, a political necessity, given the brutal history of religious intolerance that Robert Weissberg sets forth early in our colloquium readings. And tolerance is also a useful private or personal virtue, although that's a more complex issue, as Weissberg suggests. But as a political virtue, tolerance is central to the American vision, rooted as we are in the Lockean tradition. It's incorporated in our basic law, the Constitution, or so I'll argue, even if its incorporation in our statutory and case law has been uneven, to say nothing of its incorporation in our practice. So there's t...
Additional copies of this booklet can be purchased by calling toll-free 1-800-767-1241 (noon-9:00... more Additional copies of this booklet can be purchased by calling toll-free 1-800-767-1241 (noon-9:00 p.m. eastern time). Single copies are $1. Ten to 100 copies are 50¢ each, and more than 100 copies are 40¢ each. is a series of distinguished essays on political economy and public policy. The Cato Institute takes its name from an earlier series of Cato's Letters, essays on political liberty written by John Trenchard and Thomas Gordon in the 18th century, which were widely read in the American colonies and played a major role in laying the philosophical foundation for the American Revolution.
The Cato Institute’s Center for Constitutional Studies is pleased to publish this eighth volume o... more The Cato Institute’s Center for Constitutional Studies is pleased to publish this eighth volume of the Cato Supreme Court Review, an annual critique of the Court’s most important decisions from the term just ended, plus a look at the cases ahead—all from a classical Madisonian perspective, grounded in the nation’s first principles, liberty and limited government. We release this volume each year at Cato’s annual Constitution Day conference. And each year in this space I discuss briefly a theme that seemed to emerge from the Court’s term or from the larger setting in which the term unfolded. Although the Court heard several important cases over the past year, the term was not marked by high-profile, landmark decisions. Accordingly, as we are still taking the measure of the unfolding Roberts Court, I am going to turn this year to one of the more abstract and abstruse questions that has emerged over its brief tenure, drawing the attention of a number of Court watchers in the process: n...
We are invited in this symposium to draw lessons from Lincoln’s constitutionalism for today’s War... more We are invited in this symposium to draw lessons from Lincoln’s constitutionalism for today’s War on Terror—and on this panel to consider whether a wartime decline in civil liberties can be justified by a gain of civil rights. As an initial matter, let me suggest that the distinction between civil liberties and civil rights is less than conspicuous. Notwithstanding Wesley Newcomb Hohfeld’s efforts in the 1913 and 1917 Yale Law Journal to distinguish rights, powers, privileges, and immunities—all of which could be reduced to rights, he concluded—I have never been persuaded that a clear contrast between the two could be drawn, other than nominally.1 Accordingly, I will take the basic questions before us to be: Do we at times give up a measure of liberty for a measure of security? And should we? Those questions take us to fundamental moral, political, and legal principles. And the answers to both, I submit, are yes—at times we do and we should sacrifice a measure of liberty for a great...
Chapman Law Review, 2013
The growing influence of the modern libertarian legal movement in America and beyond was no bette... more The growing influence of the modern libertarian legal movement in America and beyond was no better illustrated recently than during the twoyear run-up to the Supreme Court’s “Obamacare” decision, which came down on the Court’s final day last June.1 Marginalized for years by many conservatives2—to say nothing of the long dominant liberal establishment that dismissed their arguments out of hand3—libertarians offered a principled vision4 that resonated not only with judges who over that period decided several challenges to the Act’s massive expansion of government,5 but with a large part of the American public as well—and, in the end, with a majority on the High Court itself.6 And why not: The vision was grounded in the nation’s First Principles.
The Cato Institute’s Center for Constitutional Studies is pleased to publish this fifth volume of... more The Cato Institute’s Center for Constitutional Studies is pleased to publish this fifth volume of the Cato Supreme Court Review, an annual critique of the Court’s most important decisions from the term just ended, plus a look at the cases ahead—all from a classical Madisonian perspective, grounded in the nation’s first principles, liberty and limited government. We release this volume each year at Cato’s annual Constitution Day conference. And each year in this space I discuss briefly a theme that seemed to emerge from the Court’s term or from the larger setting in which the term unfolded. A year ago, with the Roberts hearings looming immediately before us and several stormy years of appellate court confirmation hearings just behind us, I focused on Politics and Law, arguing that our judicial confirmation hearings had become so ‘‘political’’ because so much of the twentieth century’s constitutional jurisprudence had amounted to politics trumping law. With that politicization of the ...
101 1 ANNALS OF CONG. 457 (Joseph Gales ed., 1789). 102 Califano, supra note 3. 103 Schumer, supr... more 101 1 ANNALS OF CONG. 457 (Joseph Gales ed., 1789). 102 Califano, supra note 3. 103 Schumer, supra note 4. 104 On March 8, 1993, shortly before President Clinton nominated her for the Supreme Court, then Judge Ruth Bader Ginsburg gave the Madison Lecture at the New York University School of Law, speculating that the nation might have been spared the ensuing political maelstrom had the Roe Court been more "measured" in its opinion and allowed greater latitude for state reforms that even then were taking place. Ruth Bader
навчання та атестація фахівців всіх рівнів з теплового методу контролю згідно вимог стандарту EN ... more навчання та атестація фахівців всіх рівнів з теплового методу контролю згідно вимог стандарту EN ISO 9712:2012 потребують роботи з екзаменаційними зразками з метою напрацювання процедур тепловізійного контролю та набуття навичок розшифрування отриманих термограм. розглянуто особливості створення екзаменаційних зразків, що можуть застосовуватись не лише для атестації фахівців всіх рівнів, а й для проведення практичних занять під час навчання. розглянуто і джерела тепла, які дозволяють моделювати різні умови експлуатації об'єктів контролю. Визначено конкретний тип об'єктів, які при заданих умовах експлуатації не можуть адекватно контролюватись із застосуванням промислових тепловізорів. Це викликано малим значенням різниці температур над дефектом, яке значно менше ніж температурна похибка вимірювального тепловізійного обладнання. Бібліогр. 3, рис. 9. К л ю ч о в і с л о в а : тепловий контроль, джерело нагріву, екзаменаційний зразок, об'єкт контролю, термограма © В. ю. глуховський, Б. о. онащенко, 2017 Рис. 1. термограми: нагрівання інфрачервоним випромінюванням (а), потоком гарячого повітря (б) та видиме зображення пластини з дефектами, що імітує корозійно-ерозійне спрацьовування (в)
Stanford law and policy review, 1994
Introduction One is easily entangled in a thicket. That seems the condition of the Supreme Court ... more Introduction One is easily entangled in a thicket. That seems the condition of the Supreme Court after Wyeth v. Levine1—entangled in a thicket of its own making, its pre-emption jurisprudence. Pre-emption flows from the Constitution’s Supremacy Clause.2 Stated simply, given the Constitution’s provisions for dual sovereignty, its division of powers between the federal and state governments, pre-emption stands for the idea that, in a conflict between the two, federal law trumps state law.3 Yet for all that simplicity—‘‘conflict’’ is deceptively simple— the Court over the years, as one seasoned litigator has put it, ‘‘has issued a confusing, erratic succession of fragmented tort preemption decisions involving various types of federally regulated products and state-law causes of action. . . . Practicing attorneys, as well as judges and legal scholars, have found it virtually impossible to reconcile these decisions.’’4 Undaunted, I shall wade into this thicket to try to make such sense a...