Rodney Green - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Papers by Rodney Green
The Review of Black Political Economy, 2017
In the spirit of further expanding the heretofore unsung contributions of African American econom... more In the spirit of further expanding the heretofore unsung contributions of African American economists, we present two unpublished works from the 1930s of Joseph Roosevelt Houchins. They focus on Black business development and strategy. Biographical information and historical context for Houchins's life experiences during the twentieth century are included in an introduction. Houchins was a member of President Franklin Roosevelt's Black Cabinet, a leader of the Division of Negro Affairs in the U.S. Department of Commerce, and a chair and professor of economics at Howard University. These two writings reflect a strategic effort to strengthen the efficiency and impact of Black business as an engine of Black progress. The first document presented here analyzes the high failure rate of Black-owned insurance companies, a mainstay of Black business especially in the 1920s and 30s. Houchins determined that their failure was due to several factors: lack of business knowledge; lack of...
Journal of Community Practice, 2021
ABSTRACT Recent uprisings have led to calls to defund police and invest in Black and Brown commun... more ABSTRACT Recent uprisings have led to calls to defund police and invest in Black and Brown communities. This article explores the lessons learned about community safety from a four-year effort to reduce crime and improve safety in a predominately Latinx suburb of Washington, DC. It shows that programs that invested in building trust and rapport between police and community had little impact. Alternatively, efforts that built community, resourced and engaged residents, and invested in neighborhood infrastructure were more effective. The case highlights the critical role of community-based organizations in helping residents imagine and execute programs that improve community safety without relying on police.
The Review of Black Political Economy, 2017
Stereotypes abound about the clash between newcomers to urban neighborhoods and their longstandin... more Stereotypes abound about the clash between newcomers to urban neighborhoods and their longstanding residents. In a case study of Columbia Heights in the District of Columbia, the preferences and attitudes of newcomers and longstanding residents are compared. The comparison will help assess the extent to which indirect displacement pressures in the domain of retail activity might be occurring in Columbia Heights. Data from surveys conducted in 2008 by the Howard University Center for Urban Progress (HUCUP) form the empirical base of this study. A total of 217 completed surveys were received, 116 from an Internet survey and 101 one-on-one street interviews. The sample was split into thirds (according to length of time that the participant lived in the neighborhood) leading to break points at two years and eight years of residency. All respondents who lived in the neighborhood two years or less or eight years or more were kept in the final sample. The former were defined as “newcomers ...
Journal of Urban Health, 2016
Racist police brutality has been systemic in Prince George's County, Maryland. The victims includ... more Racist police brutality has been systemic in Prince George's County, Maryland. The victims include African Americans, the mentally challenged, and immigrant populations, creating a complex and uneven public health impact. Three threads characterize the social movements and intervention since 1970. First, a significant demographic shift occurred as African Americans became the majority population in the late 1980s when the first Black county executive was elected in 1994. Despite the change in political leadership, police brutality remained rampant. Lowerincome households located close to the District of Columbia and Binside the beltwayê xperienced the most police brutality. In 2001, The Washington Post revealed that between 1990 and 2000, Prince George's police shot and killed more citizens per officer than any of the 50 largest city and county law enforcement agencies in the country, 84 % of whom were black. Of the 147 persons shot during the 1990s, 12 were mentally and/or emotionally disturbed; 6 of these shootings were fatal. Second, resistance to police brutality emerged in a variety of political formations throughout the period, especially in the late 1990s. Sustained community pressure prompted the Department of Justice (DOJ) to open a civil rights investigation of the police department in November 2000. To avoid a potential federal lawsuit, the county leadership negotiated a memorandum of agreement (MOA) with the DOJ to enact policy reforms, part of which called for supplementing the departmental mobile crisis team, comprised of mental health care professionals, to respond to all cases involving mentally challenged citizens. Third, the incomplete process of change subsequent to the ending of DOJ oversight suggests a continued challenge to social movements opposing police brutality. This study focuses on the effectiveness of the MOA along with the activism of the People's Coalition for Police Accountability (PCPA) in reforming a culture of police brutality. The intensive oversight by the DOJ, combined with engaged resident activism, reduced the incidences of police brutality during the period 2004-2013. Since the termination of DOJ oversight, disturbing developments suggest the need for continued and sustained activism. Since 2010, county police officers have fatally shot 21 people, several in questionable circumstances. At the same time, the Prince George's Police Department has received more tactical military weaponry than any other jurisdiction in the state of Maryland under the 1033 program of the National Defense Authorization Act.
Journal of National Black Nurses' Association : JNBNA, 2011
African-American women face a disproportionally high breast cancer mortality rate and a significa... more African-American women face a disproportionally high breast cancer mortality rate and a significantly low five-year survival rate after breast cancer treatment. This study investigated, through a series of focus groups, how 32 African-American women (N = 32) breast cancer patients and survivors managed their cancer-related health needs. Participants also reported important barriers to care including problematic interactions with medical professionals, challenges in intimate relations, difficulties in handling the stigma and myths about breast cancer, and the psychological challenges that they faced. A patient navigation model was implemented at an eastern urban hospital that emphasized integrative therapies such as meditation, nutritional instruction, and yoga. Follow-up telephone interviews with 37 additional African-American participants (N = 37) indicated the rating of effectiveness to be at 3.8 to 3.9 out of 4 for the integrative patient navigation program. Over half of the surv...
Community-based participatory research can advance community advocacy efforts. Empowering communi... more Community-based participatory research can advance community advocacy efforts. Empowering community-based organizations (CBOs) with access to spatial analysis tools such as geographic information systems (GIS) can be an important step in this direction. The devastation of communities in New Orleans has been met with federal, state, and local dysfunction. Conflicting interests yield conflicting visions and plans, and grassroots CBOs face an
Social Indicators Research Series, 2006
Discussions about community indicators often focus more on the discovery about knowledge and less... more Discussions about community indicators often focus more on the discovery about knowledge and less on the integration, communication, and application of the knowledge embodied in community indicators. Yet such indicators are intended to inform practitioners at every level of the community, and cannot be effectively implemented without the other three components to which Boyer alludes. This chapter presents a model
The Review of Black Political Economy, 2012
Winning in the battle for jobs is two-fold: making gains in jobs and relief, and making gains in ... more Winning in the battle for jobs is two-fold: making gains in jobs and relief, and making gains in the development of anti-racist revolutionary class consciousness. Marxists and institutionalists have shown theoretically that unemployment is endemic to capitalism. The global experience of the 20th century validates this view. Efforts to ease the negative social effects of unemployment can modestly and temporarily assist distressed unemployed workers and their families, but only when there is a significant grassroots mobilization—at both local and national levels—to struggle for such improvements. Communist organizers have often been the most effective leaders of struggles against unemployment and its effects by relying on mobilizations of unemployed, employed, and unionized workers. Communist organizations have often combined efforts to win “survival” reforms (i.e., attempts to keep unemployed workers’ heads above water) with agitation and education about the need to end unemployment permanently with socialist and/or communist revolution. Two examples of these struggles are described: the Unemployed Council of St. Petersburg in 1905–06 and the unemployed councils initiated by the Communist International (the Comintern) during the early 1930s, with an emphasis on the U.S. experience. Lessons for today’s global struggle against unemployment are drawn from these earlier experiences.
The Review of Black Political Economy, 2012
This special issue of the Review presents selected and revised papers from the October 2010 Confe... more This special issue of the Review presents selected and revised papers from the October 2010 Conference on Jobs and the Future of the US Economy held at Howard University. It includes several bold “outside the box” proposals for addressing the endemic conditions of unemployment and racism in the U.S. economy. These include augmented and targeted Keynesiani deficit finance, functional finance, a federal jobs guarantee, industrial policy, realignment of the federal budget, and financing jobs programs with a Tobin tax. Additional papers examine the historical and political experience with the struggle against unemployment. The goal of this special issue of the Review is to help broaden and intensify the national debate over today's jobs crisis.
The Review of Black Political Economy, 2013
The destruction of private and public housing in New Orleans caused by Hurricane Katrina was grea... more The destruction of private and public housing in New Orleans caused by Hurricane Katrina was greatest among African Americans due to historic settlement patterns. Data for 13 planning districts within Orleans Parish (the city of New Orleans proper) that document the extent of housing destruction, the distribution of population by race, and the share of returned population at 2 and 5 year points across these planning districts are evaluated using correlation analysis. The finding is that the return of African Americans to New Orleans is significantly less than that of other groups and is associated with the greater housing destruction in neighborhoods with the highest percentages of African Americans. An analysis of the structure and impact of the Road Home program for private housing and of the initiatives of the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development and the Housing Authority of New Orleans provides evidence of racial discriminatory policies and practices that contributed...
The Journal of Economic History, 1981
One of the most interesting events in the history of race relations in the U.S. was the action by... more One of the most interesting events in the history of race relations in the U.S. was the action by the antebellum southern leadership to sharpen restriction, repression, and surveillance of southern blacks during the period 1830-1860. Why did this happen, and why did the restrictions take the form they did? Traditionally, writers have pointed to the sectional controversy for answers. For instance, some have said that the harsher controls evolved as a response to abolitionist intervention in the South. Despite the militant rhetoric and activism of many abolitionists, however, there is virtually no evidence of significant intervention in the South by northern-based anti-slavery organizations. My research suggests that the much vaunted underground railroad, for example, was in all likelihood more like a grapevine spreading within the South itself than a railroad with northern locomotives. Furthermore, only selected categories of blacks were strongly and directly affected by the new restrictive policies; free blacks, urban blacks, and hired-out slaves were among the most harshly affected. The selective impacts of restriction, and the lack of evidence of northern intervention in the South led me to seek the cause of increased racial restriction in the internal developments of the southern section, not in the activities of "outside agitators." 1 This research problem required a holistic method of investigation which is altogether lacking in neoclassical economic theory. The historical materialist method is better for this kind of research problem because it forces the investigator to study systematically the internal structure of a given society. Conflicts within and among co-existing modes of production and interrelationships between the total economic base of the society and the political, legal, and ideological processes in that society must be explicitly analyzed. A good materialist model of a society allows the investigator to deduce a system of laws of motion of a society; from this deduction one can formulate testable hypotheses, which can in turn be evaluated by increasingly detailed historical investigation. Thus, the contributions of this dissertation reside not only in the new evidence of changing labor structure and institutions, which emerged from the extensive quantitative studies undertaken in the work, but also in the methodological framework developed here for studies in antebellum U.S. slavery. The exercise of modeling the urban and rural Southern antebellum systems produced hypotheses that all suggest that urban industrialization in the antebellum South enhanced black opportunities and incentives for resistance to the southern elites, and hence led to sharpened restrictions of blacks. Support for these restrictions among whites varied substantially according to their class position: planters feared an unstable city; entrepreneurs wanted a docile labor force; and white artisans and craftsmen wanted to limit black competition in their jobs and crafts. To prepare the way for testing the hypotheses, I looked at the changes over time in the economic base of urban Virginia as a case study. I compiled and analyzed data concerning one thousand firms, drawn from various census, tax, and business records. Then I assessed the extent and forms of actual black resistance by examining police daybooks, court records, newspaper stories and advertisements, records of anti-slavery societies, and legislative debates and enactments at both local and state levels. Finally, an estimate could be made of the plausibility of the causal hypotheses. The hypotheses were generally supported by the evidence studied, with particularly strong support for the hypothesis that
Review of Radical Political Economics, 1992
Review of Radical Political Economics, 1993
Page 1. Page 2. Page 3. Segregation in Federally Subsidized Low-Income Housing in the United Stat... more Page 1. Page 2. Page 3. Segregation in Federally Subsidized Low-Income Housing in the United States Page 4. Praeger Series in Political Economy Rodney D. Green, Series Editor Production, Distribution, and Growth in Transitional ...
Journal of College Student Psychotherapy, 2009
This article had three goals: (a) to provide a brief economic review of the relationship between ... more This article had three goals: (a) to provide a brief economic review of the relationship between recessionary times, institutional reactions, and the life trajectory of recession-era college students; (b) to discuss the recession-related psychosocial stressors facing today's college students; and (c) to discuss how counseling centers can help students and make resources available to staff and students.
International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 1984
Energy Economics, 1989
What is the effect of reliance on oil exports on development in Third Worm countries? A large oil... more What is the effect of reliance on oil exports on development in Third Worm countries? A large oil export sector is often considered to be a potential spur to diversification and full modernization, especially when a central government controls and plans the use of oil revenues with such goals in mind. We evaluate this proposition by developing a 12-equation Keynesian econometric model of the Algerian economy. The model's equations, estimated using ordinary least squares, are robust with strong R-squares, significant t-tests for the independent variables, and reasonable Durbin-Watson statistics. Historical simulations track the true variables rather closely. Our RMSEs (percentage) are in general better than those in most studies of less-developed countries, ranging from 7 to 21°/'o. Our results indicate that there has been a growing dependency of most major economic sectors on oil revenues, both before and after nationalization. Improvements in oil exports will, ceteris paribus, lead to elastic increases in luxury imports and domestic consumption, and inelastic increases in domestic investment. Thus, the goals of diversification, modernization and industrialization will not be met under the current set of policies in Algeria.
Atlantic Economic Journal, 1986
The Review of Black Political Economy, 2017
In the spirit of further expanding the heretofore unsung contributions of African American econom... more In the spirit of further expanding the heretofore unsung contributions of African American economists, we present two unpublished works from the 1930s of Joseph Roosevelt Houchins. They focus on Black business development and strategy. Biographical information and historical context for Houchins's life experiences during the twentieth century are included in an introduction. Houchins was a member of President Franklin Roosevelt's Black Cabinet, a leader of the Division of Negro Affairs in the U.S. Department of Commerce, and a chair and professor of economics at Howard University. These two writings reflect a strategic effort to strengthen the efficiency and impact of Black business as an engine of Black progress. The first document presented here analyzes the high failure rate of Black-owned insurance companies, a mainstay of Black business especially in the 1920s and 30s. Houchins determined that their failure was due to several factors: lack of business knowledge; lack of...
Journal of Community Practice, 2021
ABSTRACT Recent uprisings have led to calls to defund police and invest in Black and Brown commun... more ABSTRACT Recent uprisings have led to calls to defund police and invest in Black and Brown communities. This article explores the lessons learned about community safety from a four-year effort to reduce crime and improve safety in a predominately Latinx suburb of Washington, DC. It shows that programs that invested in building trust and rapport between police and community had little impact. Alternatively, efforts that built community, resourced and engaged residents, and invested in neighborhood infrastructure were more effective. The case highlights the critical role of community-based organizations in helping residents imagine and execute programs that improve community safety without relying on police.
The Review of Black Political Economy, 2017
Stereotypes abound about the clash between newcomers to urban neighborhoods and their longstandin... more Stereotypes abound about the clash between newcomers to urban neighborhoods and their longstanding residents. In a case study of Columbia Heights in the District of Columbia, the preferences and attitudes of newcomers and longstanding residents are compared. The comparison will help assess the extent to which indirect displacement pressures in the domain of retail activity might be occurring in Columbia Heights. Data from surveys conducted in 2008 by the Howard University Center for Urban Progress (HUCUP) form the empirical base of this study. A total of 217 completed surveys were received, 116 from an Internet survey and 101 one-on-one street interviews. The sample was split into thirds (according to length of time that the participant lived in the neighborhood) leading to break points at two years and eight years of residency. All respondents who lived in the neighborhood two years or less or eight years or more were kept in the final sample. The former were defined as “newcomers ...
Journal of Urban Health, 2016
Racist police brutality has been systemic in Prince George's County, Maryland. The victims includ... more Racist police brutality has been systemic in Prince George's County, Maryland. The victims include African Americans, the mentally challenged, and immigrant populations, creating a complex and uneven public health impact. Three threads characterize the social movements and intervention since 1970. First, a significant demographic shift occurred as African Americans became the majority population in the late 1980s when the first Black county executive was elected in 1994. Despite the change in political leadership, police brutality remained rampant. Lowerincome households located close to the District of Columbia and Binside the beltwayê xperienced the most police brutality. In 2001, The Washington Post revealed that between 1990 and 2000, Prince George's police shot and killed more citizens per officer than any of the 50 largest city and county law enforcement agencies in the country, 84 % of whom were black. Of the 147 persons shot during the 1990s, 12 were mentally and/or emotionally disturbed; 6 of these shootings were fatal. Second, resistance to police brutality emerged in a variety of political formations throughout the period, especially in the late 1990s. Sustained community pressure prompted the Department of Justice (DOJ) to open a civil rights investigation of the police department in November 2000. To avoid a potential federal lawsuit, the county leadership negotiated a memorandum of agreement (MOA) with the DOJ to enact policy reforms, part of which called for supplementing the departmental mobile crisis team, comprised of mental health care professionals, to respond to all cases involving mentally challenged citizens. Third, the incomplete process of change subsequent to the ending of DOJ oversight suggests a continued challenge to social movements opposing police brutality. This study focuses on the effectiveness of the MOA along with the activism of the People's Coalition for Police Accountability (PCPA) in reforming a culture of police brutality. The intensive oversight by the DOJ, combined with engaged resident activism, reduced the incidences of police brutality during the period 2004-2013. Since the termination of DOJ oversight, disturbing developments suggest the need for continued and sustained activism. Since 2010, county police officers have fatally shot 21 people, several in questionable circumstances. At the same time, the Prince George's Police Department has received more tactical military weaponry than any other jurisdiction in the state of Maryland under the 1033 program of the National Defense Authorization Act.
Journal of National Black Nurses' Association : JNBNA, 2011
African-American women face a disproportionally high breast cancer mortality rate and a significa... more African-American women face a disproportionally high breast cancer mortality rate and a significantly low five-year survival rate after breast cancer treatment. This study investigated, through a series of focus groups, how 32 African-American women (N = 32) breast cancer patients and survivors managed their cancer-related health needs. Participants also reported important barriers to care including problematic interactions with medical professionals, challenges in intimate relations, difficulties in handling the stigma and myths about breast cancer, and the psychological challenges that they faced. A patient navigation model was implemented at an eastern urban hospital that emphasized integrative therapies such as meditation, nutritional instruction, and yoga. Follow-up telephone interviews with 37 additional African-American participants (N = 37) indicated the rating of effectiveness to be at 3.8 to 3.9 out of 4 for the integrative patient navigation program. Over half of the surv...
Community-based participatory research can advance community advocacy efforts. Empowering communi... more Community-based participatory research can advance community advocacy efforts. Empowering community-based organizations (CBOs) with access to spatial analysis tools such as geographic information systems (GIS) can be an important step in this direction. The devastation of communities in New Orleans has been met with federal, state, and local dysfunction. Conflicting interests yield conflicting visions and plans, and grassroots CBOs face an
Social Indicators Research Series, 2006
Discussions about community indicators often focus more on the discovery about knowledge and less... more Discussions about community indicators often focus more on the discovery about knowledge and less on the integration, communication, and application of the knowledge embodied in community indicators. Yet such indicators are intended to inform practitioners at every level of the community, and cannot be effectively implemented without the other three components to which Boyer alludes. This chapter presents a model
The Review of Black Political Economy, 2012
Winning in the battle for jobs is two-fold: making gains in jobs and relief, and making gains in ... more Winning in the battle for jobs is two-fold: making gains in jobs and relief, and making gains in the development of anti-racist revolutionary class consciousness. Marxists and institutionalists have shown theoretically that unemployment is endemic to capitalism. The global experience of the 20th century validates this view. Efforts to ease the negative social effects of unemployment can modestly and temporarily assist distressed unemployed workers and their families, but only when there is a significant grassroots mobilization—at both local and national levels—to struggle for such improvements. Communist organizers have often been the most effective leaders of struggles against unemployment and its effects by relying on mobilizations of unemployed, employed, and unionized workers. Communist organizations have often combined efforts to win “survival” reforms (i.e., attempts to keep unemployed workers’ heads above water) with agitation and education about the need to end unemployment permanently with socialist and/or communist revolution. Two examples of these struggles are described: the Unemployed Council of St. Petersburg in 1905–06 and the unemployed councils initiated by the Communist International (the Comintern) during the early 1930s, with an emphasis on the U.S. experience. Lessons for today’s global struggle against unemployment are drawn from these earlier experiences.
The Review of Black Political Economy, 2012
This special issue of the Review presents selected and revised papers from the October 2010 Confe... more This special issue of the Review presents selected and revised papers from the October 2010 Conference on Jobs and the Future of the US Economy held at Howard University. It includes several bold “outside the box” proposals for addressing the endemic conditions of unemployment and racism in the U.S. economy. These include augmented and targeted Keynesiani deficit finance, functional finance, a federal jobs guarantee, industrial policy, realignment of the federal budget, and financing jobs programs with a Tobin tax. Additional papers examine the historical and political experience with the struggle against unemployment. The goal of this special issue of the Review is to help broaden and intensify the national debate over today's jobs crisis.
The Review of Black Political Economy, 2013
The destruction of private and public housing in New Orleans caused by Hurricane Katrina was grea... more The destruction of private and public housing in New Orleans caused by Hurricane Katrina was greatest among African Americans due to historic settlement patterns. Data for 13 planning districts within Orleans Parish (the city of New Orleans proper) that document the extent of housing destruction, the distribution of population by race, and the share of returned population at 2 and 5 year points across these planning districts are evaluated using correlation analysis. The finding is that the return of African Americans to New Orleans is significantly less than that of other groups and is associated with the greater housing destruction in neighborhoods with the highest percentages of African Americans. An analysis of the structure and impact of the Road Home program for private housing and of the initiatives of the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development and the Housing Authority of New Orleans provides evidence of racial discriminatory policies and practices that contributed...
The Journal of Economic History, 1981
One of the most interesting events in the history of race relations in the U.S. was the action by... more One of the most interesting events in the history of race relations in the U.S. was the action by the antebellum southern leadership to sharpen restriction, repression, and surveillance of southern blacks during the period 1830-1860. Why did this happen, and why did the restrictions take the form they did? Traditionally, writers have pointed to the sectional controversy for answers. For instance, some have said that the harsher controls evolved as a response to abolitionist intervention in the South. Despite the militant rhetoric and activism of many abolitionists, however, there is virtually no evidence of significant intervention in the South by northern-based anti-slavery organizations. My research suggests that the much vaunted underground railroad, for example, was in all likelihood more like a grapevine spreading within the South itself than a railroad with northern locomotives. Furthermore, only selected categories of blacks were strongly and directly affected by the new restrictive policies; free blacks, urban blacks, and hired-out slaves were among the most harshly affected. The selective impacts of restriction, and the lack of evidence of northern intervention in the South led me to seek the cause of increased racial restriction in the internal developments of the southern section, not in the activities of "outside agitators." 1 This research problem required a holistic method of investigation which is altogether lacking in neoclassical economic theory. The historical materialist method is better for this kind of research problem because it forces the investigator to study systematically the internal structure of a given society. Conflicts within and among co-existing modes of production and interrelationships between the total economic base of the society and the political, legal, and ideological processes in that society must be explicitly analyzed. A good materialist model of a society allows the investigator to deduce a system of laws of motion of a society; from this deduction one can formulate testable hypotheses, which can in turn be evaluated by increasingly detailed historical investigation. Thus, the contributions of this dissertation reside not only in the new evidence of changing labor structure and institutions, which emerged from the extensive quantitative studies undertaken in the work, but also in the methodological framework developed here for studies in antebellum U.S. slavery. The exercise of modeling the urban and rural Southern antebellum systems produced hypotheses that all suggest that urban industrialization in the antebellum South enhanced black opportunities and incentives for resistance to the southern elites, and hence led to sharpened restrictions of blacks. Support for these restrictions among whites varied substantially according to their class position: planters feared an unstable city; entrepreneurs wanted a docile labor force; and white artisans and craftsmen wanted to limit black competition in their jobs and crafts. To prepare the way for testing the hypotheses, I looked at the changes over time in the economic base of urban Virginia as a case study. I compiled and analyzed data concerning one thousand firms, drawn from various census, tax, and business records. Then I assessed the extent and forms of actual black resistance by examining police daybooks, court records, newspaper stories and advertisements, records of anti-slavery societies, and legislative debates and enactments at both local and state levels. Finally, an estimate could be made of the plausibility of the causal hypotheses. The hypotheses were generally supported by the evidence studied, with particularly strong support for the hypothesis that
Review of Radical Political Economics, 1992
Review of Radical Political Economics, 1993
Page 1. Page 2. Page 3. Segregation in Federally Subsidized Low-Income Housing in the United Stat... more Page 1. Page 2. Page 3. Segregation in Federally Subsidized Low-Income Housing in the United States Page 4. Praeger Series in Political Economy Rodney D. Green, Series Editor Production, Distribution, and Growth in Transitional ...
Journal of College Student Psychotherapy, 2009
This article had three goals: (a) to provide a brief economic review of the relationship between ... more This article had three goals: (a) to provide a brief economic review of the relationship between recessionary times, institutional reactions, and the life trajectory of recession-era college students; (b) to discuss the recession-related psychosocial stressors facing today's college students; and (c) to discuss how counseling centers can help students and make resources available to staff and students.
International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 1984
Energy Economics, 1989
What is the effect of reliance on oil exports on development in Third Worm countries? A large oil... more What is the effect of reliance on oil exports on development in Third Worm countries? A large oil export sector is often considered to be a potential spur to diversification and full modernization, especially when a central government controls and plans the use of oil revenues with such goals in mind. We evaluate this proposition by developing a 12-equation Keynesian econometric model of the Algerian economy. The model's equations, estimated using ordinary least squares, are robust with strong R-squares, significant t-tests for the independent variables, and reasonable Durbin-Watson statistics. Historical simulations track the true variables rather closely. Our RMSEs (percentage) are in general better than those in most studies of less-developed countries, ranging from 7 to 21°/'o. Our results indicate that there has been a growing dependency of most major economic sectors on oil revenues, both before and after nationalization. Improvements in oil exports will, ceteris paribus, lead to elastic increases in luxury imports and domestic consumption, and inelastic increases in domestic investment. Thus, the goals of diversification, modernization and industrialization will not be met under the current set of policies in Algeria.
Atlantic Economic Journal, 1986