Sorina Soare - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Papers by Sorina Soare
Populism is undoubtedly one of the most relevant concepts to the study of contemporary party poli... more Populism is undoubtedly one of the most relevant concepts to the study of contemporary party politics. A massive amount of literature has been produced on this topic, especially with regard to the European continent. However, the literature still lacks a comprehensive meta-analysis of this vast body of research. In this work, we summarize the results of one hundred and ninety-four articles present on the two most authoritative bibliographic databases, Web of Science and Scopus, in the last three decades. The meta-analysis enquires into definitions of populism employed across the decades and the main characteristics of the research design. The main results show that, across time, the definition of the concept has become increasingly clear, with the interpretation holding populism to be a thin-centred ideology clearly prevailing. The focus on the empirically oriented partially confirms our expectations, although relevant differences are identified and further discussed. We conclude th...
Synergies Roumanie, 2019
Cette analyse vise à expliquer un extraordinaire succès électoral. Le Parti du Peuple – Dan Diaco... more Cette analyse vise à expliquer un extraordinaire succès électoral. Le Parti du Peuple – Dan Diaconescu est traité en tant que sous-type du modèle du parti personnel, caractérisé par une relation directe entre le leader et ses suiveurs et une autorité constamment renouvelée à travers des émissions de télévision. L'utilisation constante de la télévision permet au leader de renforcer le sentiment d'appartenance à la communauté authentique des Roumains. Dans cette forme extrême de parti personnel, le chef (un César contemporain) absorbe les fonctions traditionnelles du parti politique. Il devient la voix-même du peuple, le mobilisateur d'un canal privilégié de participation populaire et le fournisseur de solutions capables de restaurer une véritable démocratie représentative.
Les démocraties européennes, 2015
In the run up to the 2014 European Parliament (EP) election, pundits, politicians and scholars su... more In the run up to the 2014 European Parliament (EP) election, pundits, politicians and scholars suggested that the standard theory of EP elections as mid-term contests in which voters cast their votes primarily to punish governing parties should be amended. The first aspect considered was an increased legitimacy and credibility of the EP, given the changed institutional dynamics at the European level. As observed by Corbett, "the EP is in fact now incontournable in EU decision-taking [...] This is not a 'rubber stamp' Parliament with an acquiescent 'governing majority' whose members automatically vote for a proposal by 'their' government, as is so often the case in national parliaments"1. Secondly, in line with the provision of the Lisbon treaty (art. 17(7) TEU)1 2 and the EP resolution of 22 November 2012, for the first time, European political parties were asked to nominate candidates for the Presidency of the Commission, with the explicit aim of &...
Italy: A Still Faltering Transition1The history of Italy since the end of the Second World War-is... more Italy: A Still Faltering Transition1The history of Italy since the end of the Second World War-is commonly divided into two parts: a first part, from 1948 to 1993, also known as the First Republic; and a second one, from the 1994 election until today, called the Second Republic. From one Republic to another, not only the political players changed dramatically, but also, and mainly, democracy worked differently2. During the first 45 years, Italian democracy was considered to be a case of consensual politics, although a sui generis one3, with a highly fragmented and extremely fluid party system marked by the practices of trasformismo4. However, in a dynamic environment defined by deep political divisions between the Catholics and Communists and the Cold War, the governmental alternatives were limited. As illustrated by Pasquino and Valbruzzi5, the absence of democratic alternations nurtured a growing and deeply rooted dissatisfaction with the way the political system worked. Hence, th...
Partecipazione e Conflitto, 2016
Contrary to standard narratives on the declining function of parties in fostering political parti... more Contrary to standard narratives on the declining function of parties in fostering political participation, this article argues that far from abandoning the cause of participation, post-communist political parties diversified the understanding of the party as a mobilizing agency by adapting their internal organizations. On the basis of a mid-range number of cases (e.g. Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovakia) the study identified different patterns of evolution within a complex interaction effect between participation and organizational development. The peculiarity of the parties’ organization and functions has shaped political participation both as an opportunity structure (legitimizing the political system and increasing citizens’ involvement in politics) and as a democratic challenge (increasing the pro-pensity of parties towards populism, ‘seasonal’ membership, corruption and clientelism).
doit être perçu comme étant l'antithèse-même de la démocratie ; par conséquent, les partis extrém... more doit être perçu comme étant l'antithèse-même de la démocratie ; par conséquent, les partis extrémistes rejettent les présupposés centraux d'un système démocratique et, notamment, la souveraineté populaire 4. En même temps, le radicalisme se définit en opposition avec une vision constitutionnelle, à savoir libérale, de la démocratie ; de ce point de vue, les partis dits radicaux acceptent les principes de base de la démocratie et ils critiquent une dérive constitutionaliste. Dans ce cas-ci, le rapport conflictuel avec la démocratie est justifié au nom d'une perversion de nature élitiste ou, plus précisément, une perversion issue des limitations constitutionnelles apportées à la souveraineté populaire 5. Par rapport à ce que l'on appelle la démocratie militante 6 , si les partis extrémistes représentent une menace pour un régime démocratique, les partis populistes restent dans les limites constitutionnelles du fonctionnement des partis, à savoir les principes de la souveraineté nationale et de la démocratie (à titre d'exemple, l'art. 4 Constitution de la République Française). Cette considération faite, nous pouvons joindre Tarchi 7 et affirmer que si les partis extrémistes (à savoir, l'extrême droite classique) critiquent le noyau dur de la démocratie et la volubilité des masses, les partis populistes ont un rapport de vénération envers le régime démocratique idéal, une démocratie qui se réduit à son acception étymologique de base : pouvoir du peuple (l'association entre démos et kratos). Il s'agit d'une démocratie régie, in toto, par des instruments d'expression directe de la volonté du peuple. Honnis sont d'ailleurs les mécanismes d'intermédiation, les partis en premier lieu. Ces précisions faites, force est de constater que, depuis une décennie, il n'y a presque plus aucun État membre de l'Union européenne (UE) qui ne soit pas hanté, d'une manière plus ou moins prégnante, par des exposants politiques associés au genre populiste. Que ce soit Syriza en Grèce ou Podemos en Espagne, le Parti pour la liberté en Hollande ou l'Action des citoyens mécontents en République tchèque, le Parti de la liberté d'Autriche ou le Jobbik en Hongrie, le populisme semble être non seulement dans l'esprit du temps du point de vue des thèmes touchés, mais surtout dans les préférences des électeurs. Il surprend peu alors le fait que, s'il y a une parole qui attire l'attention des médias et de la littérature scientifique, c'est décidément le cas du populisme. Utilisé souvent sans trop de précautions, le populisme devient fréquemment un concept fourre-tout, où il est possible de retrouver des partis, des leaders ou des mouvements dont les caractéristiques sont bien différentes. Nous y retrouvons des exposants de la droite radicale populiste tout comme 4
Party Members and Their Importance in Non-EU Countries, 2018
Party Politics, 2019
In spite of extensive research dedicated to the rise and development of fringe populist political... more In spite of extensive research dedicated to the rise and development of fringe populist political parties in Eastern Europe, little attention has been paid to the organizational determinants of their electoral performance. This article aims to fill this void in the literature and analyzes the extent to which particular types of leadership and party organization could influence the electoral performance of three political parties from Bulgaria, Republic of Moldova, and Romania. The qualitative analysis is conducted for the period 2012–2015 and uses a combination of primary (party statutes) and secondary sources (party histories, electoral databases, and literature). The results indicate how the existence of underdeveloped party organizations has a negative influence on the electoral performance, while strong and charismatic leaders are an insufficient condition for ensuring survival in the political arena.
East European Politics, 2015
It is widely recognised that parties occupied a major role in the crucial decisions made during t... more It is widely recognised that parties occupied a major role in the crucial decisions made during the democratisation process in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). A quarter of a century after the fal...
Democratization, 2015
ABSTRACT The positive role of the European Union (EU) in the democratization process in post-comm... more ABSTRACT The positive role of the European Union (EU) in the democratization process in post-communist countries has been amply documented. The pre-accession conditionality was to a large extent the tool used to enhance adoption of norms, and implementation of policy. In this context, it is less clear what happens after countries join the EU and conditionality is no longer an option. This article seeks to provide an answer by analysing how the EU can influence democratic governance after accession of a new member state. In particular, it focuses on the reactions of EU actors in two institutional conflicts (the 2007 and 2012 presidential impeachment referendums) in Romania. The main findings indicate how EU leverage on domestic politics remains possible, though the effectiveness of involvement, monitoring and evaluation of respect for democratic principles depends on a complex interaction of international and domestic actors.
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2013
Transitions, 1999
... Cela a donné naissance à des conflits internes importants entre le groupe de Petre Roman et c... more ... Cela a donné naissance à des conflits internes importants entre le groupe de Petre Roman et celui d'Adrian Severin, ce dernier accompagné de deux autres leaders marquants, Octavian Stireanu et G. Vilau, vont d'ailleurs quitter les structures du PD pour négocier une future ...
Sfera Politicii, 2006
http://www.sferapoliticii.ro/sfera/123-124/art5-soare.htmlinfo:eu-repo/semantics/publishe
info:eu-repo/semantics/inPres
Extrême droite et pouvoir en Europe, 2007
L'élargissement du spectre partisan roumain vers les extrêmes Le parti populaire Grande Roum... more L'élargissement du spectre partisan roumain vers les extrêmes Le parti populaire Grande Roumanie et ses ambitions de pouvoir Sorina SOARE A ... nommés les juifs Sergiu Celac et Corneliu Bogdan, le président de la Radiotélévision fut le juif Aurel Dragos Munteanu, les postes ...
PSN: Political Parties (Topic), 2013
Previous research on Romanian politics revealed an empirical paradox regarding party system stabi... more Previous research on Romanian politics revealed an empirical paradox regarding party system stability. On the one hand, the number of political parties stabilized in the most recent decade and betweenc1992 and 2012 there were no new entries on the parliamentary arena. On the other hand, the level of electoral volatility continued to be high irrespectively of measurement issues and range of countries included in the comparison.We aim to see to what extent this discrepancy can be considered a measurement artifact that may be related to difficulties to capture dynamics in the life cycle of parties and inter-party dynamics in the seven elections since 1990.Therefore, we produce concise and comprehensive narratives that investigate the ‘fate’ of all political parties receiving more than 1% of the votes in post-communist Romania. We first place these developments in relation to the main characteristics of the political arena (institutional aspects related to the electoral system, party re...
Populism is undoubtedly one of the most relevant concepts to the study of contemporary party poli... more Populism is undoubtedly one of the most relevant concepts to the study of contemporary party politics. A massive amount of literature has been produced on this topic, especially with regard to the European continent. However, the literature still lacks a comprehensive meta-analysis of this vast body of research. In this work, we summarize the results of one hundred and ninety-four articles present on the two most authoritative bibliographic databases, Web of Science and Scopus, in the last three decades. The meta-analysis enquires into definitions of populism employed across the decades and the main characteristics of the research design. The main results show that, across time, the definition of the concept has become increasingly clear, with the interpretation holding populism to be a thin-centred ideology clearly prevailing. The focus on the empirically oriented partially confirms our expectations, although relevant differences are identified and further discussed. We conclude th...
Synergies Roumanie, 2019
Cette analyse vise à expliquer un extraordinaire succès électoral. Le Parti du Peuple – Dan Diaco... more Cette analyse vise à expliquer un extraordinaire succès électoral. Le Parti du Peuple – Dan Diaconescu est traité en tant que sous-type du modèle du parti personnel, caractérisé par une relation directe entre le leader et ses suiveurs et une autorité constamment renouvelée à travers des émissions de télévision. L'utilisation constante de la télévision permet au leader de renforcer le sentiment d'appartenance à la communauté authentique des Roumains. Dans cette forme extrême de parti personnel, le chef (un César contemporain) absorbe les fonctions traditionnelles du parti politique. Il devient la voix-même du peuple, le mobilisateur d'un canal privilégié de participation populaire et le fournisseur de solutions capables de restaurer une véritable démocratie représentative.
Les démocraties européennes, 2015
In the run up to the 2014 European Parliament (EP) election, pundits, politicians and scholars su... more In the run up to the 2014 European Parliament (EP) election, pundits, politicians and scholars suggested that the standard theory of EP elections as mid-term contests in which voters cast their votes primarily to punish governing parties should be amended. The first aspect considered was an increased legitimacy and credibility of the EP, given the changed institutional dynamics at the European level. As observed by Corbett, "the EP is in fact now incontournable in EU decision-taking [...] This is not a 'rubber stamp' Parliament with an acquiescent 'governing majority' whose members automatically vote for a proposal by 'their' government, as is so often the case in national parliaments"1. Secondly, in line with the provision of the Lisbon treaty (art. 17(7) TEU)1 2 and the EP resolution of 22 November 2012, for the first time, European political parties were asked to nominate candidates for the Presidency of the Commission, with the explicit aim of &...
Italy: A Still Faltering Transition1The history of Italy since the end of the Second World War-is... more Italy: A Still Faltering Transition1The history of Italy since the end of the Second World War-is commonly divided into two parts: a first part, from 1948 to 1993, also known as the First Republic; and a second one, from the 1994 election until today, called the Second Republic. From one Republic to another, not only the political players changed dramatically, but also, and mainly, democracy worked differently2. During the first 45 years, Italian democracy was considered to be a case of consensual politics, although a sui generis one3, with a highly fragmented and extremely fluid party system marked by the practices of trasformismo4. However, in a dynamic environment defined by deep political divisions between the Catholics and Communists and the Cold War, the governmental alternatives were limited. As illustrated by Pasquino and Valbruzzi5, the absence of democratic alternations nurtured a growing and deeply rooted dissatisfaction with the way the political system worked. Hence, th...
Partecipazione e Conflitto, 2016
Contrary to standard narratives on the declining function of parties in fostering political parti... more Contrary to standard narratives on the declining function of parties in fostering political participation, this article argues that far from abandoning the cause of participation, post-communist political parties diversified the understanding of the party as a mobilizing agency by adapting their internal organizations. On the basis of a mid-range number of cases (e.g. Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovakia) the study identified different patterns of evolution within a complex interaction effect between participation and organizational development. The peculiarity of the parties’ organization and functions has shaped political participation both as an opportunity structure (legitimizing the political system and increasing citizens’ involvement in politics) and as a democratic challenge (increasing the pro-pensity of parties towards populism, ‘seasonal’ membership, corruption and clientelism).
doit être perçu comme étant l'antithèse-même de la démocratie ; par conséquent, les partis extrém... more doit être perçu comme étant l'antithèse-même de la démocratie ; par conséquent, les partis extrémistes rejettent les présupposés centraux d'un système démocratique et, notamment, la souveraineté populaire 4. En même temps, le radicalisme se définit en opposition avec une vision constitutionnelle, à savoir libérale, de la démocratie ; de ce point de vue, les partis dits radicaux acceptent les principes de base de la démocratie et ils critiquent une dérive constitutionaliste. Dans ce cas-ci, le rapport conflictuel avec la démocratie est justifié au nom d'une perversion de nature élitiste ou, plus précisément, une perversion issue des limitations constitutionnelles apportées à la souveraineté populaire 5. Par rapport à ce que l'on appelle la démocratie militante 6 , si les partis extrémistes représentent une menace pour un régime démocratique, les partis populistes restent dans les limites constitutionnelles du fonctionnement des partis, à savoir les principes de la souveraineté nationale et de la démocratie (à titre d'exemple, l'art. 4 Constitution de la République Française). Cette considération faite, nous pouvons joindre Tarchi 7 et affirmer que si les partis extrémistes (à savoir, l'extrême droite classique) critiquent le noyau dur de la démocratie et la volubilité des masses, les partis populistes ont un rapport de vénération envers le régime démocratique idéal, une démocratie qui se réduit à son acception étymologique de base : pouvoir du peuple (l'association entre démos et kratos). Il s'agit d'une démocratie régie, in toto, par des instruments d'expression directe de la volonté du peuple. Honnis sont d'ailleurs les mécanismes d'intermédiation, les partis en premier lieu. Ces précisions faites, force est de constater que, depuis une décennie, il n'y a presque plus aucun État membre de l'Union européenne (UE) qui ne soit pas hanté, d'une manière plus ou moins prégnante, par des exposants politiques associés au genre populiste. Que ce soit Syriza en Grèce ou Podemos en Espagne, le Parti pour la liberté en Hollande ou l'Action des citoyens mécontents en République tchèque, le Parti de la liberté d'Autriche ou le Jobbik en Hongrie, le populisme semble être non seulement dans l'esprit du temps du point de vue des thèmes touchés, mais surtout dans les préférences des électeurs. Il surprend peu alors le fait que, s'il y a une parole qui attire l'attention des médias et de la littérature scientifique, c'est décidément le cas du populisme. Utilisé souvent sans trop de précautions, le populisme devient fréquemment un concept fourre-tout, où il est possible de retrouver des partis, des leaders ou des mouvements dont les caractéristiques sont bien différentes. Nous y retrouvons des exposants de la droite radicale populiste tout comme 4
Party Members and Their Importance in Non-EU Countries, 2018
Party Politics, 2019
In spite of extensive research dedicated to the rise and development of fringe populist political... more In spite of extensive research dedicated to the rise and development of fringe populist political parties in Eastern Europe, little attention has been paid to the organizational determinants of their electoral performance. This article aims to fill this void in the literature and analyzes the extent to which particular types of leadership and party organization could influence the electoral performance of three political parties from Bulgaria, Republic of Moldova, and Romania. The qualitative analysis is conducted for the period 2012–2015 and uses a combination of primary (party statutes) and secondary sources (party histories, electoral databases, and literature). The results indicate how the existence of underdeveloped party organizations has a negative influence on the electoral performance, while strong and charismatic leaders are an insufficient condition for ensuring survival in the political arena.
East European Politics, 2015
It is widely recognised that parties occupied a major role in the crucial decisions made during t... more It is widely recognised that parties occupied a major role in the crucial decisions made during the democratisation process in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). A quarter of a century after the fal...
Democratization, 2015
ABSTRACT The positive role of the European Union (EU) in the democratization process in post-comm... more ABSTRACT The positive role of the European Union (EU) in the democratization process in post-communist countries has been amply documented. The pre-accession conditionality was to a large extent the tool used to enhance adoption of norms, and implementation of policy. In this context, it is less clear what happens after countries join the EU and conditionality is no longer an option. This article seeks to provide an answer by analysing how the EU can influence democratic governance after accession of a new member state. In particular, it focuses on the reactions of EU actors in two institutional conflicts (the 2007 and 2012 presidential impeachment referendums) in Romania. The main findings indicate how EU leverage on domestic politics remains possible, though the effectiveness of involvement, monitoring and evaluation of respect for democratic principles depends on a complex interaction of international and domestic actors.
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2013
Transitions, 1999
... Cela a donné naissance à des conflits internes importants entre le groupe de Petre Roman et c... more ... Cela a donné naissance à des conflits internes importants entre le groupe de Petre Roman et celui d'Adrian Severin, ce dernier accompagné de deux autres leaders marquants, Octavian Stireanu et G. Vilau, vont d'ailleurs quitter les structures du PD pour négocier une future ...
Sfera Politicii, 2006
http://www.sferapoliticii.ro/sfera/123-124/art5-soare.htmlinfo:eu-repo/semantics/publishe
info:eu-repo/semantics/inPres
Extrême droite et pouvoir en Europe, 2007
L'élargissement du spectre partisan roumain vers les extrêmes Le parti populaire Grande Roum... more L'élargissement du spectre partisan roumain vers les extrêmes Le parti populaire Grande Roumanie et ses ambitions de pouvoir Sorina SOARE A ... nommés les juifs Sergiu Celac et Corneliu Bogdan, le président de la Radiotélévision fut le juif Aurel Dragos Munteanu, les postes ...
PSN: Political Parties (Topic), 2013
Previous research on Romanian politics revealed an empirical paradox regarding party system stabi... more Previous research on Romanian politics revealed an empirical paradox regarding party system stability. On the one hand, the number of political parties stabilized in the most recent decade and betweenc1992 and 2012 there were no new entries on the parliamentary arena. On the other hand, the level of electoral volatility continued to be high irrespectively of measurement issues and range of countries included in the comparison.We aim to see to what extent this discrepancy can be considered a measurement artifact that may be related to difficulties to capture dynamics in the life cycle of parties and inter-party dynamics in the seven elections since 1990.Therefore, we produce concise and comprehensive narratives that investigate the ‘fate’ of all political parties receiving more than 1% of the votes in post-communist Romania. We first place these developments in relation to the main characteristics of the political arena (institutional aspects related to the electoral system, party re...