S. Sultanaev - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
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Papers by S. Sultanaev
CHINA IN WORLD AND REGIONAL POLITICS. HISTORY AND MODERNITY, 2021
This study evaluates the effect of Chinese web diplomacy in Russian-language social media during ... more This study evaluates the effect of Chinese web diplomacy in Russian-language social media during the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic. Despite several external and internal factors, China's soft power has demonstrated resilience and a multi-vector approach. We compared the online performance of the PRC Embassy in Moscow with the diplomatic missions of Japan and the Republic of Korea across key activity indicators and types of content published. Based on the collected data, we found that the Korean and Japanese embassies are ahead of the Chinese Embassy regarding overall performance on most social media platforms. However, PRC Embassy is ahead of them on Twitter and see this social medium as a priority for promoting national image. The launch of new accounts on Russian-language social networks demonstrates the Chinese diplomatic apparatus’ desire to achieve maximum audience reach. However, the study also reveals several flaws in China's e-diplomacy: excessive politicization and insufficient focus on engaging netizens by selecting human touch topics. Our study confirms the findings of other scholars that, so far, Chinese embassies mostly act as info-mediators, who only disseminate official information from other sources without commenting on it. Although China's digital diplomacy remains reactive and defensive, it is increasingly subordinated to China's national branding strategy and has potential for improvement. The results of this study suggest that China builds up resources on the Web in an effort to strengthen its discursive power.
CHINA IN WORLD AND REGIONAL POLITICS. HISTORY AND MODERNITY, 2021
This study evaluates the effect of Chinese web diplomacy in Russian-language social media during ... more This study evaluates the effect of Chinese web diplomacy in Russian-language social media during the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic. Despite several external and internal factors, China's soft power has demonstrated resilience and a multi-vector approach. We compared the online performance of the PRC Embassy in Moscow with the diplomatic missions of Japan and the Republic of Korea across key activity indicators and types of content published. Based on the collected data, we found that the Korean and Japanese embassies are ahead of the Chinese Embassy regarding overall performance on most social media platforms. However, PRC Embassy is ahead of them on Twitter and see this social medium as a priority for promoting national image. The launch of new accounts on Russian-language social networks demonstrates the Chinese diplomatic apparatus’ desire to achieve maximum audience reach. However, the study also reveals several flaws in China's e-diplomacy: excessive politicization and insufficient focus on engaging netizens by selecting human touch topics. Our study confirms the findings of other scholars that, so far, Chinese embassies mostly act as info-mediators, who only disseminate official information from other sources without commenting on it. Although China's digital diplomacy remains reactive and defensive, it is increasingly subordinated to China's national branding strategy and has potential for improvement. The results of this study suggest that China builds up resources on the Web in an effort to strengthen its discursive power.