Samir Saul - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Papers by Samir Saul

Publications d'histoire economique et sociale internationale, 2016

Publications d'histoire economique et sociale internationale, 2016

Publications d'histoire economique et sociale internationale, 2016

Publications d'histoire economique et sociale internationale, 2016

Penser l'international

La discipline historique aborde les relations internationales sous de multiples angles. L’approch... more La discipline historique aborde les relations internationales sous de multiples angles. L’approche politique est la plus ancienne et la plus consacrée dans le champ des études internationales. À juste titre omniprésente, elle n’est toutefois pas la seule qui intéresse l’historien. Au fur et à mesure que se multiplient les liens internationaux de toutes les instances d’une société, l’histoire élargit la palette de sujets à scruter. À l’heure actuelle, l’histoire des relations internationales (..

Within days of the Congo’s independence in June 1960, the army mutinied and the rich province of ... more Within days of the Congo’s independence in June 1960, the army mutinied and the rich province of Katanga seceded. Belgium invaded its former colony under the pretext of protecting its citizens and maintaining public order. The Congo sought aid from the United Nations, which set up its first peacekeeping mission in Africa. The eec, for its part, wished to pursue cooperation with the new state and aimed to associate it with Europe. Nevertheless, in search of a way to achieve its objective, France expressed reservations about multilateral interventions. It perceived them as supranational and dangerous for colonial powers, being itself at war in Algeria. France viewed the situation in the Congo less as an international conflict than as an internal one between Lumumba and Tshombe. It counted on the establishment of bilateral relations with the Congo, but results were limited.

Guerres Mondiales Et Conflits Contemporains, 2016

Arab nationalism, the dominant political current a mere generation ago, was supplanted by Islamis... more Arab nationalism, the dominant political current a mere generation ago, was supplanted by Islamism. The ideas of nationality, even of the nation-state, seem to have become outdated. Yet, governing Tunisia and Egypt between 2011 and 2013 proved detrimental to Islamism; failure and rejection were unusually swift. In the meantime, the problems and challenges that nationalism confronted – such as the struggle for independence, unity, modernization and development – remain unresolved. Insofar as they are still topical, the historical experience of Arab nationalism has not lost its relevance. This article revisits its attempt to achieve advances on the four basic fronts previously referred to. Arab nationalism was an agent in the quest for progress, modernity and emancipation. Although it is possible that it has definitely been relegated to the past, the fact that the aspirations it embodied did not materialize renders its resurgence conceivable.

Guerres Mondiales Et Conflits Contemporains, 2004

After the Second World War, the idea of uniting Europe and Africa, known as Eurafrica, came to th... more After the Second World War, the idea of uniting Europe and Africa, known as Eurafrica, came to the fore. In a world divided between the two superpowers and the blocs they led, Eurafrica was viewed as indispensable for the restoration of France’s status in the world. Assuming the « complementarity » and « interdependence » of European and African interests, advocates of Eurafrica urged the tapping of the resources of Africa and its defence. Both were considered as vital to the survival of France. As the movement toward decolonization and independence gathered force in the 1950s and 1960s, the Eurafrica project resembled an endorsement of the colonial status quo.

Revue fran�aise d'histoire �conomique, 2014

Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française, 2019

Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d'auteur. L'utilisation des services d'Érudit (y ... more Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d'auteur. L'utilisation des services d'Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d'utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne.

Urban History Review, 2017

Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d'auteur. L'utilisation des services d'Érudit (y ... more Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d'auteur. L'utilisation des services d'Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d'utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne.

Canadian Journal of History, 1982

Canadian Journal of History, 1996

Canadian Journal of History, 2003

French work was more extensive in rural history and historical geography. This survey of the earl... more French work was more extensive in rural history and historical geography. This survey of the early Carolingian period (753-877) reflects each of his areas of interest. Verhulst saw this as a period of economic expansion that paralleled the cultural "Carolingian Renaissance." He provides a wealth of detail in separate chapters devoted to landscape and settlement, demography, agricultural production, agricultural technique, craft and industrial production, commercial organization, directions of trade, money and price movements, and the economy and the state. Much of this book, particularly in the early chapters, consists of historiographical discussions, because the literature on these topics is immense and the documentation fragmentary. Verhulst concludes that the most dynamic novelty of the Carolingian economy was the greater efficiency of agrarian institutions, as the manorial village evolved from the hamlet and generated an exchange economy. Production increase, however, was the result of reclamation of new land and extension of the three-course rotation; Verhulst rejects the notion of improvement in agricultural technology increasing food production significantly. He attributes the well-known famines of Charlemagne's period to population pressure and thus finds them a sign of economic growth. Verhulst detects cyclical movements in the Carolingian economy, which are best followed in reference to towns and trade. Some of the most vibrant passages are his discussions of Frisian commerce, the international trade in cloth, and the wine and grain trades. He is forced to concede Henri Pirenne's point that the Roman towns of southern Gaul declined sharply in the early eighth century, although not only because of the activities of the Arabs in the Mediterranean. In an argument based on broad notions of "urban," he further admits that in the Merovingian period artisanry was done "mostly in an urban context" (p. 72), but in the Carolingian Empire it was mainly rural and manorial. Thus despite the evidence of commercial activity outside the towns, he argues that "towns were even in the Carolingian period. .. the favourite location of commerce.. . Most merchants. .. lived in towns" (p. 91). Verhulst argues that the coastal emporia of the early Carolingian period, which handled mainly gift exchanges for the elite, evolved on the same sites in Charlemagne's time into genuine towns with a grid street layout, artisan production, and both regional and long-distance trade. They reached their height between 775-780 and 825. During this period the kings upgraded the silver penny. The great estates reached their greatest territorial extent at the turn of the ninth century. This coincidence of rural and urban-commercial indices suggests prosperity. The Frankish monarchy, its coin, and the towns declined after about 825 in the wake of Scandinavian attacks. Verhulst argues, however, that in the early 860s the decayed coastal emporia were succeeded by commercial portus in new or revived riverine towns of the interior. This new prosperity lasted until a new wave of Scandinavian attacks began in 879, but this time most of the interior towns survived, as the coastal places had not; albeit with a gap in settlement of 20 to 30 years. As elsewhere in his work, Verhulst emphasizes the impact of government and politics on economic activity, but his arguments have a hypothetical quality. For example, he suggests that given the extent to which aristocratic and church estates originated as royal gifts, "it may be" (p. 34) that the system was of Frankish royal origin, although studies have Book Reviews Les aides americaines economiques et militaires a la France 1938-1960: Une nouvelle image des rapports de puissance. By Gerard Bossuat. Paris: Comite pour l'histoire economique et financiere de la France, 2001. Pp. 406. This book adds to Gerard Bossuat's stature as the leading world authority on American aid to postwar Europe. The commencement date in the title, 1938, is not a typo but underscores one of the fundamental points Bossuat tries to drives home to his largely French readership. In that year, Jean Monnet, the central figure in this account, led an aircraft purchasing mission, created largely at his own behest, in a last-ditch attempt to prepare for the impending war with Germany. Its destination was the United States-a transAtlantic , officially neutral nation with far less experience in the manufacture of warplanes than his own. France's astonishing failure to mobilize economically in order to defend itself from the Nazi invaders not only exposed the hollowness of French claims to great power status, the author argues, but foreshadowed the nation's future dependence upon American material and financial assistance. Over the next 20 years it would, he demonstrates with virtuoso flair, come in many sizes and shapes, flow in an almost unbroken stream, and carry a variety of significant long-and short-term consequences. Bossuat launches his account of the war with the telling reminder that the United States both provided food to Algeria and negotiated with Britain for a partial breech in the wartime blockade. The objects of the effort were to provision unoccupied France, reinforce Vichy neutrality, and perhaps even win the Petain government over to the allied cause. The episode provided a symbolic beginning for the critical future American linkage between France and its overseas territories. Through Lend-Lease, the author proceeds, the United States later not only armed de Gaulle's Free French-while also subjecting them to American military leadership and training-but also supplied raw material, food, and machinery needed for reconstruction, a critical precedent. The subsequent 1946 Blum-Byrnes loan provided by Washington may have been disappointingly small compared to what Britain received, but, according to Bossuat, had a consequential result: negotiated by Monnet (who had also served as Lend-Lease broker between the United States and the Provisional French Government), it bound American assistance to France's economic modernization, as well as to the French Plan de Modernisation et d'Equippement, which he headed. Monnet would be closely involved in almost every subsequent grant of American assistance, military as well as civilian. The importance of his personal role is hard to exaggerate. The author notes for example that "In 1958 Monnet obtained what no premier, minister of finance or defense, or ambassador had obtained since the war in Indochina. .. a borrowing facility of $655 million," that could (though indirectly) be applied to covering the costs of the Algerian war (p. 354). Aid to Vichy, Lend-Lease equipment, and the Blum-Byrnes loan provided a mere warm-up for the Marshall Plan, which Bossuat characterizes as an unequivocally sound and essential bargain for France: for without American aid in modernizing, France would have remained hopelessly dependent on Germany, the United Kingdom, and of course the United States itself. Though he finds evidence of both American heavy-handedness and excessive French amourpropre, Bossuat reckons the Marshall Plan a diplomatic, as well as an economic success for France. Monnet failed, to be sure, in a bid to introduce indicative planning at the European level through the Organization of European Economic Cooperation. Yet, according to the author, France won acceptance of its overall strategy: sponsoring state-supported grands projets in order to shape-up the economy for future liberalization, at both the European and international levels. Bossuat might have strengthened the argument by including a discussion of the impact of the Marshall Plan on French participation in NATO, the OEEC, and the Schuman Plan.

La France et l'Égypte de 1882 à 1914

Jusqu’aux années 1890, les difficultés qu’éprouve l’occupant le tiennent dans les limites des con... more Jusqu’aux années 1890, les difficultés qu’éprouve l’occupant le tiennent dans les limites des conventions qui régissent l’administration de l’Égypte. Une intervention du Trésor britannique soulèverait un tollé en Angleterre de la part des partisans de la rigueur budgétaire et de ceux des colonies, possessions dont les droits à l’assistance de la métropole sont supérieurs à ceux de l’Égypte. Dans ces conditions, la France maintient sa position en maniant l’arme financière, tantôt pour accorder..

La France et l'Égypte de 1882 à 1914

Depuis 1882, les agents diplomatiques envoient à Paris des communications alarmantes au sujet de ... more Depuis 1882, les agents diplomatiques envoient à Paris des communications alarmantes au sujet de l’extension de l’influence anglaise en Égypte. L’accaparement des postes dans l’Administration, le remplacement, réel ou appréhendé, des fonctionnaires français, et les mesures qu’envisagerait l’occupant contre les colonies, en constituent la trame. La partie française défend pied à pied les situations acquises ou demande des contreparties. Le cadre de ses interventions est fixé par la Loi de liqu..

Études internationales, 1989

French Colonial History, 2011

With the Depression eroding France's foreign trade, government authorities felt compelled to ... more With the Depression eroding France's foreign trade, government authorities felt compelled to convene an imperial conference in order to seek solutions based on the consolidation of economic ties with the Empire. Inspiration came partly from the conference held in Ottawa in 1932 by Great Britain and its Dominions. The aim of the Paris gathering was to promote increased exports to the colonies as a substitute to foreign markets lost during the downswing. Likewise, importers were encouraged to buy from the colonies, rather than from foreign countries, thereby raising the purchasing power of the colonial population and its ability to import French goods. Although the program to institute a coordinated imperial economy appeared logical in principle, its implementation was complicated by economic realities and the non-complementary character of the metropolitan and the colonial economies.

Publications d'histoire economique et sociale internationale, 2016

Publications d'histoire economique et sociale internationale, 2016

Publications d'histoire economique et sociale internationale, 2016

Publications d'histoire economique et sociale internationale, 2016

Penser l'international

La discipline historique aborde les relations internationales sous de multiples angles. L’approch... more La discipline historique aborde les relations internationales sous de multiples angles. L’approche politique est la plus ancienne et la plus consacrée dans le champ des études internationales. À juste titre omniprésente, elle n’est toutefois pas la seule qui intéresse l’historien. Au fur et à mesure que se multiplient les liens internationaux de toutes les instances d’une société, l’histoire élargit la palette de sujets à scruter. À l’heure actuelle, l’histoire des relations internationales (..

Within days of the Congo’s independence in June 1960, the army mutinied and the rich province of ... more Within days of the Congo’s independence in June 1960, the army mutinied and the rich province of Katanga seceded. Belgium invaded its former colony under the pretext of protecting its citizens and maintaining public order. The Congo sought aid from the United Nations, which set up its first peacekeeping mission in Africa. The eec, for its part, wished to pursue cooperation with the new state and aimed to associate it with Europe. Nevertheless, in search of a way to achieve its objective, France expressed reservations about multilateral interventions. It perceived them as supranational and dangerous for colonial powers, being itself at war in Algeria. France viewed the situation in the Congo less as an international conflict than as an internal one between Lumumba and Tshombe. It counted on the establishment of bilateral relations with the Congo, but results were limited.

Guerres Mondiales Et Conflits Contemporains, 2016

Arab nationalism, the dominant political current a mere generation ago, was supplanted by Islamis... more Arab nationalism, the dominant political current a mere generation ago, was supplanted by Islamism. The ideas of nationality, even of the nation-state, seem to have become outdated. Yet, governing Tunisia and Egypt between 2011 and 2013 proved detrimental to Islamism; failure and rejection were unusually swift. In the meantime, the problems and challenges that nationalism confronted – such as the struggle for independence, unity, modernization and development – remain unresolved. Insofar as they are still topical, the historical experience of Arab nationalism has not lost its relevance. This article revisits its attempt to achieve advances on the four basic fronts previously referred to. Arab nationalism was an agent in the quest for progress, modernity and emancipation. Although it is possible that it has definitely been relegated to the past, the fact that the aspirations it embodied did not materialize renders its resurgence conceivable.

Guerres Mondiales Et Conflits Contemporains, 2004

After the Second World War, the idea of uniting Europe and Africa, known as Eurafrica, came to th... more After the Second World War, the idea of uniting Europe and Africa, known as Eurafrica, came to the fore. In a world divided between the two superpowers and the blocs they led, Eurafrica was viewed as indispensable for the restoration of France’s status in the world. Assuming the « complementarity » and « interdependence » of European and African interests, advocates of Eurafrica urged the tapping of the resources of Africa and its defence. Both were considered as vital to the survival of France. As the movement toward decolonization and independence gathered force in the 1950s and 1960s, the Eurafrica project resembled an endorsement of the colonial status quo.

Revue fran�aise d'histoire �conomique, 2014

Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française, 2019

Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d'auteur. L'utilisation des services d'Érudit (y ... more Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d'auteur. L'utilisation des services d'Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d'utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne.

Urban History Review, 2017

Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d'auteur. L'utilisation des services d'Érudit (y ... more Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d'auteur. L'utilisation des services d'Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d'utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne.

Canadian Journal of History, 1982

Canadian Journal of History, 1996

Canadian Journal of History, 2003

French work was more extensive in rural history and historical geography. This survey of the earl... more French work was more extensive in rural history and historical geography. This survey of the early Carolingian period (753-877) reflects each of his areas of interest. Verhulst saw this as a period of economic expansion that paralleled the cultural "Carolingian Renaissance." He provides a wealth of detail in separate chapters devoted to landscape and settlement, demography, agricultural production, agricultural technique, craft and industrial production, commercial organization, directions of trade, money and price movements, and the economy and the state. Much of this book, particularly in the early chapters, consists of historiographical discussions, because the literature on these topics is immense and the documentation fragmentary. Verhulst concludes that the most dynamic novelty of the Carolingian economy was the greater efficiency of agrarian institutions, as the manorial village evolved from the hamlet and generated an exchange economy. Production increase, however, was the result of reclamation of new land and extension of the three-course rotation; Verhulst rejects the notion of improvement in agricultural technology increasing food production significantly. He attributes the well-known famines of Charlemagne's period to population pressure and thus finds them a sign of economic growth. Verhulst detects cyclical movements in the Carolingian economy, which are best followed in reference to towns and trade. Some of the most vibrant passages are his discussions of Frisian commerce, the international trade in cloth, and the wine and grain trades. He is forced to concede Henri Pirenne's point that the Roman towns of southern Gaul declined sharply in the early eighth century, although not only because of the activities of the Arabs in the Mediterranean. In an argument based on broad notions of "urban," he further admits that in the Merovingian period artisanry was done "mostly in an urban context" (p. 72), but in the Carolingian Empire it was mainly rural and manorial. Thus despite the evidence of commercial activity outside the towns, he argues that "towns were even in the Carolingian period. .. the favourite location of commerce.. . Most merchants. .. lived in towns" (p. 91). Verhulst argues that the coastal emporia of the early Carolingian period, which handled mainly gift exchanges for the elite, evolved on the same sites in Charlemagne's time into genuine towns with a grid street layout, artisan production, and both regional and long-distance trade. They reached their height between 775-780 and 825. During this period the kings upgraded the silver penny. The great estates reached their greatest territorial extent at the turn of the ninth century. This coincidence of rural and urban-commercial indices suggests prosperity. The Frankish monarchy, its coin, and the towns declined after about 825 in the wake of Scandinavian attacks. Verhulst argues, however, that in the early 860s the decayed coastal emporia were succeeded by commercial portus in new or revived riverine towns of the interior. This new prosperity lasted until a new wave of Scandinavian attacks began in 879, but this time most of the interior towns survived, as the coastal places had not; albeit with a gap in settlement of 20 to 30 years. As elsewhere in his work, Verhulst emphasizes the impact of government and politics on economic activity, but his arguments have a hypothetical quality. For example, he suggests that given the extent to which aristocratic and church estates originated as royal gifts, "it may be" (p. 34) that the system was of Frankish royal origin, although studies have Book Reviews Les aides americaines economiques et militaires a la France 1938-1960: Une nouvelle image des rapports de puissance. By Gerard Bossuat. Paris: Comite pour l'histoire economique et financiere de la France, 2001. Pp. 406. This book adds to Gerard Bossuat's stature as the leading world authority on American aid to postwar Europe. The commencement date in the title, 1938, is not a typo but underscores one of the fundamental points Bossuat tries to drives home to his largely French readership. In that year, Jean Monnet, the central figure in this account, led an aircraft purchasing mission, created largely at his own behest, in a last-ditch attempt to prepare for the impending war with Germany. Its destination was the United States-a transAtlantic , officially neutral nation with far less experience in the manufacture of warplanes than his own. France's astonishing failure to mobilize economically in order to defend itself from the Nazi invaders not only exposed the hollowness of French claims to great power status, the author argues, but foreshadowed the nation's future dependence upon American material and financial assistance. Over the next 20 years it would, he demonstrates with virtuoso flair, come in many sizes and shapes, flow in an almost unbroken stream, and carry a variety of significant long-and short-term consequences. Bossuat launches his account of the war with the telling reminder that the United States both provided food to Algeria and negotiated with Britain for a partial breech in the wartime blockade. The objects of the effort were to provision unoccupied France, reinforce Vichy neutrality, and perhaps even win the Petain government over to the allied cause. The episode provided a symbolic beginning for the critical future American linkage between France and its overseas territories. Through Lend-Lease, the author proceeds, the United States later not only armed de Gaulle's Free French-while also subjecting them to American military leadership and training-but also supplied raw material, food, and machinery needed for reconstruction, a critical precedent. The subsequent 1946 Blum-Byrnes loan provided by Washington may have been disappointingly small compared to what Britain received, but, according to Bossuat, had a consequential result: negotiated by Monnet (who had also served as Lend-Lease broker between the United States and the Provisional French Government), it bound American assistance to France's economic modernization, as well as to the French Plan de Modernisation et d'Equippement, which he headed. Monnet would be closely involved in almost every subsequent grant of American assistance, military as well as civilian. The importance of his personal role is hard to exaggerate. The author notes for example that "In 1958 Monnet obtained what no premier, minister of finance or defense, or ambassador had obtained since the war in Indochina. .. a borrowing facility of $655 million," that could (though indirectly) be applied to covering the costs of the Algerian war (p. 354). Aid to Vichy, Lend-Lease equipment, and the Blum-Byrnes loan provided a mere warm-up for the Marshall Plan, which Bossuat characterizes as an unequivocally sound and essential bargain for France: for without American aid in modernizing, France would have remained hopelessly dependent on Germany, the United Kingdom, and of course the United States itself. Though he finds evidence of both American heavy-handedness and excessive French amourpropre, Bossuat reckons the Marshall Plan a diplomatic, as well as an economic success for France. Monnet failed, to be sure, in a bid to introduce indicative planning at the European level through the Organization of European Economic Cooperation. Yet, according to the author, France won acceptance of its overall strategy: sponsoring state-supported grands projets in order to shape-up the economy for future liberalization, at both the European and international levels. Bossuat might have strengthened the argument by including a discussion of the impact of the Marshall Plan on French participation in NATO, the OEEC, and the Schuman Plan.

La France et l'Égypte de 1882 à 1914

Jusqu’aux années 1890, les difficultés qu’éprouve l’occupant le tiennent dans les limites des con... more Jusqu’aux années 1890, les difficultés qu’éprouve l’occupant le tiennent dans les limites des conventions qui régissent l’administration de l’Égypte. Une intervention du Trésor britannique soulèverait un tollé en Angleterre de la part des partisans de la rigueur budgétaire et de ceux des colonies, possessions dont les droits à l’assistance de la métropole sont supérieurs à ceux de l’Égypte. Dans ces conditions, la France maintient sa position en maniant l’arme financière, tantôt pour accorder..

La France et l'Égypte de 1882 à 1914

Depuis 1882, les agents diplomatiques envoient à Paris des communications alarmantes au sujet de ... more Depuis 1882, les agents diplomatiques envoient à Paris des communications alarmantes au sujet de l’extension de l’influence anglaise en Égypte. L’accaparement des postes dans l’Administration, le remplacement, réel ou appréhendé, des fonctionnaires français, et les mesures qu’envisagerait l’occupant contre les colonies, en constituent la trame. La partie française défend pied à pied les situations acquises ou demande des contreparties. Le cadre de ses interventions est fixé par la Loi de liqu..

Études internationales, 1989

French Colonial History, 2011

With the Depression eroding France's foreign trade, government authorities felt compelled to ... more With the Depression eroding France's foreign trade, government authorities felt compelled to convene an imperial conference in order to seek solutions based on the consolidation of economic ties with the Empire. Inspiration came partly from the conference held in Ottawa in 1932 by Great Britain and its Dominions. The aim of the Paris gathering was to promote increased exports to the colonies as a substitute to foreign markets lost during the downswing. Likewise, importers were encouraged to buy from the colonies, rather than from foreign countries, thereby raising the purchasing power of the colonial population and its ability to import French goods. Although the program to institute a coordinated imperial economy appeared logical in principle, its implementation was complicated by economic realities and the non-complementary character of the metropolitan and the colonial economies.