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Papers by Shauna Gillooly
Comparative Political Studies
Why do criminal actors publicly display threatening messages? Studies of organized crime emphasiz... more Why do criminal actors publicly display threatening messages? Studies of organized crime emphasize that criminal actors rely on clandestine networks of influence. Subtle or coded threats are an effective means of extending that influence, but publicizing these threats appears to undermine their chief advantage. We argue that publicized threats broadcast an imagined order, delineating who has a place in society under criminal control, and who does not. To demonstrate this argument, we construct a “grammar of threat” and use this to analyze public threats broadcast by four criminal actors: two groups in Colombia and two in Mexico. The analysis demonstrates that every group projects an order through their threats, but that the order imagined varies by group. Some orders are more clearly ideological; some are more localized or more expansive. These findings highlight the important role of communication—distinct from but often combined with violence—in criminal governance.
Latin American Research Review
A substantial amount of scholarly work has been conducted on considerations (or lack thereof) of ... more A substantial amount of scholarly work has been conducted on considerations (or lack thereof) of gender in the context of peace negotiations. While gender-specific concerns, particularly those focused on women’s empowerment, are now emphasized in the language of international and national organizations involved in peacebuilding (e.g., UN Security Council Resolution 1325), many times this language is just “talk.” Often, on-the-ground practice and policy does not reflect the lived experiences of women in post-accord or transitional contexts. This article analyzes the change in roles and the roles available to women in pre-negotiation and framework-setting negotiation processes between the Colombian government and nonstate armed actors. The study examines the negotiations between the Colombian government under the Juan Manuel Santos administration and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarios de Colombia (FARC) in 2012–2016 to interrogate the ways that women, feminist groups, and women’s org...
Results are from a logistic regression model predicting perceived likelihood of success in the co... more Results are from a logistic regression model predicting perceived likelihood of success in the course (coded as reporting a 4 or a 5 on a 1–5 scale), controlling for gender as well as orientations toward quantitative and qualitative methods, which are correlated with both gender and course-related self-efficacy (see S1 File for further discussion). The figure shows 76% confidence intervals; visual comparison of two 76% CIs is equivalent to a single 90% test [64, 65].</p
Results are from a logistic regression model predicting perceived likelihood of success in the co... more Results are from a logistic regression model predicting perceived likelihood of success in the course (coded as reporting a 4 or a 5 on a 1–5 scale), controlling for gender as well as orientations toward quantitative and qualitative methods, which are correlated with both gender and course-related self-efficacy (see S1 File for further discussion). The figure shows 84% confidence intervals; visual comparison of two 84% CIs is equivalent to a single 95% test [64, 65].</p
Correlates of general academic self-efficacy (OLS).</p
Summary statistics for dependent variables and key independent variables, by respondent gender.&l... more Summary statistics for dependent variables and key independent variables, by respondent gender.</p
This is the publicly available dataset for the project "Graduate Student Experiences in Poli... more This is the publicly available dataset for the project "Graduate Student Experiences in Political Science," conducted in December 2019 by Shauna N. Gillooly, Heidi Hardt, and Amy Erica Smith. For confidentiality reasons, textual (open-ended) responses have been removed from the dataset.
Journal of South Asian Studies, 2018
The media is an integral segment of public knowledge sources and can wield powerful influence, pa... more The media is an integral segment of public knowledge sources and can wield powerful influence, particularly in the dissemination of political and legislative information. The purpose of this study is to acknowledge the essential nature of the media, and to provide awareness that all media information contains subjective judgments, some of these judgments arising from media framing techniques, or the context and rationale provided by news sources that account for and help explain the purpose for the event that is being reported or commented upon. This investigation analyzes a selection of news sources from within India as well as correlating western sources (United Kingdom, United States) from December 2012 (starting with the original reporting of the New Delhi rape case) to February 2014, for the purpose of identifying the media framing techniques that were developed during and after the New Delhi case. This paper also asks how those techniques have contributed to progressive legisl...
PS: Political Science & Politics, 2021
ABSTRACTMost research on diversity within political methodology focuses on gender while overlooki... more ABSTRACTMost research on diversity within political methodology focuses on gender while overlooking racial and ethnic gaps. Our study investigates how race/ethnicity and gender relate to political science PhD students’ methodological self-efficacy, as well as their general academic self-efficacy. By analyzing a survey of 300 students from the top 50 US-based political science PhD programs, we find that race and ethnicity correlate with quantitative self-efficacy: students identifying as Black/African American and as Middle Eastern/North African express lower confidence in their abilities than white students. These gaps persist after accounting for heterogeneity among PhD programs, professional and socioeconomic status, and preferred methodological approach. However, small bivariate gender gaps disappear in multivariate analysis. Furthermore, gaps in quantitative self-efficacy may explain racial/ethnic disparities in students’ broader academic self-efficacy. We argue that the documen...
PLOS ONE, 2021
Research indicates that increasing diversity in doctoral programs can positively affect students’... more Research indicates that increasing diversity in doctoral programs can positively affect students’ academic success. However, little research examines students’ responses to female scholars’ representation. The two studies presented here examine how students’ exposure to female academic role models shapes students’ attitudes toward their own academic success (i.e. self-efficacy). Such attitudes are critical because they predict student retention rates. In our first study, we randomly exposed 297 Ph.D. students in one academic discipline to either a gender-diverse (i.e. 30% female authors) or non-diverse syllabus in research methods (i.e. 10% female authors). We examined the effect of the intervention on students’ perceived likelihood of succeeding in the hypothetical course. Contrary to expectations derived from the literature, we found that increasing women’s representation in syllabi did not affect female students’ self-efficacy. Rather, male students expressed lower self-efficacy ...
Politics, Groups, and Identities, 2019
Why do some indigenous social movements integrate into political institutions, i.e., political pa... more Why do some indigenous social movements integrate into political institutions, i.e., political parties, and some do not? This study compares the impact that indigenous social movements have had on existing political institutions in Peru and Guatemala, theorizing about the effects that framing and experiential commensurability can have on the success of a social movement of a marginalized group transitioning into a political party. That is to say, in the case of Indigenous social movements which have expressly signaled their interest in participating in mainstream political institutions, what factors contribute to making gains in representation or legislative change? Indigenous social movements in both Guatemala and Peru have faced significant opposition from existing political institutions and dealt with additional issues such as a lack of physical infrastructure and a deficit of centralized organization within the movements themselves. This study compares the process of Guatemala's indigenous social movement in its transition to a nationally and municipally representative political party in contrast with a continued lack of mobilization and representation of indigenous interests in the national political institutions of Peru.
International Studies Review, 2021
Journal of Peacebuilding & Development
Do legacies of politically motivated violence influence future or current electoral behaviour? Ho... more Do legacies of politically motivated violence influence future or current electoral behaviour? How so? This article considers the question of the impact of violence on voter behaviour, specifically on elections that centred on issues of peace in contexts of long-running civil conflict. This study theorises the ways in which decades of violence, and continued contexts of unevenly distributed violence during elections, impacts current electoral behaviour. This article explores whether continued exposure to violence makes voters more or less conciliatory in their political preferences as expressed through electoral institutions. To do this, the article utilises the second round of voting in the 2014 and 2018 Colombian presidential elections and the 2016 plebiscite vote on the peace accords with the leftist guerrilla group Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, along with a data set that records politically motivated violent events perpetrated by insurgents, counterinsurgents, and the ...
Comparative Political Studies
Why do criminal actors publicly display threatening messages? Studies of organized crime emphasiz... more Why do criminal actors publicly display threatening messages? Studies of organized crime emphasize that criminal actors rely on clandestine networks of influence. Subtle or coded threats are an effective means of extending that influence, but publicizing these threats appears to undermine their chief advantage. We argue that publicized threats broadcast an imagined order, delineating who has a place in society under criminal control, and who does not. To demonstrate this argument, we construct a “grammar of threat” and use this to analyze public threats broadcast by four criminal actors: two groups in Colombia and two in Mexico. The analysis demonstrates that every group projects an order through their threats, but that the order imagined varies by group. Some orders are more clearly ideological; some are more localized or more expansive. These findings highlight the important role of communication—distinct from but often combined with violence—in criminal governance.
Latin American Research Review
A substantial amount of scholarly work has been conducted on considerations (or lack thereof) of ... more A substantial amount of scholarly work has been conducted on considerations (or lack thereof) of gender in the context of peace negotiations. While gender-specific concerns, particularly those focused on women’s empowerment, are now emphasized in the language of international and national organizations involved in peacebuilding (e.g., UN Security Council Resolution 1325), many times this language is just “talk.” Often, on-the-ground practice and policy does not reflect the lived experiences of women in post-accord or transitional contexts. This article analyzes the change in roles and the roles available to women in pre-negotiation and framework-setting negotiation processes between the Colombian government and nonstate armed actors. The study examines the negotiations between the Colombian government under the Juan Manuel Santos administration and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarios de Colombia (FARC) in 2012–2016 to interrogate the ways that women, feminist groups, and women’s org...
Results are from a logistic regression model predicting perceived likelihood of success in the co... more Results are from a logistic regression model predicting perceived likelihood of success in the course (coded as reporting a 4 or a 5 on a 1–5 scale), controlling for gender as well as orientations toward quantitative and qualitative methods, which are correlated with both gender and course-related self-efficacy (see S1 File for further discussion). The figure shows 76% confidence intervals; visual comparison of two 76% CIs is equivalent to a single 90% test [64, 65].</p
Results are from a logistic regression model predicting perceived likelihood of success in the co... more Results are from a logistic regression model predicting perceived likelihood of success in the course (coded as reporting a 4 or a 5 on a 1–5 scale), controlling for gender as well as orientations toward quantitative and qualitative methods, which are correlated with both gender and course-related self-efficacy (see S1 File for further discussion). The figure shows 84% confidence intervals; visual comparison of two 84% CIs is equivalent to a single 95% test [64, 65].</p
Correlates of general academic self-efficacy (OLS).</p
Summary statistics for dependent variables and key independent variables, by respondent gender.&l... more Summary statistics for dependent variables and key independent variables, by respondent gender.</p
This is the publicly available dataset for the project "Graduate Student Experiences in Poli... more This is the publicly available dataset for the project "Graduate Student Experiences in Political Science," conducted in December 2019 by Shauna N. Gillooly, Heidi Hardt, and Amy Erica Smith. For confidentiality reasons, textual (open-ended) responses have been removed from the dataset.
Journal of South Asian Studies, 2018
The media is an integral segment of public knowledge sources and can wield powerful influence, pa... more The media is an integral segment of public knowledge sources and can wield powerful influence, particularly in the dissemination of political and legislative information. The purpose of this study is to acknowledge the essential nature of the media, and to provide awareness that all media information contains subjective judgments, some of these judgments arising from media framing techniques, or the context and rationale provided by news sources that account for and help explain the purpose for the event that is being reported or commented upon. This investigation analyzes a selection of news sources from within India as well as correlating western sources (United Kingdom, United States) from December 2012 (starting with the original reporting of the New Delhi rape case) to February 2014, for the purpose of identifying the media framing techniques that were developed during and after the New Delhi case. This paper also asks how those techniques have contributed to progressive legisl...
PS: Political Science & Politics, 2021
ABSTRACTMost research on diversity within political methodology focuses on gender while overlooki... more ABSTRACTMost research on diversity within political methodology focuses on gender while overlooking racial and ethnic gaps. Our study investigates how race/ethnicity and gender relate to political science PhD students’ methodological self-efficacy, as well as their general academic self-efficacy. By analyzing a survey of 300 students from the top 50 US-based political science PhD programs, we find that race and ethnicity correlate with quantitative self-efficacy: students identifying as Black/African American and as Middle Eastern/North African express lower confidence in their abilities than white students. These gaps persist after accounting for heterogeneity among PhD programs, professional and socioeconomic status, and preferred methodological approach. However, small bivariate gender gaps disappear in multivariate analysis. Furthermore, gaps in quantitative self-efficacy may explain racial/ethnic disparities in students’ broader academic self-efficacy. We argue that the documen...
PLOS ONE, 2021
Research indicates that increasing diversity in doctoral programs can positively affect students’... more Research indicates that increasing diversity in doctoral programs can positively affect students’ academic success. However, little research examines students’ responses to female scholars’ representation. The two studies presented here examine how students’ exposure to female academic role models shapes students’ attitudes toward their own academic success (i.e. self-efficacy). Such attitudes are critical because they predict student retention rates. In our first study, we randomly exposed 297 Ph.D. students in one academic discipline to either a gender-diverse (i.e. 30% female authors) or non-diverse syllabus in research methods (i.e. 10% female authors). We examined the effect of the intervention on students’ perceived likelihood of succeeding in the hypothetical course. Contrary to expectations derived from the literature, we found that increasing women’s representation in syllabi did not affect female students’ self-efficacy. Rather, male students expressed lower self-efficacy ...
Politics, Groups, and Identities, 2019
Why do some indigenous social movements integrate into political institutions, i.e., political pa... more Why do some indigenous social movements integrate into political institutions, i.e., political parties, and some do not? This study compares the impact that indigenous social movements have had on existing political institutions in Peru and Guatemala, theorizing about the effects that framing and experiential commensurability can have on the success of a social movement of a marginalized group transitioning into a political party. That is to say, in the case of Indigenous social movements which have expressly signaled their interest in participating in mainstream political institutions, what factors contribute to making gains in representation or legislative change? Indigenous social movements in both Guatemala and Peru have faced significant opposition from existing political institutions and dealt with additional issues such as a lack of physical infrastructure and a deficit of centralized organization within the movements themselves. This study compares the process of Guatemala's indigenous social movement in its transition to a nationally and municipally representative political party in contrast with a continued lack of mobilization and representation of indigenous interests in the national political institutions of Peru.
International Studies Review, 2021
Journal of Peacebuilding & Development
Do legacies of politically motivated violence influence future or current electoral behaviour? Ho... more Do legacies of politically motivated violence influence future or current electoral behaviour? How so? This article considers the question of the impact of violence on voter behaviour, specifically on elections that centred on issues of peace in contexts of long-running civil conflict. This study theorises the ways in which decades of violence, and continued contexts of unevenly distributed violence during elections, impacts current electoral behaviour. This article explores whether continued exposure to violence makes voters more or less conciliatory in their political preferences as expressed through electoral institutions. To do this, the article utilises the second round of voting in the 2014 and 2018 Colombian presidential elections and the 2016 plebiscite vote on the peace accords with the leftist guerrilla group Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, along with a data set that records politically motivated violent events perpetrated by insurgents, counterinsurgents, and the ...