Thanassis (Θανάσης) Bravos (Μπράβος) - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Books by Thanassis (Θανάσης) Bravos (Μπράβος)
This book speaks about an unexplored question that had to do directly with the Greek minority liv... more This book speaks about an unexplored question that had to do directly with the Greek minority living conditions in Albania and also with the way it was treated by the political world of that country. All the material for this treatise has been drawn exclusively from the Foreign Ministry archive.
The book is separated into two parts: (a) the first one concerns the detailed analysis of the issue in question, following its chronological course of escalation, where the imaginativeness of Albanian authorities in inventing obstacles and applying pressure is revealed, a practice that gradually led to forfeiture of their property, marginalisation and finally to the expulsion of that specific, active group of the Greek minority in Albania, and (b) its critical presentation.
Even if one could conceive the reason for the actions of the Albanian authorities at the expense of the Greek population, it would be difficult to understand the ineffective way in which the Greek foreign policy faced this question. And this was the case because, if the latter had taken good care to formulate a clear policy towards Albania, she could have promoted her interests in this country, despite the ‘aggressive’ Italian presence. In contrast, the questions in focus were left to fester, a situation that finally had only harmful effects on Greek interests, since the only thing Greece could do was to intervene but always in the sense of firefighting, not being able to effectively protect the Greek population who lived there
It is about the history of the last 80 years after the Minor Asia disaster and the lost of Easter... more It is about the history of the last 80 years after the Minor Asia disaster and the lost of Eastern Thrace in 1922 regarding the life, the problems, the suffering and the achievements of the refugees who resided that area. It is a strictly historical research without any folklorist records based on documentation as well as on oral accounts, always cross-checked
Papers by Thanassis (Θανάσης) Bravos (Μπράβος)
Balkan Studies 54, 2021
Concerning the actions of the Yugoslav leaders in 1941 in connection with the Greek city of Thes... more Concerning the actions of the Yugoslav leaders in 1941 in connection with the Greek city of Thessaloniki there are two prevailing views: (1) the two-prong view of the modern Yugoslav/Serbian historiography which maintains either that the government of Prince/Regent Paul and Dragiša Cvetković never considered the annexation of the Greek city, or they did so only because they were coerced by the Germans; and (2) the German view which, according to official German documents, contradicts the Yugoslav view; these documents evidence eager negotiations on the part of the Yugoslav government with a view to securing the acquisition of Thessaloniki and make clear that these negotiations began just a few days after the 1940 Italian attack on Greece.
Modern Greek Studies Yearbook, 2016
This paper examines the operations of the British company, Blackburn, from the very moment of its... more This paper examines the operations of the British company, Blackburn, from the very moment of its operation in Greece until then it ceased business in the country. Furthermore, it presents the difficulties the company experienced in the frame of co-operation with the Greek authorities, its omissions and miscalculations as well as its expectations for raising its profit margin by new contracts or magnifying its profit by increasing the output of the factory by further extending its turnover. In addition, the frequent and sometimes exigent representations of the British Legation, intervening on behalf of the Blackburn Company, are also surveyed
Modern Greek Studies Yearbook , 2014
THE PURPOSE of this essay is to present the various stages through which the issue of British lan... more THE PURPOSE of this essay is to present the various stages through which the issue of British landed properties expropriated by the Greek government during the interwar period was settled. Without maintaining that the course of action the Greek government chose to follow was the proper one, the essay contends that the latter eventually offered British landowners more than they could have expected. Given the difficult economic situation the country was facing, first, because of the influx of almost one and a half million refugees to its territory and, second, due to the financial ordeal precipitated by the 1929 stock market crash, the Greek offer was remarkable. After an examination of contemporary literature on expropriation and compensation and a review of international law, it becomes rather obvious that, putting aside the labyrinthine bureaucracy from which both foreigners and Greek citizens suffered alike, the Greek state acted in good faith in its endeavor to compensate to the maximum possible the British proprietors for their losses.
.....................
/ This essay is a revised and augmented version of an article previously published as “Το ζήτημα των βρετανικών απαλλοτριωμένων περιουσιών μετά το 1923: Η πορεία επίλυσής του” (The issue of British expropriated properties in Greece after 1923: The course of its settlement), in ΙΒ΄ Πανελλήνιο Ιστορικό Συνέδριο 1991 (Proceedings of the twelfth panhellenic historical congress 1991) (Thessaloniki, 1992), 12:409-425.
Concisely reporting what the multinational corporations are and what their methods of operation i... more Concisely reporting what the multinational corporations are and what their methods of operation in the context of contemporary global history have been, this paper presents the problems existing between the Shell Company and the Greek Governments in the interwar period and, through that, to show grosso modo how foreign firms operated in interwar Greece. The example of the Shell Company is fairly characteristic. Its strength, both economic and political, along with the diplomatic help provided by the Foreign Office, allowed it to alter the Greek Government’s policy decision on how it wanted to trade in benzene and kerosene. In addition, the inconsistent and sometimes vexatious policy of the Greek Governments towards foreign firms is also presented
The interwar period was most important for the future of the Greek state, since during that perio... more The interwar period was most important for the future of the Greek state, since during that period the foundation for a vigorous and flexible economy based on a healthy industry should have been laid. However, despite the enormous amount of capital entering the country up to 1932, no evident change in the nature character of the economy was achieved, since the Greeks themselves did not attempt to improve their economic activity. Industry did not cast off its characteristic torpor; it was developed only nominally and survived only thanks to extremely high duty tariffs. The 1929 economic crisis exacerbated the already bad situation, making evident how inadequate the politicians were to get the country out of its stagnancy and guide it on a course of development. In that context, when politicians’ lack of vision and inspiration were most apparent, the Greek people had to face a constantly increasing cost of living, receiving meagre wages and burdened with ever-increasing taxes. At the same time, the country’s leadership, living in the capital, was indifferent to encouraging the growth of the remainder of the country
THIS ESSAY will seek to demonstrate that the argument regularly used by the London government and... more THIS ESSAY will seek to demonstrate that the argument regularly used by the London government and colonial officials in Nicosia regarding the Cypriot desire for enosis (union with Greece) was erroneous.* This argument was that the Cypriots were not Greeks in the same sense as the contemporary Greeks of Greece. This essay starts by referring to the most charged periods in British- Cypriot relations over that question; not coincidentally, the tension appeared only during periods of crisis. The essay will then present attestations through time of Cypriot Greekness, among them opinions held by prominent Britons, offering corroboration on the subject. It should be noted that, in the case of Cyprus, the British employed a divide-and-rule policy between Christians and Muslims, a policy they had followed in other parts of their empire. The essay concludes by rebutting the most important British argument for the retention of Cyprus, namely, the island’s strategic value. What becomes apparent is that Britain seems to have questioned the Cypriots’ national sentiments simply to justify its imperial status
What this article reveals is the widespread notion both in successive governments and among the m... more What this article reveals is the widespread notion both in successive governments and among the most renowned scholars that what the Greek foreign policy primarily needs is only (a) to be clear, elaborated and based on long-term planning and (b) to be constantly oriented to European position. There is not even a remote reference to the necessity of influencing the American decision-making centers, where – let us be clear – the most important decisions about the whole world are made. It is rather obvious that Greek policy makers perceive the Greek-American relations mostly through the prism of our kin living in U.S. and what they could do for Greece. Eventually, this point of view is possibly responsible for our country’s setbacks during the last decades in contrast with what FYROM and Turkey have achieved regarding these very same U.S. decision-making centers
Η Ελληνο-ιταλική προσέγγιση πριν από το σύμφωνο της Ρώμης του 1928: Ένα ανέκδοτο έγγραφο ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝ... more Η Ελληνο-ιταλική προσέγγιση πριν από το σύμφωνο της Ρώμης του 1928: Ένα ανέκδοτο έγγραφο ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝΙΚΗ 1995 Η 1 η σ ε λ ί δ α ε ί ν α ι 5 1 7 κ α ι η τ ε λ ε υ τ α ί α 5 6 6 Η Μικρασιατική καταστροφή αποτέλεσε αναμφισβήτητα ολέθριο πλήγμα για τον Ελληνισμό που συρρικνώθηκε εγκαταλείποντας τις πατρογονικές εστίες της Ιωνίας -γεγονός που μείωσε, επιπλέον, δραστικά το χώρο της οικονομικής του δραστηριότητας. Από την άλλη μεριά, το επίσημο ελληνικό κράτος όχι μόνον υποχρεώθηκε να δεχτεί περίπου 1.500.000 πρόσφυγες, αλλά και βρισκόμενο μπροστά σε ένα τραγικό αδιέξοδο -απόρροια της στρατιωτικής συντριβής και της οικονομικής κατάρρευσης, καθώς και της δυσμενέστατης διεθνούς συγκυρίας -υποχρεώθηκε εκ νέου, γεγονός που σηματοδοτούσε τεράστιας σημασίας οπισθοδρόμηση του γίγνεσθαι της χώρας, να αναγάγει σε πρωταρχικό μέλημα του όχι τόσο την εσωτερική του ανασυγκρότηση όσο τη διαφύλαξη της εθνικής ανεξαρτησίας και την κατοχύρωση της εδαφικής του ακεραιότητας. Το υπερμέγεθες κράτος της Γιουγκοσλαβίας, που από την αρχή δεν έκρυψε τις ηγεμονικές του τάσεις 1 , η Κεμαλική Τουρκία που ζητούσε πιεστικά λύση των εκκρεμών διμερών διαφορών, η διαρκώς υποβλέπουσα και καιροφυλακτούσα Βουλγαρία, καθώς και η ουδέποτε φιλική Αλβανία 2 , συνέθεταν πια το καινούργιο πλαίσιο μέσα στο οποίο έπρεπε να κινηθεί η χώρα. Η εναγώνια αναζήτηση ερεισμάτων, η εξασφάλιση των οποίων θα της παρείχε την υποστήριξη που είχε απόλυτη ανάγκη, προκειμένου να αντιμετωπίσει τη νέα κατάσταση στα Βαλκάνια, φάνταζε, περισσότερο παρά ποτέ, πρωταρχική ανάγκη.
This paper rebuts the views of Alexander Fol – Ivan Marazov in their book "Thrace and the Thracia... more This paper rebuts the views of Alexander Fol – Ivan Marazov in their book "Thrace and the Thracians", London 1977, that, among others, maintained that, after Schliemann excavated Troy, the view about the Greek miracle collapsed and the ancient Greek art was not but only a remarkable synthesis of subjects and styles borrowed from the East
One more problem in the Greek–Albanian relations during the interwar period was the Moula questio... more One more problem in the Greek–Albanian relations during the interwar period was the Moula question and that of Greek cheese producers who were extremely active in that section of commerce in Albania. Object of this article is the presentation of the way these questions were faced both by Greek and the Albanian governments. Furthermore, in the intentions of the article is to explain the Albanian attitude and simultaneously to show up the Greek responsibilities in the impasse the relations of two countries had reached
Δρ Σύγχρονης Ιστορίας, Τμήμα Ιστορίας, Αριστοτέλειο Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλονίκης Περίληψη: Η προϊούσ... more Δρ Σύγχρονης Ιστορίας, Τμήμα Ιστορίας, Αριστοτέλειο Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλονίκης Περίληψη: Η προϊούσα απαξίωση του ΟΗΕ, που έχει να κάνει περισσότερο με τις επιλογές των ΗΠΑ, δεν θα έπρεπε να μειώσει την αξία των έως τώρα επιτευγμάτων του διεθνούς οργανισμού, όπως εκείνων που έχουν να κάνουν με την αποαποικιοποίηση, που αποτελεί άλλωστε και το αντικείμενο του παρόντος άρθρου. Μετά την αναφορά των σημαντικότερων εμποδίων που ο ΟΗΕ συνάντησε και την έντονη πολεμική που δέχτηκε από τις αποικιακές δυνάμεις αλλά και τα οξύτατα προβλήματα που υποχρεώθηκε να αντιμετωπίσει λόγω του ψυχρού πολέμου, γίνεται προσπάθεια να καταδειχθεί ότι δράση του υπήρξε καταλυτική στην καταδίκη της αποικιοκρατίας και τη σταδιακή ανεξαρτητοποίηση εκατοντάδων εκατομμυρίων ανθρώπων σε όλη την υφήλιο. Λέξεις Κλειδιά: σύγχρονη παγκόσμια ιστορία, ΟΗΕ, αποαποικιοποίηση, Αφρική, κηδεμονευόμενα / μη-αυτοκυβερνώμενα εδάφη, ψυχρός πόλεμος
This article attempts to analyze similarities regarding the political behavior in Greece still re... more This article attempts to analyze similarities regarding the political behavior in Greece still remaining unchangeable throughout the last century. The discerning remarks of the British officials in the early ’30s and the recent scholars’ works on the matter lie on the basis of this analysis. To this effect, the concept of what it might cost in terms of votes, the undermining – by the opposition forces – of any governmental effort to make the matters better and the fact that the whole procedure of the elections still remains an (expensive) vehicle for relaxation of the Greek people are some of them. Furthermore, the problem why the Greek people continue to believe in and to vote for the same parties and the same politicians who proved themselves insincere or even deceitful in the past, in conjunction with the thorny question of an unqualified civil service mostly because of unorthodox methods of hiring, based on “curious” criteria which stand against the so-called meritocracy, constitute another aspect of the same issue. Eventually, it focuses on the peculiar relations between the Greek Governments and the foreign capital, as well as on the opinion the foreigners hold of the Greeks or the effectiveness and the credibility of the Greek State.
No matter if somebody accepts the theory of idealism or realism in the international relations, i... more No matter if somebody accepts the theory of idealism or realism in the international relations, it remains that the national interest should determine the foreign policy of a state, without certainly being overlooked the primary principles of the international law and ethics.
In the case of Greece it should be finally adopted a foreign policy that primarily needs to be clear, elaborated and based on long-term planning with the view of serving the national interest and not to be treated by the head of successive governments as a personal affair; Greek policy makers should learn from the example of Turkey and Israel which never considered to be taken for granted.
Moreover, sine qua non condition for the success of Greek foreign policy should be considered the necessity of influencing the American decision-making centers, where – let us be clear – the most important decisions about the whole world are made. Nevertheless, the establishment of the usefulness of the Greek factor in the eyes of the latter presupposes constant investment of time and (a lot of) money
This article deals with three questions: (a) if the Turkish atrocities at the expense of the Gree... more This article deals with three questions: (a) if the Turkish atrocities at the expense of the Greek population of the Ottoman Empire was the inevitable result of the Graeco-Turkish war after the Greeks landed military forces at Smyrna in 1919, or they were merely the outcome of a ten-year (1912-1922) pressures and persecutions over the Greeks, committed firstly by the government of the Ottoman Empire and secondly by the nationalists in the name, nevertheless, of the same principle: “Turkey must belong to the Turks” · (b) the thorny question of counting of the Greek population. It is not used here the numbers which one can find through the Greek bibliography but only the official Ottoman statistical records in combination with the unknown (until very recently) [Patriarchal] Greek Census of Anatolia and Thrace (1910-1912). The juxtaposition of these data is intended to prove: (i) the inadequacy of the official Ottoman statistical records and (ii) the opinion that there is a room for the Greek aspect on the matter · (c) what the Greeks were suffering over a whole decade (1912-1922) was it or it was not a genocide, taking into consideration the aforesaid and a great number of written evidences; eventually what was the final cost in human lives paid by the Greek nation.
This book speaks about an unexplored question that had to do directly with the Greek minority liv... more This book speaks about an unexplored question that had to do directly with the Greek minority living conditions in Albania and also with the way it was treated by the political world of that country. All the material for this treatise has been drawn exclusively from the Foreign Ministry archive.
The book is separated into two parts: (a) the first one concerns the detailed analysis of the issue in question, following its chronological course of escalation, where the imaginativeness of Albanian authorities in inventing obstacles and applying pressure is revealed, a practice that gradually led to forfeiture of their property, marginalisation and finally to the expulsion of that specific, active group of the Greek minority in Albania, and (b) its critical presentation.
Even if one could conceive the reason for the actions of the Albanian authorities at the expense of the Greek population, it would be difficult to understand the ineffective way in which the Greek foreign policy faced this question. And this was the case because, if the latter had taken good care to formulate a clear policy towards Albania, she could have promoted her interests in this country, despite the ‘aggressive’ Italian presence. In contrast, the questions in focus were left to fester, a situation that finally had only harmful effects on Greek interests, since the only thing Greece could do was to intervene but always in the sense of firefighting, not being able to effectively protect the Greek population who lived there
It is about the history of the last 80 years after the Minor Asia disaster and the lost of Easter... more It is about the history of the last 80 years after the Minor Asia disaster and the lost of Eastern Thrace in 1922 regarding the life, the problems, the suffering and the achievements of the refugees who resided that area. It is a strictly historical research without any folklorist records based on documentation as well as on oral accounts, always cross-checked
Balkan Studies 54, 2021
Concerning the actions of the Yugoslav leaders in 1941 in connection with the Greek city of Thes... more Concerning the actions of the Yugoslav leaders in 1941 in connection with the Greek city of Thessaloniki there are two prevailing views: (1) the two-prong view of the modern Yugoslav/Serbian historiography which maintains either that the government of Prince/Regent Paul and Dragiša Cvetković never considered the annexation of the Greek city, or they did so only because they were coerced by the Germans; and (2) the German view which, according to official German documents, contradicts the Yugoslav view; these documents evidence eager negotiations on the part of the Yugoslav government with a view to securing the acquisition of Thessaloniki and make clear that these negotiations began just a few days after the 1940 Italian attack on Greece.
Modern Greek Studies Yearbook, 2016
This paper examines the operations of the British company, Blackburn, from the very moment of its... more This paper examines the operations of the British company, Blackburn, from the very moment of its operation in Greece until then it ceased business in the country. Furthermore, it presents the difficulties the company experienced in the frame of co-operation with the Greek authorities, its omissions and miscalculations as well as its expectations for raising its profit margin by new contracts or magnifying its profit by increasing the output of the factory by further extending its turnover. In addition, the frequent and sometimes exigent representations of the British Legation, intervening on behalf of the Blackburn Company, are also surveyed
Modern Greek Studies Yearbook , 2014
THE PURPOSE of this essay is to present the various stages through which the issue of British lan... more THE PURPOSE of this essay is to present the various stages through which the issue of British landed properties expropriated by the Greek government during the interwar period was settled. Without maintaining that the course of action the Greek government chose to follow was the proper one, the essay contends that the latter eventually offered British landowners more than they could have expected. Given the difficult economic situation the country was facing, first, because of the influx of almost one and a half million refugees to its territory and, second, due to the financial ordeal precipitated by the 1929 stock market crash, the Greek offer was remarkable. After an examination of contemporary literature on expropriation and compensation and a review of international law, it becomes rather obvious that, putting aside the labyrinthine bureaucracy from which both foreigners and Greek citizens suffered alike, the Greek state acted in good faith in its endeavor to compensate to the maximum possible the British proprietors for their losses.
.....................
/ This essay is a revised and augmented version of an article previously published as “Το ζήτημα των βρετανικών απαλλοτριωμένων περιουσιών μετά το 1923: Η πορεία επίλυσής του” (The issue of British expropriated properties in Greece after 1923: The course of its settlement), in ΙΒ΄ Πανελλήνιο Ιστορικό Συνέδριο 1991 (Proceedings of the twelfth panhellenic historical congress 1991) (Thessaloniki, 1992), 12:409-425.
Concisely reporting what the multinational corporations are and what their methods of operation i... more Concisely reporting what the multinational corporations are and what their methods of operation in the context of contemporary global history have been, this paper presents the problems existing between the Shell Company and the Greek Governments in the interwar period and, through that, to show grosso modo how foreign firms operated in interwar Greece. The example of the Shell Company is fairly characteristic. Its strength, both economic and political, along with the diplomatic help provided by the Foreign Office, allowed it to alter the Greek Government’s policy decision on how it wanted to trade in benzene and kerosene. In addition, the inconsistent and sometimes vexatious policy of the Greek Governments towards foreign firms is also presented
The interwar period was most important for the future of the Greek state, since during that perio... more The interwar period was most important for the future of the Greek state, since during that period the foundation for a vigorous and flexible economy based on a healthy industry should have been laid. However, despite the enormous amount of capital entering the country up to 1932, no evident change in the nature character of the economy was achieved, since the Greeks themselves did not attempt to improve their economic activity. Industry did not cast off its characteristic torpor; it was developed only nominally and survived only thanks to extremely high duty tariffs. The 1929 economic crisis exacerbated the already bad situation, making evident how inadequate the politicians were to get the country out of its stagnancy and guide it on a course of development. In that context, when politicians’ lack of vision and inspiration were most apparent, the Greek people had to face a constantly increasing cost of living, receiving meagre wages and burdened with ever-increasing taxes. At the same time, the country’s leadership, living in the capital, was indifferent to encouraging the growth of the remainder of the country
THIS ESSAY will seek to demonstrate that the argument regularly used by the London government and... more THIS ESSAY will seek to demonstrate that the argument regularly used by the London government and colonial officials in Nicosia regarding the Cypriot desire for enosis (union with Greece) was erroneous.* This argument was that the Cypriots were not Greeks in the same sense as the contemporary Greeks of Greece. This essay starts by referring to the most charged periods in British- Cypriot relations over that question; not coincidentally, the tension appeared only during periods of crisis. The essay will then present attestations through time of Cypriot Greekness, among them opinions held by prominent Britons, offering corroboration on the subject. It should be noted that, in the case of Cyprus, the British employed a divide-and-rule policy between Christians and Muslims, a policy they had followed in other parts of their empire. The essay concludes by rebutting the most important British argument for the retention of Cyprus, namely, the island’s strategic value. What becomes apparent is that Britain seems to have questioned the Cypriots’ national sentiments simply to justify its imperial status
What this article reveals is the widespread notion both in successive governments and among the m... more What this article reveals is the widespread notion both in successive governments and among the most renowned scholars that what the Greek foreign policy primarily needs is only (a) to be clear, elaborated and based on long-term planning and (b) to be constantly oriented to European position. There is not even a remote reference to the necessity of influencing the American decision-making centers, where – let us be clear – the most important decisions about the whole world are made. It is rather obvious that Greek policy makers perceive the Greek-American relations mostly through the prism of our kin living in U.S. and what they could do for Greece. Eventually, this point of view is possibly responsible for our country’s setbacks during the last decades in contrast with what FYROM and Turkey have achieved regarding these very same U.S. decision-making centers
Η Ελληνο-ιταλική προσέγγιση πριν από το σύμφωνο της Ρώμης του 1928: Ένα ανέκδοτο έγγραφο ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝ... more Η Ελληνο-ιταλική προσέγγιση πριν από το σύμφωνο της Ρώμης του 1928: Ένα ανέκδοτο έγγραφο ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝΙΚΗ 1995 Η 1 η σ ε λ ί δ α ε ί ν α ι 5 1 7 κ α ι η τ ε λ ε υ τ α ί α 5 6 6 Η Μικρασιατική καταστροφή αποτέλεσε αναμφισβήτητα ολέθριο πλήγμα για τον Ελληνισμό που συρρικνώθηκε εγκαταλείποντας τις πατρογονικές εστίες της Ιωνίας -γεγονός που μείωσε, επιπλέον, δραστικά το χώρο της οικονομικής του δραστηριότητας. Από την άλλη μεριά, το επίσημο ελληνικό κράτος όχι μόνον υποχρεώθηκε να δεχτεί περίπου 1.500.000 πρόσφυγες, αλλά και βρισκόμενο μπροστά σε ένα τραγικό αδιέξοδο -απόρροια της στρατιωτικής συντριβής και της οικονομικής κατάρρευσης, καθώς και της δυσμενέστατης διεθνούς συγκυρίας -υποχρεώθηκε εκ νέου, γεγονός που σηματοδοτούσε τεράστιας σημασίας οπισθοδρόμηση του γίγνεσθαι της χώρας, να αναγάγει σε πρωταρχικό μέλημα του όχι τόσο την εσωτερική του ανασυγκρότηση όσο τη διαφύλαξη της εθνικής ανεξαρτησίας και την κατοχύρωση της εδαφικής του ακεραιότητας. Το υπερμέγεθες κράτος της Γιουγκοσλαβίας, που από την αρχή δεν έκρυψε τις ηγεμονικές του τάσεις 1 , η Κεμαλική Τουρκία που ζητούσε πιεστικά λύση των εκκρεμών διμερών διαφορών, η διαρκώς υποβλέπουσα και καιροφυλακτούσα Βουλγαρία, καθώς και η ουδέποτε φιλική Αλβανία 2 , συνέθεταν πια το καινούργιο πλαίσιο μέσα στο οποίο έπρεπε να κινηθεί η χώρα. Η εναγώνια αναζήτηση ερεισμάτων, η εξασφάλιση των οποίων θα της παρείχε την υποστήριξη που είχε απόλυτη ανάγκη, προκειμένου να αντιμετωπίσει τη νέα κατάσταση στα Βαλκάνια, φάνταζε, περισσότερο παρά ποτέ, πρωταρχική ανάγκη.
This paper rebuts the views of Alexander Fol – Ivan Marazov in their book "Thrace and the Thracia... more This paper rebuts the views of Alexander Fol – Ivan Marazov in their book "Thrace and the Thracians", London 1977, that, among others, maintained that, after Schliemann excavated Troy, the view about the Greek miracle collapsed and the ancient Greek art was not but only a remarkable synthesis of subjects and styles borrowed from the East
One more problem in the Greek–Albanian relations during the interwar period was the Moula questio... more One more problem in the Greek–Albanian relations during the interwar period was the Moula question and that of Greek cheese producers who were extremely active in that section of commerce in Albania. Object of this article is the presentation of the way these questions were faced both by Greek and the Albanian governments. Furthermore, in the intentions of the article is to explain the Albanian attitude and simultaneously to show up the Greek responsibilities in the impasse the relations of two countries had reached
Δρ Σύγχρονης Ιστορίας, Τμήμα Ιστορίας, Αριστοτέλειο Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλονίκης Περίληψη: Η προϊούσ... more Δρ Σύγχρονης Ιστορίας, Τμήμα Ιστορίας, Αριστοτέλειο Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλονίκης Περίληψη: Η προϊούσα απαξίωση του ΟΗΕ, που έχει να κάνει περισσότερο με τις επιλογές των ΗΠΑ, δεν θα έπρεπε να μειώσει την αξία των έως τώρα επιτευγμάτων του διεθνούς οργανισμού, όπως εκείνων που έχουν να κάνουν με την αποαποικιοποίηση, που αποτελεί άλλωστε και το αντικείμενο του παρόντος άρθρου. Μετά την αναφορά των σημαντικότερων εμποδίων που ο ΟΗΕ συνάντησε και την έντονη πολεμική που δέχτηκε από τις αποικιακές δυνάμεις αλλά και τα οξύτατα προβλήματα που υποχρεώθηκε να αντιμετωπίσει λόγω του ψυχρού πολέμου, γίνεται προσπάθεια να καταδειχθεί ότι δράση του υπήρξε καταλυτική στην καταδίκη της αποικιοκρατίας και τη σταδιακή ανεξαρτητοποίηση εκατοντάδων εκατομμυρίων ανθρώπων σε όλη την υφήλιο. Λέξεις Κλειδιά: σύγχρονη παγκόσμια ιστορία, ΟΗΕ, αποαποικιοποίηση, Αφρική, κηδεμονευόμενα / μη-αυτοκυβερνώμενα εδάφη, ψυχρός πόλεμος
This article attempts to analyze similarities regarding the political behavior in Greece still re... more This article attempts to analyze similarities regarding the political behavior in Greece still remaining unchangeable throughout the last century. The discerning remarks of the British officials in the early ’30s and the recent scholars’ works on the matter lie on the basis of this analysis. To this effect, the concept of what it might cost in terms of votes, the undermining – by the opposition forces – of any governmental effort to make the matters better and the fact that the whole procedure of the elections still remains an (expensive) vehicle for relaxation of the Greek people are some of them. Furthermore, the problem why the Greek people continue to believe in and to vote for the same parties and the same politicians who proved themselves insincere or even deceitful in the past, in conjunction with the thorny question of an unqualified civil service mostly because of unorthodox methods of hiring, based on “curious” criteria which stand against the so-called meritocracy, constitute another aspect of the same issue. Eventually, it focuses on the peculiar relations between the Greek Governments and the foreign capital, as well as on the opinion the foreigners hold of the Greeks or the effectiveness and the credibility of the Greek State.
No matter if somebody accepts the theory of idealism or realism in the international relations, i... more No matter if somebody accepts the theory of idealism or realism in the international relations, it remains that the national interest should determine the foreign policy of a state, without certainly being overlooked the primary principles of the international law and ethics.
In the case of Greece it should be finally adopted a foreign policy that primarily needs to be clear, elaborated and based on long-term planning with the view of serving the national interest and not to be treated by the head of successive governments as a personal affair; Greek policy makers should learn from the example of Turkey and Israel which never considered to be taken for granted.
Moreover, sine qua non condition for the success of Greek foreign policy should be considered the necessity of influencing the American decision-making centers, where – let us be clear – the most important decisions about the whole world are made. Nevertheless, the establishment of the usefulness of the Greek factor in the eyes of the latter presupposes constant investment of time and (a lot of) money
This article deals with three questions: (a) if the Turkish atrocities at the expense of the Gree... more This article deals with three questions: (a) if the Turkish atrocities at the expense of the Greek population of the Ottoman Empire was the inevitable result of the Graeco-Turkish war after the Greeks landed military forces at Smyrna in 1919, or they were merely the outcome of a ten-year (1912-1922) pressures and persecutions over the Greeks, committed firstly by the government of the Ottoman Empire and secondly by the nationalists in the name, nevertheless, of the same principle: “Turkey must belong to the Turks” · (b) the thorny question of counting of the Greek population. It is not used here the numbers which one can find through the Greek bibliography but only the official Ottoman statistical records in combination with the unknown (until very recently) [Patriarchal] Greek Census of Anatolia and Thrace (1910-1912). The juxtaposition of these data is intended to prove: (i) the inadequacy of the official Ottoman statistical records and (ii) the opinion that there is a room for the Greek aspect on the matter · (c) what the Greeks were suffering over a whole decade (1912-1922) was it or it was not a genocide, taking into consideration the aforesaid and a great number of written evidences; eventually what was the final cost in human lives paid by the Greek nation.
![Research paper thumbnail of Πανταζής Τερλεξής, Διπλωματία και πολιτική του κυπριακού. Ανατομία ενός λάθους, Αθήνα: Κέδρος, 32004 [Ίστωρ 15 (2009): 319-325 / Βήμα των Κοινωνικών Επιστημών 12 (46) (καλοκαίρι 2006): 251-257]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/32230900/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](Πανταζής Τερλεξής, ∆ιπλωµατία και πολιτική του Κυπριακού. Ανατοµία ενός λάθους, Κέδρος, Αθήνα 3 2... more Πανταζής Τερλεξής, ∆ιπλωµατία και πολιτική του Κυπριακού. Ανατοµία ενός λάθους, Κέδρος, Αθήνα 3 2004, 496σ. Βιβλιοκριτική Θανάσης Μπράβος Ανάτυπο © Ίστωρ, 15 (2009), 319-325 Πανταζής Τερλεξής, ∆ιπλωµατία και πολιτική του Κυπριακού. Ανατοµία ενός λάθους, Κέδρος, Αθήνα 3 2004, 496σ.