Tomáš Strážay - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Papers by Tomáš Strážay

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs, Oct 1, 2012

The accession of the Visegrad countries to the European Union enabled them to start shaping EU po... more The accession of the Visegrad countries to the European Union enabled them to start shaping EU policies and in fact use the EU as a tool of their own foreign policies towards third countries or regions. This new opportunity is directly mentioned in the so called Kromioiz Declaration, which was adopted shortly after their EU accession. The Declaration clearly says that V4 countries support the continuation of the EU enlargement process and are ready to assist countries that aspire for membership by offering their own experiences, including regional cooperation.1 This commitment concerned both Eastern and Southeastern Europe, though, it was obvious that the Western Balkan countries had a more realistic integration perspective compared to their Eastern neighbours. The Declaration therefore confirmed that the Visegrad Group (V4) will mainly be oriented towards two territorial foreign policy priorities-the Eastern neighbourhood and the Western Balkans.Support for the integration of the Western Balkan countries to the EU ranks high among the foreign policy priorities of all of the V4 countries, despite the fact that there are certain differences in their interests in the region, and the Western Balkans represent one of the key priorities of EU enlargement policy.2 Taking this into account, one can see that the integration of the Western Balkan countries into the EU national foreign policy priorities of the V4 countries is fully compatible with that of the EU. This is another reason why the Western Balkans have continuously been mentioned as one of the priority areas of various Visegrad Group presidencies.The main goal of this article is to assess the current and future possibilities of cooperation between the Visegrad Group and the Western Balkans. The article does not analyse the involvement of particular V4 countries in the Western Balkans region or the relations among the Western Balkan and V4 countries, but focuses solely on the role played by the Visegrad Group as such. The focus is on three general levels of cooperation. First, the article analyses the achievements and opportunities of political cooperation. Second, the possibilities for sharing institutional or procedural know-how are discussed. The third part develops concrete suggestions for sectoral cooperation between the Visegrad Group and the Western Balkans. At the end, the article also highlights some problem areas, especially on the EU level, that might prevent cooperation from developing.Strengthened Position of the V4 in the EUBefore analysing the role the Visegrad Group has played in the Balkans, one has to assess the changing position of the V4 in the EU. By joining the EU, the V4 countries achieved a most crucial policy priority. Since integration was also the top priority of the Visegrad Group, membership in the EU was not just an achievement of individual countries but also for the Visegrad Group as a whole. Though the V4 trademark increased significantly in both Brussels and Washington after its members' accession to both the EU and NATO,3 the Visegrad Group as such was leftwithout a priority whose importance would be comparable to the integration to Euro-Atlantic structures. Although the Kromioiz Declaration was also accompanied by more concrete guidelines,4 it took the V4 some time to anchor the new priorities and mechanisms for cooperation in policymaking. This very specific "enlargement fatigue" was, however, fully overcome, and the V4's role in the EU-thanks to wisely used coordination and consultation mechanisms-has been steadily increasing.5 Joining the Schengen system may be perceived as one of the most important achievements of the V4 in the post-accession period and one that fully legitimised the will of its member governments to continue to develop cooperation under the V4 umbrella. The list of cooperation areas from 2004 was enriched by new topics, especially energy security, which played an important role.6 The economic crisis from 2009 and the subsequent depth of the crisis brought further challenges to the Visegrad Group. …

Yearbook of Slovakia´s Foreign Policy 2022, 2023

Central European challenges in Slovak foreign policy Russia's unprecedented aggression against Uk... more Central European challenges in Slovak foreign policy Russia's unprecedented aggression against Ukraine, beginning on February 24, 2022, strengthened the position of Central Europe, more broadly understood, in both NATO and the EU. The countries stretching from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea found themselves in the immediate neighborhood of the warzone in Ukraine. They rank high (per capita) in supplying military equipment and other types of assistance to Ukraine and have become transitory or target countries for temporarily displaced people from Ukraine. Last but not least, Central European countries have become enthusiastic supporters of Ukraine's ambitions to become a member of Western integrationist structures, above all the EU.

Contemporary European Studies, 2014

Central and Eastern Europe in the EU, 2018

On 15 February 2016 Bosnia and Herzegovina applied for membership of the European Union. This was... more On 15 February 2016 Bosnia and Herzegovina applied for membership of the European Union. This was the result of the new policy strategy which the EU introduced in 2014, aimed at unblocking BiH’s integration process and encouraging local elites to accelerate the reform process. Despite a formal application to the EU, the main internal problems of BiH remain the same - local politicians focus more on the power struggle and enhancing ethnic division than on reform and this is hampering the economic development of one of the poorest countries in Europe. For these reasons this report is devoted to analysing the internal challenges to the stability, coherence and unity of the country. Special attention was also placed on examining the interest and strategies of the various international actors since they can hinder or support the reform process.

Background: One of the common cause for occurrence of diarrhoea in children and paediatric patien... more Background: One of the common cause for occurrence of diarrhoea in children and paediatric patients is Rotavirus. The disease affects infants and children aged three months and by age 3-4 years; virtually all children have had the disease. Previous infection offers protection from subsequent illnesses. However, reinfections are frequent but subsequent illnesses tend to be less severe than the first infection. Hence, we planned the present study to assess the efficacy of single dose of azithromycin to ciprofloxacin in treating cholera in paediatric subjects. Materials and Methods: The present study included assessment of efficacy of single dose of azithromycin to ciprofloxacin in treating cholera in paediatric subjects. For the present study, we included paediatric subjects within the age groups of 3 to 10 years and with clinical manifestation of severe dehydration. Out of these cases, only those subjects were included, who demonstrated presence of Vibrio cholerae in stool samples. A total of 30 paediatric samples were included in the present study. All the subjects were divided randomly into two study groups. One group included subjects who received single dose of oral azithromycin (20 mg/kg) while the other group included subjects who received a single dose of ciprofloxacin (20 mg/kg). All the results were compiled and analysed by SPSS software. Results: Mean age of the subjects in the ciprofloxacin group and in the azithromycin group was 54.2 and 56.8 years respectively. Mean duration of diarrhoea in the subjects of ciprofloxacin group and azithromycin group was 16.1 hours and 17.5 hours respectively. Conclusion: Azithromycin should be considered as first line of treatment for cholera in paediatric subjects.

Two decades after the last armed conflict in the Western Balkans, the reconciliation process in t... more Two decades after the last armed conflict in the Western Balkans, the reconciliation process in the region is still in its embryonic phase. Reconciliation is considered both a determinant for the democratization process of these countries and a precondition for them to join the EU at a later stage. Moreover, a satisfactory degree of reconciliation is also seen as an essential "step which would make European integration a long-term success". 1

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs, Oct 1, 2012

The accession of the Visegrad countries to the European Union enabled them to start shaping EU po... more The accession of the Visegrad countries to the European Union enabled them to start shaping EU policies and in fact use the EU as a tool of their own foreign policies towards third countries or regions. This new opportunity is directly mentioned in the so called Kromioiz Declaration, which was adopted shortly after their EU accession. The Declaration clearly says that V4 countries support the continuation of the EU enlargement process and are ready to assist countries that aspire for membership by offering their own experiences, including regional cooperation.1 This commitment concerned both Eastern and Southeastern Europe, though, it was obvious that the Western Balkan countries had a more realistic integration perspective compared to their Eastern neighbours. The Declaration therefore confirmed that the Visegrad Group (V4) will mainly be oriented towards two territorial foreign policy priorities-the Eastern neighbourhood and the Western Balkans.Support for the integration of the Western Balkan countries to the EU ranks high among the foreign policy priorities of all of the V4 countries, despite the fact that there are certain differences in their interests in the region, and the Western Balkans represent one of the key priorities of EU enlargement policy.2 Taking this into account, one can see that the integration of the Western Balkan countries into the EU national foreign policy priorities of the V4 countries is fully compatible with that of the EU. This is another reason why the Western Balkans have continuously been mentioned as one of the priority areas of various Visegrad Group presidencies.The main goal of this article is to assess the current and future possibilities of cooperation between the Visegrad Group and the Western Balkans. The article does not analyse the involvement of particular V4 countries in the Western Balkans region or the relations among the Western Balkan and V4 countries, but focuses solely on the role played by the Visegrad Group as such. The focus is on three general levels of cooperation. First, the article analyses the achievements and opportunities of political cooperation. Second, the possibilities for sharing institutional or procedural know-how are discussed. The third part develops concrete suggestions for sectoral cooperation between the Visegrad Group and the Western Balkans. At the end, the article also highlights some problem areas, especially on the EU level, that might prevent cooperation from developing.Strengthened Position of the V4 in the EUBefore analysing the role the Visegrad Group has played in the Balkans, one has to assess the changing position of the V4 in the EU. By joining the EU, the V4 countries achieved a most crucial policy priority. Since integration was also the top priority of the Visegrad Group, membership in the EU was not just an achievement of individual countries but also for the Visegrad Group as a whole. Though the V4 trademark increased significantly in both Brussels and Washington after its members' accession to both the EU and NATO,3 the Visegrad Group as such was leftwithout a priority whose importance would be comparable to the integration to Euro-Atlantic structures. Although the Kromioiz Declaration was also accompanied by more concrete guidelines,4 it took the V4 some time to anchor the new priorities and mechanisms for cooperation in policymaking. This very specific "enlargement fatigue" was, however, fully overcome, and the V4's role in the EU-thanks to wisely used coordination and consultation mechanisms-has been steadily increasing.5 Joining the Schengen system may be perceived as one of the most important achievements of the V4 in the post-accession period and one that fully legitimised the will of its member governments to continue to develop cooperation under the V4 umbrella. The list of cooperation areas from 2004 was enriched by new topics, especially energy security, which played an important role.6 The economic crisis from 2009 and the subsequent depth of the crisis brought further challenges to the Visegrad Group. …

Yearbook of Slovakia´s Foreign Policy 2022, 2023

Central European challenges in Slovak foreign policy Russia's unprecedented aggression against Uk... more Central European challenges in Slovak foreign policy Russia's unprecedented aggression against Ukraine, beginning on February 24, 2022, strengthened the position of Central Europe, more broadly understood, in both NATO and the EU. The countries stretching from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea found themselves in the immediate neighborhood of the warzone in Ukraine. They rank high (per capita) in supplying military equipment and other types of assistance to Ukraine and have become transitory or target countries for temporarily displaced people from Ukraine. Last but not least, Central European countries have become enthusiastic supporters of Ukraine's ambitions to become a member of Western integrationist structures, above all the EU.

Contemporary European Studies, 2014

Central and Eastern Europe in the EU, 2018

On 15 February 2016 Bosnia and Herzegovina applied for membership of the European Union. This was... more On 15 February 2016 Bosnia and Herzegovina applied for membership of the European Union. This was the result of the new policy strategy which the EU introduced in 2014, aimed at unblocking BiH’s integration process and encouraging local elites to accelerate the reform process. Despite a formal application to the EU, the main internal problems of BiH remain the same - local politicians focus more on the power struggle and enhancing ethnic division than on reform and this is hampering the economic development of one of the poorest countries in Europe. For these reasons this report is devoted to analysing the internal challenges to the stability, coherence and unity of the country. Special attention was also placed on examining the interest and strategies of the various international actors since they can hinder or support the reform process.

Background: One of the common cause for occurrence of diarrhoea in children and paediatric patien... more Background: One of the common cause for occurrence of diarrhoea in children and paediatric patients is Rotavirus. The disease affects infants and children aged three months and by age 3-4 years; virtually all children have had the disease. Previous infection offers protection from subsequent illnesses. However, reinfections are frequent but subsequent illnesses tend to be less severe than the first infection. Hence, we planned the present study to assess the efficacy of single dose of azithromycin to ciprofloxacin in treating cholera in paediatric subjects. Materials and Methods: The present study included assessment of efficacy of single dose of azithromycin to ciprofloxacin in treating cholera in paediatric subjects. For the present study, we included paediatric subjects within the age groups of 3 to 10 years and with clinical manifestation of severe dehydration. Out of these cases, only those subjects were included, who demonstrated presence of Vibrio cholerae in stool samples. A total of 30 paediatric samples were included in the present study. All the subjects were divided randomly into two study groups. One group included subjects who received single dose of oral azithromycin (20 mg/kg) while the other group included subjects who received a single dose of ciprofloxacin (20 mg/kg). All the results were compiled and analysed by SPSS software. Results: Mean age of the subjects in the ciprofloxacin group and in the azithromycin group was 54.2 and 56.8 years respectively. Mean duration of diarrhoea in the subjects of ciprofloxacin group and azithromycin group was 16.1 hours and 17.5 hours respectively. Conclusion: Azithromycin should be considered as first line of treatment for cholera in paediatric subjects.

Two decades after the last armed conflict in the Western Balkans, the reconciliation process in t... more Two decades after the last armed conflict in the Western Balkans, the reconciliation process in the region is still in its embryonic phase. Reconciliation is considered both a determinant for the democratization process of these countries and a precondition for them to join the EU at a later stage. Moreover, a satisfactory degree of reconciliation is also seen as an essential "step which would make European integration a long-term success". 1

NATIONALIST POPULISM AND POST-COMMUNISM: CONTINUITIES AND CHANGES IN THE POLITICAL DISCOURSES OF POLAND AND SLOVAKIA, 2022

The analysis of the political discourse in Poland and Slovakia shows that a significant part of t... more The analysis of the political discourse in Poland and Slovakia shows that a significant part of the political elite in Poland and Slovakia is inclined to employ nationalist populism in their statements and party slogans, in order to address their voters and enlarge their volume of support. The advantage of nationalist populist appeals is based on the fact that they are easily usable for a number of purposes and reach a significant part of the population. Even though the main focus of such appeals is the nation, most of the political elite use them for the homogenisation of their electorate, without paying much attention to the national interests of the society. Therefore, it can be concluded that, even three decades after the regime change, nationalism and nationalist populism represent important challenges for both Poland and Slovakia, as well as for other countries in Central and Eastern Europe.