Vasintha Veeran - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Papers by Vasintha Veeran

Child Care in Practice, Sep 1, 2004

This paper reviews the theoretical approaches that espouse a child‐centred approach in intervenin... more This paper reviews the theoretical approaches that espouse a child‐centred approach in intervening with street children. It focuses on two major themes, namely the rights of the child and client self‐determination as proposed by Adler (Corey, 2001). The discussion acknowledges that providing street children with opportunities to participate in decision‐making regarding their own lives is imperative. Notwithstanding their alleged marginalization, substantial motivation is provided for the adoption of a client‐centred approach that upholds the rights of the child. The paper draws attention to the fact that despite the ratification of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), many street children experience deprivation with regard to their basic human needs. It is envisaged that whatever the circumstances for children being on the street, their involvement and participation in alleviating their plight will not be compromised.

Social Work Education, Dec 1, 2013

ABSTRACT

Social Work/Maatskaplike Werk, 2014

Until recently child labour in South Africa received little attention from government and nongove... more Until recently child labour in South Africa received little attention from government and nongovernmental organisations (NGOs). This lack of recognition is evidenced by the dearth of research and comprehensive statistics on the extent of the problem. Although statistics have been forthcoming from the International Labour Organisation (ILO) and United Nations Children's Education Fund (UNICEF), they differ significantly on the estimates of the magnitude of child labour. The ILO estimated in 1996 that there were 120 million full-time working children ranging from 5 to 14 years. This figure is doubled when part-time working children are taken into consideration. The distribution of child labour indicates that this phenomenon is located primarily in developing countries, viz. Asia 61%, Africa 32% and Latin America 17% (Grootaert & Patrinos, 1999). Nevertheless, the highest proportion of child workers in relation to the total population is in Africa (Fyfe, 1989). Compared against global estimates, child labour in South Africa has been underestimated, contributing largely to the low-priority status it is accorded. According to the Labour Directorate there were about 200 000 children working in South Africa in 1997 (Department of Labour, 1998), some as young as 5 years. Without conclusive research into the problem of child labour, it can be argued that this figure is a conservative estimate as a large percentage of "unseen" child labour is not accounted for. This includes unpaid domestic work and work in the informal sector. Other related activities that are neglected in the estimation are the increasing number of child prostitutes, largely as the result of the increasing number of street children.

The foci of this paper are the similarities and differences of youthwork in South Africa and Nort... more The foci of this paper are the similarities and differences of youthwork in South Africa and Northern Ireland, within the framework of understanding social capital in a post-conflict sense. Youthwork, in order to make a profound impact on the youth, needs to understand influences at a macro-, mezzo-, and micro-level. This includes the legacy of violence that has been structurally perpetuated and often casts a veil over youthwork practice. Youthwork policy in a post-conflict situation is influenced by the pre-conflict and conflict stages. This results in policy and practice that reinforces the norms of inequality which are often the precipitating factors for the violence in the first place. Youthwork policy and practice fails to recognize the nature of inequalities in a post-modern society. The divided societies of N.I. and S. A. appear to be further apart in terms of integration and the distribution of resources. Northern Ireland and South Africa remain battlegrounds of intense internal political strife. Although the design of the conflict within these countries is conceptually different, the social, physical, and psychological impact on its recipients seldom differs. The historical background of apartheid and the troubles of Northern Ireland are not only central to the development of youth programmes but directly and indirectly influence how policy is shaped. Northern Ireland, like South Africa, is in the process of moving from a conflict situation to a post-conflict situation. Although the troubles of the North are not as institutionalised as those experienced by black South Africans during the apartheid regime, the scourges that face both societies are very real and, indeed, rooted in a long-standing relationship with politics and propagandist ideology (Veeran, 2002). Any work undertaken with youth within these contexts needs to be aware of these "imbedded" issues in order to understand the barriers to progress. The conflict perspective espouses that violence and its sequalae are central to our understanding of societal structures, influencing and shaping our thinking and social conscience. Macionis and Plummer (2002) "envisage society as an arena of inequality that generates conflict and change" (p. 24). The ongoing conflict between dominant and disadvantaged groups revolve around factors such as

One of the greatestchallenges for any country emerging from a war, as is the case of Libya, is th... more One of the greatestchallenges for any country emerging from a war, as is the case of Libya, is the reintegration of freedom fighters back into their communities and families. These freedom fightersstruggle toadaptas a result of the traumatic stressand reintegration that accompanies armed conflict. Consequently, the estimated number of cases of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) is likely to be elevated. Low and middle income countries (LMIC) such as Libya also have to deal with the lack of mental health care facilities and services. The mental health needs of people exposed to trauma may be exacerbated as a result of the structural incapacity of the state to provide services to those most affected by the armed conflict. In addition to the limited services available, LMIC also have to cope with poorly trained mental health workers who may have had little or no exposure to working in such violent and post-conflict conditions. The proposed study will provide the essential scientific foundation to understand the needs of freedom fighters and their family members in Libya while mapping available assets throughout the county. The data will result in a community dashboard allowing for the evaluation of community systems supporting these veterans at a specific moment in time to compare progress over time, and build community support for change. Further, these data can also be employed by academic researchers investigating which community interventions are most effective and why.Equally important, the study will provide new insights for the development of culturally relevant training curriculum for mental health workers to intervene with freedom fighters and their families. Thestudy adapts a political economic and conflict resolution theoretical framework in the assessment of mental health services in conflict stricken areas in Libya.A mixed method research design will be applied to collect and analyze quantitative and qualitative data. Quantitative data will be drawn using a multi-stage, multi-level random sample of NGOs servingfreedom fighters and their families in the whole of Libya and for refugees in Tunisia. Interviews will be conducted with managers and staff of the NGOs, the former freedom fighters and their families. The anticipated long term benefits would be to support and ensure that the national security is protected through an effective system of services that will contribute to a strong and resilient society.

Poverty is a national and an international social impediment. However, women tend to be most vuln... more Poverty is a national and an international social impediment. However, women tend to be most vulnerable to poverty. The term "feminization of poverty" was first used by Diana Pearce in 1976 following her observation of women among women in America. She observed that two thirds of the poor were women over the age of 16 and an increasingly large number were from the economically disadvantaged groups (Strahan, 1993). The discourse on "feminization of poverty" holds that as a result of recession and

Social Work Education, 2013

ABSTRACT

Child Care in Practice, 2004

way This paper reviews the theoretical approaches that espouse a child-centred approach in interv... more way This paper reviews the theoretical approaches that espouse a child-centred approach in intervening with street children. It focuses on two major themes, namely the rights of the child and client self-determination as proposed by Adler (Corey, 2001). The discussion acknowledges that providing street children with opportunities to participate in decisionmaking regarding their own lives is imperative. Notwithstanding their alleged marginalization, substantial motivation is provided for the adoption of a client-centred approach that upholds the rights of the child. The paper draws attention to the fact that despite the ratification of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), many street children experience deprivation with regard to their basic human needs. It is envisaged that whatever the circumstances for children being on the street, their involvement and participation in alleviating their plight will not be compromised.

Until recently child labour in South Africa received little attention from government and non-gov... more Until recently child labour in South Africa received little attention from government and non-governmental organisations (NGOs). This lack of recognition is evidenced by the dearth of research and comprehensive statistics on the extent of the problem. Although statistics have been forthcoming from the International Labour Organisation (ILO) and United Nations Children’s Education Fund (UNICEF), they differ significantly on the estimates of the magnitude of child labour. The ILO estimated in 1996 that there were 120 million full-time working children ranging from 5 to 14 years. This figure is doubled when part-time working children are taken into consideration. The distribution of child labour indicates that this phenomenon is located primarily in developing countries, viz. Asia 61%, Africa 32% and Latin America 17% (Grootaert & Patrinos, 1999). Nevertheless, the highest proportion of child workers in relation to the total population is in Africa (Fyfe, 1989). Compared against global estimates, child labour in South Africa has been underestimated, contributing largely to the low-priority status it is accorded. According to the Labour Directorate there were about 200 000 children working in South Africa in 1997 (Department of Labour, 1998), some as young as 5 years. Without conclusive research into the problem of child labour, it can be argued that this figure is a conservative estimate as a large percentage of “unseen” child labour is not accounted for. This includes unpaid domestic work and work in the informal sector. Other related activities that are neglected in the estimation are the increasing number of child prostitutes, largely as the result of the increasing number of street children.
International campaigns have reinforced the need for governments globally to make a concerted effort to address the problem of child labour. Several international campaigns and conferences reflect the increasing international endeavours to address the problem of child labour. The Oslo Conference on Child Labour (UNICEF, 1997) recognised and reiterated the important role that other such conferences have played in condemning the exploitation of children, without exception. This paper will provide an overview of child labour. Significant in any discussion on child labour are the determinants and efforts to eradicate it. Notwithstanding these efforts, child labour continues to be an ethical, social and economic challenge for the world. As a signatory to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), South Africa has embarked on a programme through its National Programme of Action for Children, which includes the Child Labour Action Programme.

This article interrogates the dominant discourse on youth empowerment from different perspectives... more This article interrogates the dominant discourse on youth empowerment from different perspectives, based on a range of circumstances experienced by young people in South Africa.
It examines the scope for empowerment highlighting the need for structural and cultural synergy through the analysis and understanding of the individual, cultural and structural processes and considers how these affect the personal aspirations of the youth. By using a multi-level discourse
the agency of youth, as advocates and catalysts for change, is viewed as a function of transition post apartheid in South Africa. In this examination, the assumption that empowerment is inextricably linked to power is given close scrutiny through analysis of structural, contextual and personal juxtaposition of factors impacting on young peoples’ life chances. Drawing on the micro/macro nexus, the author developed a model, which espouses the young person’s interdependency to facilitate and support youth empowerment. Essentially, this multi-level
cyclical framework theorizes that connecting individuals, in the first instance, with their immediate environment is crucial to facilitating their connection with their community and
society. While the ecological system provides the lens through which the environment is assessed, with regard to resources and opportunities, the participatory approach stresses youth agency capitalising on their role as catalysts and advocates in their own empowerment.

The foci of this paper are the similarities and differences of youthwork in South Africa and Nort... more The foci of this paper are the similarities and differences of youthwork in South Africa and Northern Ireland, within the framework of understanding social capital in a post-conflict sense. Youthwork, in order to make a profound impact on the
youth, needs to understand influences at a macro-, mezzo-, and micro-level. This includes the legacy of violence that has been structurally perpetuated and often casts a veil over youthwork practice. Youthwork policy in a post-conflict situation is influenced by the pre-conflict and conflict stages. This results in policy and practice that reinforces the norms of inequality which are often the precipitating factors for the violence in the first place. Youthwork policy and practice fails to
recognize the nature of inequalities in a post-modern society. The divided societies of N.I. and S. A. appear to be further apart in terms of integration and the distribution of resources.
Northern Ireland and South Africa remain battlegrounds of intense internal
political strife. Although the design of the conflict within these countries is conceptually different, the social, physical, and psychological impact on its recipients seldom differs. The historical background of apartheid and the troubles of Northern Ireland are not only central to the development of youth programmes but directly and indirectly influence how policy is shaped. Northern Ireland, like South Africa, is in the process of moving from a conflict situation to a post-conflict
situation. Although the troubles of the North are not as institutionalised as those
experienced by black South Africans during the apartheid regime, the scourges that face both societies are very real and, indeed, rooted in a long-standing relationship with politics and propagandist ideology (Veeran, 2002). Any work undertaken with
youth within these contexts needs to be aware of these “imbedded” issues in order to understand the barriers to progress. The conflict perspective espouses that violence and its sequalae are central to our understanding of societal structures, influencing and shaping our thinking and
social conscience. Macionis and Plummer (2002) “envisage society as an arena of inequality that generates conflict and change” (p. 24). The ongoing conflict between dominant and disadvantaged groups revolve around factors such as gender, race, class, and ethnicity. Young people, especially young men, are--through their masculine culture and upbringing--prone to violence as a means of moving through the rites of passage. Many young males in deprived areas see it as desirable and as a means of survival. Regrettably, in the face of extreme manifestations of violent behaviour, violence has been sanctioned as an acceptable means of socialization, discipline, and social control (Henderson, cited in Barbarin & Richter, 2001).

Child Care in Practice, Sep 1, 2004

This paper reviews the theoretical approaches that espouse a child‐centred approach in intervenin... more This paper reviews the theoretical approaches that espouse a child‐centred approach in intervening with street children. It focuses on two major themes, namely the rights of the child and client self‐determination as proposed by Adler (Corey, 2001). The discussion acknowledges that providing street children with opportunities to participate in decision‐making regarding their own lives is imperative. Notwithstanding their alleged marginalization, substantial motivation is provided for the adoption of a client‐centred approach that upholds the rights of the child. The paper draws attention to the fact that despite the ratification of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), many street children experience deprivation with regard to their basic human needs. It is envisaged that whatever the circumstances for children being on the street, their involvement and participation in alleviating their plight will not be compromised.

Social Work Education, Dec 1, 2013

ABSTRACT

Social Work/Maatskaplike Werk, 2014

Until recently child labour in South Africa received little attention from government and nongove... more Until recently child labour in South Africa received little attention from government and nongovernmental organisations (NGOs). This lack of recognition is evidenced by the dearth of research and comprehensive statistics on the extent of the problem. Although statistics have been forthcoming from the International Labour Organisation (ILO) and United Nations Children's Education Fund (UNICEF), they differ significantly on the estimates of the magnitude of child labour. The ILO estimated in 1996 that there were 120 million full-time working children ranging from 5 to 14 years. This figure is doubled when part-time working children are taken into consideration. The distribution of child labour indicates that this phenomenon is located primarily in developing countries, viz. Asia 61%, Africa 32% and Latin America 17% (Grootaert & Patrinos, 1999). Nevertheless, the highest proportion of child workers in relation to the total population is in Africa (Fyfe, 1989). Compared against global estimates, child labour in South Africa has been underestimated, contributing largely to the low-priority status it is accorded. According to the Labour Directorate there were about 200 000 children working in South Africa in 1997 (Department of Labour, 1998), some as young as 5 years. Without conclusive research into the problem of child labour, it can be argued that this figure is a conservative estimate as a large percentage of "unseen" child labour is not accounted for. This includes unpaid domestic work and work in the informal sector. Other related activities that are neglected in the estimation are the increasing number of child prostitutes, largely as the result of the increasing number of street children.

The foci of this paper are the similarities and differences of youthwork in South Africa and Nort... more The foci of this paper are the similarities and differences of youthwork in South Africa and Northern Ireland, within the framework of understanding social capital in a post-conflict sense. Youthwork, in order to make a profound impact on the youth, needs to understand influences at a macro-, mezzo-, and micro-level. This includes the legacy of violence that has been structurally perpetuated and often casts a veil over youthwork practice. Youthwork policy in a post-conflict situation is influenced by the pre-conflict and conflict stages. This results in policy and practice that reinforces the norms of inequality which are often the precipitating factors for the violence in the first place. Youthwork policy and practice fails to recognize the nature of inequalities in a post-modern society. The divided societies of N.I. and S. A. appear to be further apart in terms of integration and the distribution of resources. Northern Ireland and South Africa remain battlegrounds of intense internal political strife. Although the design of the conflict within these countries is conceptually different, the social, physical, and psychological impact on its recipients seldom differs. The historical background of apartheid and the troubles of Northern Ireland are not only central to the development of youth programmes but directly and indirectly influence how policy is shaped. Northern Ireland, like South Africa, is in the process of moving from a conflict situation to a post-conflict situation. Although the troubles of the North are not as institutionalised as those experienced by black South Africans during the apartheid regime, the scourges that face both societies are very real and, indeed, rooted in a long-standing relationship with politics and propagandist ideology (Veeran, 2002). Any work undertaken with youth within these contexts needs to be aware of these "imbedded" issues in order to understand the barriers to progress. The conflict perspective espouses that violence and its sequalae are central to our understanding of societal structures, influencing and shaping our thinking and social conscience. Macionis and Plummer (2002) "envisage society as an arena of inequality that generates conflict and change" (p. 24). The ongoing conflict between dominant and disadvantaged groups revolve around factors such as

One of the greatestchallenges for any country emerging from a war, as is the case of Libya, is th... more One of the greatestchallenges for any country emerging from a war, as is the case of Libya, is the reintegration of freedom fighters back into their communities and families. These freedom fightersstruggle toadaptas a result of the traumatic stressand reintegration that accompanies armed conflict. Consequently, the estimated number of cases of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) is likely to be elevated. Low and middle income countries (LMIC) such as Libya also have to deal with the lack of mental health care facilities and services. The mental health needs of people exposed to trauma may be exacerbated as a result of the structural incapacity of the state to provide services to those most affected by the armed conflict. In addition to the limited services available, LMIC also have to cope with poorly trained mental health workers who may have had little or no exposure to working in such violent and post-conflict conditions. The proposed study will provide the essential scientific foundation to understand the needs of freedom fighters and their family members in Libya while mapping available assets throughout the county. The data will result in a community dashboard allowing for the evaluation of community systems supporting these veterans at a specific moment in time to compare progress over time, and build community support for change. Further, these data can also be employed by academic researchers investigating which community interventions are most effective and why.Equally important, the study will provide new insights for the development of culturally relevant training curriculum for mental health workers to intervene with freedom fighters and their families. Thestudy adapts a political economic and conflict resolution theoretical framework in the assessment of mental health services in conflict stricken areas in Libya.A mixed method research design will be applied to collect and analyze quantitative and qualitative data. Quantitative data will be drawn using a multi-stage, multi-level random sample of NGOs servingfreedom fighters and their families in the whole of Libya and for refugees in Tunisia. Interviews will be conducted with managers and staff of the NGOs, the former freedom fighters and their families. The anticipated long term benefits would be to support and ensure that the national security is protected through an effective system of services that will contribute to a strong and resilient society.

Poverty is a national and an international social impediment. However, women tend to be most vuln... more Poverty is a national and an international social impediment. However, women tend to be most vulnerable to poverty. The term "feminization of poverty" was first used by Diana Pearce in 1976 following her observation of women among women in America. She observed that two thirds of the poor were women over the age of 16 and an increasingly large number were from the economically disadvantaged groups (Strahan, 1993). The discourse on "feminization of poverty" holds that as a result of recession and

Social Work Education, 2013

ABSTRACT

Child Care in Practice, 2004

way This paper reviews the theoretical approaches that espouse a child-centred approach in interv... more way This paper reviews the theoretical approaches that espouse a child-centred approach in intervening with street children. It focuses on two major themes, namely the rights of the child and client self-determination as proposed by Adler (Corey, 2001). The discussion acknowledges that providing street children with opportunities to participate in decisionmaking regarding their own lives is imperative. Notwithstanding their alleged marginalization, substantial motivation is provided for the adoption of a client-centred approach that upholds the rights of the child. The paper draws attention to the fact that despite the ratification of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), many street children experience deprivation with regard to their basic human needs. It is envisaged that whatever the circumstances for children being on the street, their involvement and participation in alleviating their plight will not be compromised.

Until recently child labour in South Africa received little attention from government and non-gov... more Until recently child labour in South Africa received little attention from government and non-governmental organisations (NGOs). This lack of recognition is evidenced by the dearth of research and comprehensive statistics on the extent of the problem. Although statistics have been forthcoming from the International Labour Organisation (ILO) and United Nations Children’s Education Fund (UNICEF), they differ significantly on the estimates of the magnitude of child labour. The ILO estimated in 1996 that there were 120 million full-time working children ranging from 5 to 14 years. This figure is doubled when part-time working children are taken into consideration. The distribution of child labour indicates that this phenomenon is located primarily in developing countries, viz. Asia 61%, Africa 32% and Latin America 17% (Grootaert & Patrinos, 1999). Nevertheless, the highest proportion of child workers in relation to the total population is in Africa (Fyfe, 1989). Compared against global estimates, child labour in South Africa has been underestimated, contributing largely to the low-priority status it is accorded. According to the Labour Directorate there were about 200 000 children working in South Africa in 1997 (Department of Labour, 1998), some as young as 5 years. Without conclusive research into the problem of child labour, it can be argued that this figure is a conservative estimate as a large percentage of “unseen” child labour is not accounted for. This includes unpaid domestic work and work in the informal sector. Other related activities that are neglected in the estimation are the increasing number of child prostitutes, largely as the result of the increasing number of street children.
International campaigns have reinforced the need for governments globally to make a concerted effort to address the problem of child labour. Several international campaigns and conferences reflect the increasing international endeavours to address the problem of child labour. The Oslo Conference on Child Labour (UNICEF, 1997) recognised and reiterated the important role that other such conferences have played in condemning the exploitation of children, without exception. This paper will provide an overview of child labour. Significant in any discussion on child labour are the determinants and efforts to eradicate it. Notwithstanding these efforts, child labour continues to be an ethical, social and economic challenge for the world. As a signatory to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), South Africa has embarked on a programme through its National Programme of Action for Children, which includes the Child Labour Action Programme.

This article interrogates the dominant discourse on youth empowerment from different perspectives... more This article interrogates the dominant discourse on youth empowerment from different perspectives, based on a range of circumstances experienced by young people in South Africa.
It examines the scope for empowerment highlighting the need for structural and cultural synergy through the analysis and understanding of the individual, cultural and structural processes and considers how these affect the personal aspirations of the youth. By using a multi-level discourse
the agency of youth, as advocates and catalysts for change, is viewed as a function of transition post apartheid in South Africa. In this examination, the assumption that empowerment is inextricably linked to power is given close scrutiny through analysis of structural, contextual and personal juxtaposition of factors impacting on young peoples’ life chances. Drawing on the micro/macro nexus, the author developed a model, which espouses the young person’s interdependency to facilitate and support youth empowerment. Essentially, this multi-level
cyclical framework theorizes that connecting individuals, in the first instance, with their immediate environment is crucial to facilitating their connection with their community and
society. While the ecological system provides the lens through which the environment is assessed, with regard to resources and opportunities, the participatory approach stresses youth agency capitalising on their role as catalysts and advocates in their own empowerment.

The foci of this paper are the similarities and differences of youthwork in South Africa and Nort... more The foci of this paper are the similarities and differences of youthwork in South Africa and Northern Ireland, within the framework of understanding social capital in a post-conflict sense. Youthwork, in order to make a profound impact on the
youth, needs to understand influences at a macro-, mezzo-, and micro-level. This includes the legacy of violence that has been structurally perpetuated and often casts a veil over youthwork practice. Youthwork policy in a post-conflict situation is influenced by the pre-conflict and conflict stages. This results in policy and practice that reinforces the norms of inequality which are often the precipitating factors for the violence in the first place. Youthwork policy and practice fails to
recognize the nature of inequalities in a post-modern society. The divided societies of N.I. and S. A. appear to be further apart in terms of integration and the distribution of resources.
Northern Ireland and South Africa remain battlegrounds of intense internal
political strife. Although the design of the conflict within these countries is conceptually different, the social, physical, and psychological impact on its recipients seldom differs. The historical background of apartheid and the troubles of Northern Ireland are not only central to the development of youth programmes but directly and indirectly influence how policy is shaped. Northern Ireland, like South Africa, is in the process of moving from a conflict situation to a post-conflict
situation. Although the troubles of the North are not as institutionalised as those
experienced by black South Africans during the apartheid regime, the scourges that face both societies are very real and, indeed, rooted in a long-standing relationship with politics and propagandist ideology (Veeran, 2002). Any work undertaken with
youth within these contexts needs to be aware of these “imbedded” issues in order to understand the barriers to progress. The conflict perspective espouses that violence and its sequalae are central to our understanding of societal structures, influencing and shaping our thinking and
social conscience. Macionis and Plummer (2002) “envisage society as an arena of inequality that generates conflict and change” (p. 24). The ongoing conflict between dominant and disadvantaged groups revolve around factors such as gender, race, class, and ethnicity. Young people, especially young men, are--through their masculine culture and upbringing--prone to violence as a means of moving through the rites of passage. Many young males in deprived areas see it as desirable and as a means of survival. Regrettably, in the face of extreme manifestations of violent behaviour, violence has been sanctioned as an acceptable means of socialization, discipline, and social control (Henderson, cited in Barbarin & Richter, 2001).