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Papers by akadi moubarakou

MIT Press

... Phonology, 37.1 Benmamoun and Lorimor, 37.1 Matushansky, 37.2 Lawrence, 37.3 Halle and Matush... more ... Phonology, 37.1 Benmamoun and Lorimor, 37.1 Matushansky, 37.2 Lawrence, 37.3 Halle and Matushansky, 37.3 Rosenthall, 37.4 Rezac Plural in Russian, 37.3 Halle and Matushansky Polarity-sensitive items, 37.4 Chierchia See also Negative polarity items Pragmatics, 37.2 ...

Clitics in phonology, morphology and syntax, Jan 1, 2000

This paper examines the tonal behavior of six types of enclitics in Standard Yoruba, and shows th... more This paper examines the tonal behavior of six types of enclitics in Standard Yoruba, and shows that in all six cases, a constraint applies preventing the last syllable of the host and the adjacent clitic syllable from having the same (High or Low) tone. There are no other host+clitic cases in Yoruba for which such a constraint would be relevant. Potential violations of the constraint are avoided by one of five different methods, depending on the case: failure to link a floating tone, deletion of a tone belonging to the clitic, deletion of a tone belonging to the host, insertion of a toneless vowel, or failure to delete an otherwise optional toneless vowel. This pattern is thus a morphophonemic "conspiracy" in the classical sense. However, Yoruba does not have a more general constraint against sametone sequences in underlying or derived environments.

This paper examines the tonal behavior of six types of enclitics in Standard Yoruba, and shows th... more This paper examines the tonal behavior of six types of enclitics in Standard Yoruba, and shows that in all six cases, a constraint applies preventing the last syllable of the host and the adjacent clitic syllable from having the same (High or Low) tone. There are no other host+clitic cases in Yoruba for which such a constraint would be relevant. Potential violations of the constraint are avoided by one of five different methods, depending on the case: failure to link a floating tone, deletion of a tone belonging to the clitic, deletion of a tone belonging to the host, insertion of a toneless vowel, or failure to delete an otherwise optional toneless vowel. This pattern is thus a morphophonemic "conspiracy" in the classical sense. However, Yoruba does not have a more general constraint against sametone sequences in underlying or derived environments.

Journal of philosophy and …, Jan 1, 2006

MIT Press

... Phonology, 37.1 Benmamoun and Lorimor, 37.1 Matushansky, 37.2 Lawrence, 37.3 Halle and Matush... more ... Phonology, 37.1 Benmamoun and Lorimor, 37.1 Matushansky, 37.2 Lawrence, 37.3 Halle and Matushansky, 37.3 Rosenthall, 37.4 Rezac Plural in Russian, 37.3 Halle and Matushansky Polarity-sensitive items, 37.4 Chierchia See also Negative polarity items Pragmatics, 37.2 ...

Clitics in phonology, morphology and syntax, Jan 1, 2000

This paper examines the tonal behavior of six types of enclitics in Standard Yoruba, and shows th... more This paper examines the tonal behavior of six types of enclitics in Standard Yoruba, and shows that in all six cases, a constraint applies preventing the last syllable of the host and the adjacent clitic syllable from having the same (High or Low) tone. There are no other host+clitic cases in Yoruba for which such a constraint would be relevant. Potential violations of the constraint are avoided by one of five different methods, depending on the case: failure to link a floating tone, deletion of a tone belonging to the clitic, deletion of a tone belonging to the host, insertion of a toneless vowel, or failure to delete an otherwise optional toneless vowel. This pattern is thus a morphophonemic "conspiracy" in the classical sense. However, Yoruba does not have a more general constraint against sametone sequences in underlying or derived environments.

This paper examines the tonal behavior of six types of enclitics in Standard Yoruba, and shows th... more This paper examines the tonal behavior of six types of enclitics in Standard Yoruba, and shows that in all six cases, a constraint applies preventing the last syllable of the host and the adjacent clitic syllable from having the same (High or Low) tone. There are no other host+clitic cases in Yoruba for which such a constraint would be relevant. Potential violations of the constraint are avoided by one of five different methods, depending on the case: failure to link a floating tone, deletion of a tone belonging to the clitic, deletion of a tone belonging to the host, insertion of a toneless vowel, or failure to delete an otherwise optional toneless vowel. This pattern is thus a morphophonemic "conspiracy" in the classical sense. However, Yoruba does not have a more general constraint against sametone sequences in underlying or derived environments.

Journal of philosophy and …, Jan 1, 2006