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Papers by journal of World Sociopolitical Studies
Journal of World Sociopolitical studies, 2025
Crisis conditions create ambiguous situations where individuals rely more on their understanding ... more Crisis conditions create ambiguous situations where individuals rely more on their understanding and previous experiences. In the context of politics, depending on a leader's characteristics, his perceptions may influence and override other agents in policy-making during the crisis time. Many studies claim that leaders' perceptions may change as they confront crisis, as they learn from critical situations. Based on empirical data regarding President Donald Trump's operational beliefs and leadership characteristics, this paper examines the theoretical basis for the ways in which core beliefs resist change and learning. To answer the main question, the operational code of President Trump had been analyzed in three separate phases: the immediate pre-presidential phase, his three years in office prior to COVID-19 breakout, his last nine months in office during the crises. The results of this research may address several questions regarding the Trump political leadership and belief system by focusing on changes in the cognitive construct of the president.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2025
This paper explores the dynamics and influence of pro-Palestine movements in the UK, highlighting... more This paper explores the dynamics and influence of pro-Palestine movements in the UK, highlighting their role as critical agents of social change. Rooted in a rich history of social movements in the UK, these groups advocate for Palestinian rights and challenge the country's longstanding foreign policy alignment with Israel. By examining the diverse strategies and coalitions within pro-Palestine activism-from advocacy and media campaigns to legal challenges and grassroots mobilization-the study illustrates how these movements navigate complex political landscapes. Drawing on insights from 17 semi-structured interviews, it suggests the interrelatedness of local and global struggles for justice, underscoring the shared commitment to nonviolence, human rights, and international law. It emphasizes the unique position of the UK's pro-Palestine activism as both a reflection of domestic socio-political dynamics and a response to global geopolitical realities. It also reveals that many activists were previously engaged in various political causes related to justice before dedicating themselves to pro-Palestine advocacy. Ultimately, this paper seeks to illuminate the contributions of these movements to broader discourses of solidarity, resistance, and the pursuit of self-determination for the Palestinian people. This study also enhances the understanding of grassroots activism and its potential impact on international human rights advocacy.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2025
This study investigates the relationship between religious beliefs, particularly belief in life a... more This study investigates the relationship between religious beliefs, particularly belief in life after death, and political inclinations among Americans. Utilizing data from the 2022 General Social Survey (GSS), we explored the sociopolitical impact of religiosity through statistical analyses, including Pearson's chi-squared tests and independent samples t-tests. Findings indicate that religiosity significantly correlates with belief in life after death, with more religious individuals demonstrating a stronger inclination toward belief in an afterlife. Additionally, race and gender were found to be influential, as black Americans and American women were more likely to believe in life after death. However, socioeconomic factors such as income and education showed no significant association with afterlife beliefs. Contrary to expectations, age also lacked a meaningful relationship with belief in life after death. Lastly, we found that belief in the afterlife is significantly associated with one's inclination towards republicans in the elections. These results emphasize the enduring influence of religious identity and spiritual beliefs on social and political attitudes.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
Saudi foreign policy was mostly affected by its strategic relations with the United States as its... more Saudi foreign policy was mostly affected by its strategic relations with the United States as its primary and sole security provider. However, since the rise of Mohammed Bin Salman, Saudi Arabia further developed its relations with permanent non-Western members of the United Nations Security Council, respectively China and Russia. This study mainly contends that this transformation took place through strategic hedging, with regional and global consequences. It is contended that Saudi Arabia has adopted a triangular foreign policy through hedging, in order to balance its foreign relations with America and achieve regional supremacy. In this article, through a thematic analysis, we will investigate the ways in which Saudi foreign policy adopted hedging, the reasons for this action, and the motifs behind this decision. Saudi Arabia has tried to pursue national interests through hedging. This attempt is affected by a post-Cold War environment, preparing for a possible multi-polarization of the international system. Saudi Arabia also tries to improve its image alongside this approach in foreign policy. Correspondingly, this diversification of Saudi foreign policy is noticeably compatible with its domestic policy of opening up and adopting rapid modernization, which is analyzed through hedging and Neoclassical Realism.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
1 Constructivism theory believes that the power, security and survival of a nation are often shap... more 1 Constructivism theory believes that the power, security and survival of a nation are often shaped by the identity structures and perceptions of its agents, which in turn define the threats and opportunities that it faces. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia suffered an identity crisis and tried to regain its position as a "great power" by adopting the Eurasian identity model. The background of the research showed that realist, geopolitical and traditional investigations cannot correctly and fully explain the way in which the Eurasian identity was formed and its impact on Russia's military actions in Ukraine. As a result, this study tries to answer the question of how Russian identity and perception-based motivations in Russia's attack on Ukraine can be understood through constructivism theory. The main hypothesis is that constructivism provides insights into the main reasons for Russia's military invasion of Ukraine, which can analyze certain factors in this war, which cannot be understood through traditional theories. The findings of this paper confirm that Russia's attack on Ukraine was aligned with its role as a Eurasian power and Putin's identity visions. This article uses a qualitative research method using field and library sources to analyze the hypothesis.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
The Russia-Ukraine war has ignited a complex geopolitical landscape with far-reaching implication... more The Russia-Ukraine war has ignited a complex geopolitical landscape with far-reaching implications. Global trade disruptions, economic strain, and heightened geopolitical tensions are only few of the consequences. This crisis serves as a microcosm of broader power struggles, influenced by historical, regional, and resource-based factors. Iran, although geographically distant from the conflict, is deeply intertwined in this complex web due to overlapping geopolitical interests. Ukraine's strategic position as a grain exporter, coupled with the broader context of NATO expansion and Russia's regional dominance, have placed Iran in a pivotal position. A central question emerges: What type of geopolitical pattern does Iran exhibit in response to the Ukraine crisis? Is it interactive, confrontational, dominance-seeking, influence-oriented, or competitive? To answer this, we will examine Iran's behavior across the various dimensions of geopolitics: geoeconomics, geoculture, geostrategy, and politics. By understanding Iran's approach, we can better assess potential opportunities and risks stemming from this crisis. Grounded theory approach was used for qualitative analysis, focusing on patterns and themes. MaxQDA software was used to analyze data and extract key concepts. Findings reveal that Iran-Ukraine geopolitical relations pattern are confrontational in all three dimensions: geostrategy, geoculture, and geoeconomics.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
After the historic victory of Barack Obama, the first African American president, a movement emer... more After the historic victory of Barack Obama, the first African American president, a movement emerged whose adherents regarded the American dream as no longer realizable and saw the Democratic Party as a threat to the nation's existence. Rapidly garnering support from the Republican Party, particularly the conservative spectrum, this movement adopted a confrontational stance on social services, health care subsidies for the impoverished, and policies toward racial minorities. The Tea Party Movement sustained its efforts to rebuild and maintain conservative republicanism in the immediate aftermath of the 2008 presidential election with the support of the Republican Party, particularly its conservative wing. The early years of the Tea Party witnessed many successful candidates in congressional elections, which contributed to the party's stability and sustained its influence within the American political establishment. This review article investigates the way in which the Tea Party movement influenced conservative republicanism in the United States. It is argued that the Tea Party, which advocated for traditional white American values, has reconstructed conservative republicanism that was on the verge of collapse while attempting to maintain its existence despite all of its ups and downs. Furthermore, this movement contributed to the rise of Trumpism in America and was an essential factor in Donald Trump's triumph in the 2016 presidential election and his 2020 campaign.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
The geopolitical significance of Taiwan has prompted the United States to remain vigilant about t... more The geopolitical significance of Taiwan has prompted the United States to remain vigilant about the island's security, even after recognizing the People's Republic of China in 1979. Consequently, while refraining from any legally binding commitment to defend Taiwan, the U.S. Congress passed the Taiwan Relations Act, with the aim of equipping Taipei with the necessary military capabilities to deter a potential attack by China—a policy later termed "Strategic Ambiguity". However, while Taiwan’s
economic development and democratic transition over the past four decades have underscored the importance of preserving the cross-strait status quo, China’s integration into the global economy has enabled the People’s Liberation Army to challenge it. Although conventional debates suggest the United States must choose between strategic clarity and traditional ambiguity, this paper moves beyond such a dichotomy, arguing that U.S. foreign policy behavior toward Taiwan exhibits elements of both. Building on the new conceptual framework of "Adaptive Strategic Ambiguity", this paper categorizes the U.S. policy toward Taiwan into three distinct dimensions: the reinvigoration of regional balance of power, the transition toward political clarity, and the advancement of economic de-risking.
American mass media’s relation with the US government in foreign policy decision-making has been ... more American mass media’s relation with the US government in foreign policy decision-making has been the subject of numerous studies in the interdisciplinary field of political communication. This paper reexamines the interaction between the media and the government in the US foreign policy decision-making process, analyzing the possible congruity and/or incongruity between The Washington Post’s commentaries and former US President Barack Obama’s anti-terrorism campaign. A Critical Discourse Analysis of two Obama statements on counterterrorism, one Washington Post Op-Ed and one editorial suggest that there is an agreement between Obama’s speeches and the corresponding newspaper articles in topics such as choosing defense over offense, changing the conventional war trend, deploying troops, closing down GTMO, avoiding torture and the violation of American citizens' privacy, freedom of press, avoiding giving too much importance to terrorists, and increasing air marshals on flights. Hen...
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2019
This study investigates the representations of Hindu-Muslim relationship in Bollywood movies from... more This study investigates the representations of Hindu-Muslim relationship in Bollywood movies from 2008 to 2018. It is assumed that after 2008 Mumbai terrorist attacks, which are known as 26/11, conflicts between Hindus and Muslims have escalated. Since Indian people are extreme fans of movies, especially Bollywood movies, in this regard, it is expected that media could play a significant role in increasing or alleviating the conflicts by influencing people’s attitudes and opinions. This research seeks to examine the extent and modality of the representation of Hindu-Muslim relationships in Bollywood after the 2008 Mumbai attacks. The study was conducted through a content analysis of 11 Bollywood movies, which were selected from 70 Muslim-characters-based movies. Favorable, unfavorable, neutral and unclear were the four factors through which the movies’ contents were analyzed. The overall analysis of these factors indicate that 66.17% of the scenes were favorable, 14.70% were unfavor...
This paper is an empirical attempt to investigate bilateral trade flow between Iran and Russia. T... more This paper is an empirical attempt to investigate bilateral trade flow between Iran and Russia. To this end, we used statistical analyses on macroeconomic series over the period of 1991-2017. Results revealed that there is a significant statistical difference in terms of exports between Iran and Russia, and that there has always been a buyer-seller dialogue between the two countries. According to the Export-Import Similarities (EIS), Iran and Russia represented low potential complementarity between the years 2001 and 2017, which indicated that there is more trade competitiveness rather than trade complementarities between the two countries. Results from the statistical tests of Friedman and Kruskal-W revealed that the service sector has played an important role in creating value in Russia’s economy. In addition, there is a statistical significant difference with respect to Iran’s exports to Russia in terms of Iran and Russia’s sanctions and Russia’s membership to WTO. During the san...
Iran and Ethiopia have had bilateral relations for almost two thousand years. These relations wer... more Iran and Ethiopia have had bilateral relations for almost two thousand years. These relations were accompanied by cultural exchanges among the people, resulting in the acceptance of both nation’s cultural elements by the other. A thorough knowledge of these cultural exchanges is not only important in understanding the history of the bilateral relations between the two countries; it would also be helpful in planning future relations between Iran and Ethiopia. Therefore, this paper aims to study the important subject of “cultural exchanges between Iran and Ethiopia” through an analysis of the way in which each nation has culturally influenced the other. Based on Lahsaeizadeh’s theory of “Cultural Exchange between Different Ethnic Groups”, and through a meticulous observation of Iran-Ethiopia relations throughout history via library and field research, this paper attempts to examines the bilateral cultural influence of one nation on the other. The analysis of diverse historical documen...
Research on the special relationship between the United States and Israel has usually been focuse... more Research on the special relationship between the United States and Israel has usually been focused on strategic aspects, whilst fewer scholars have focused on non-material dimensions of the relationship. In addition, the existing research is mostly confined to the political and decision-making realms, with very few excursions into the academic arena. The current article aims to fill this lacuna through the study of pro-Israel academic discourse in America, focusing on the specific case of the field of terrorism studies. Critical discourse analysis of pro-Israel academic texts in this field is carried out to reveal the discourse, themes and arguments used to build this ideational pillar of the special relationship and move towards a common identity between the US and Israel. The common ingroup identity model (CIIM) is used to describe the process through which a common identity is constructed. The article concludes that defining the Self, defining the Other, and defining the norms ar...
According to some researchers (Hopkins, 2004a; Hopkins & Smith, 2008), there is a perception amon... more According to some researchers (Hopkins, 2004a; Hopkins & Smith, 2008), there is a perception among certain Muslims that anti-Muslim racism is higher in areas where there is a high density of Muslim residents, such as Glasgow. In contrast, other Muslims may feel that Islamophobia is higher in places with fewer numbers of Muslim residents. Through an investigation of Muslims’ experiences of Islamophobia in major Scottish cities, this paper discusses the influence of the size of Muslim communities in experiencing Islamophobia[1]. It also examines the importance of other possible factors, such as socio-economic status and deprivation on Islamophobia. To this end, the experience and accounts of 33 Muslim participants in major Scottish cities (Edinburgh, Glasgow, Aberdeen and Dundee) were documented and analyzed through qualitative methods. The findings of this paper suggest that Muslims’ individual and social aspects of life play a more important role on Islamophobia, as opposed to the ...
The 1979 Islamic Revolution marked a pivotal moment in the political relations between the U.S. a... more The 1979 Islamic Revolution marked a pivotal moment in the political relations between the U.S. and Iran, resulting in a “soft war” that primarily unfolded in the media, particularly within films. This study aims to analyze how the selected film, Septembers of Shiraz (2015), represents post-revolutionary Iran from a cognitive perspective. The Islamic Revolution is characterized by distinct signifiers, including anti-Zionism, the duality of the oppressed and the oppressors, legality, Islamism, republicanism, and the rejection of the United States. Rival discourses attempt to
dislocate each of these signifiers to delegitimize the hegemon discourse of the Islamic Revolution. This analysis employs a combination of three theoretical frameworks and cognitive construal tools at the micro-level: Talmy’s (2000) force-dynamic paradigms, the multimodal conceptual metaphor proposed by Forceville (2006, 2008, 2016),
and the metonymy-producing relationships suggested by Radden and Kövecses (1999). A macro-level analysis will utilize Laclau and Mouffe’s (2001) discourse theory to uncover the hegemon discourse’s semiotic system using the micro-level data. The results demonstrate that this film employs the repetitive metaphor of IRAN IS PRISON, the metonymy of MEMBERS FOR A CATEGORY, and the force-dynamic paradigm of the revolutionaries as a strong Antagonist/ the Jewish society as a weak Agonist. Discursively, the Iranian revolutionaries are portrayed as irrational, dogmatic, and narrow-minded individuals who are drawing their other-making border with all those who are not devoted to the Islamic revolution. Rejecting anti-Semitism, the revolutionaries’ irrationality, Jewish sacred suffering, and messianic redemption are some of the signifiers articulated by this film
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
Considering that the greatest threat to Iran in the past 400 years has emerged from the geography... more Considering that the greatest threat to Iran in the past 400 years has emerged from the geography of Iraq (from the time of the Ottoman rule and onwards), it must be noted that Iraq is one of Iran's most important neighbors. Therefore, continuous examination of the shaping factors in Iran-Iraq relations is crucial. Although the history of Iran-Iraq relations spans over a century, this article seeks to explore, utilizing a historical-comparative method and an analytical approach, the shaping factors of Iran-Iraq relations from 2003 to 2022. The argument presented in this article suggests that while Iran managed to expand its regional influence in the aftermath of the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime, and replaced the pattern of hostility and tension of the Ba'athist era with a pattern of interaction and cooperation, the element of cooperation and interaction in Iran-Iraq relations is gradually fading due to changes and developments at domestic, regional, and international levels.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
Transition in the Middle East has been one of the most visible characteristics of the East Asian ... more Transition in the Middle East has been one of the most visible characteristics of the East Asian countries since the end of the Cold War. Having been the most penetrated region of the world, the international and the regional orders have always been closely, although mostly asymmetrically related. Thus, the transition in the international arena has been deeply impacting the regional scene, which, along the development from the Cold War through the unipolar moment of the United States to the post-hegemonic/post-US, has resulted in a relatively more independent regional order in the making. The new Middle East is still in transition, with the US having become one, among several external actors, old regional powers returning and new ones emerging. However, this transition changes not only the actors shaping the new regional order, but also some of the underlying concepts thereof, e. g. that of the regional power. Egypt has been considered a regional power, however, due to the deep financial and economic crisis that it has been undergoing, as well as the increasing role that GCC states play in Egypt, this status has been increasingly questioned. The present paper aims at analysing the ways in which the interplay between internal, regional and external developments and the re-identification of the Egyptian state (and society) contributed to and changed its “classical” regional power status. The hypothesis of the paper is that due to the many layers of its identity, Egypt has the capability to appear in different dimensions and take on a leading role in spite of its
economic and financial difficulties and its exposure to GCC influence. The research questions are as follows: 1)What elements constitute the Egyptian identity, 2) How are they reflected in the country’s foreign policy? And 3) How do these relate to the perception of Egypt as a regional power?
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
In the post-2020 security environment of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, marked b... more In the post-2020 security environment of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, marked by the easing of Iranian-Saudi tensions, intra-Sunni reconciliation, the resolution of the Qatar blockade, and the signing of the Abraham Accords, the European Union (EU) sought to capitalize on the détente to advance its strategic interests. Compared to the other members of the so-called Western camp, the EU, which appears particularly vulnerable to its neighbouring region's instability, responded poorly to the emerging challenges and opportunities. Which factors explain the inefficiency of the EU to benefit from a permissive strategic environment and become more impactful in its broader neighbourhood? This article attempts to promote our understanding of EU’s foreign policy towards the MENA region through a Neoclassical Realist theoretical approach. Structural changes alone cannot explain the EU's failure to have a more prominent role in the region. Intervening variables, such as the role of institutions, state-society relations, and strategic culture, can shed light on the lack of policy cohesiveness and the overall inability of the EU to promote its influence abroad.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
EU has developed a plethora of initiatives to deal with the southern shores of the Mediterranean ... more EU has developed a plethora of initiatives to deal with the southern shores of the Mediterranean Sea. From Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) and the so-called Barcelona Process to European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) and Union for the Mediterranean (UfM), different regional programs have been implemented in the Mediterranean region. The diversity and increasing number of countries involved have led to a feel of Mediterranean bazaar with diverging directions. Thus, one question
appears to remain unanswered: In what ways have ideational foundations affected the EU initiatives in the Southern shores of the Mediterranean Sea? The research hypothesis states that differences in ideational foundations of the Mediterranean powers, namely, France, Italy and Spain, in moments of crisis have led to the multiplication of initiatives and brought in at times conflicting arrangements between the north and the south of the Mediterranean Sea. The research question was answered under the Constructivist Institutionalism using the qualitative methodology of content analysis. Research findings reveal that when confronted with moments of self-doubt (crisis), each of the Mediterranean powers has effectuated an institutional change according to its established ideas and cognitive filters.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
This article analyzes the transformation of Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East during... more This article analyzes the transformation of Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East during the turbulent years initiated with the Arab Spring. In due course, Turkish policy considerably shifted from proactive engagement with the region in the early 2000s to a bid to leading regional transformation, particularly in the initial years of the Arab Spring.
However, the reversal of the Arab Spring increasingly presented a blowback for Türkiye’s regional engagements. The ensuing regional insecurity resulted in a realist turn in Turkish foreign policy, with frequent resort to military instruments and coercive diplomacy.
Eventually, regional policies of Türkiye corresponded to the search for de-escalation and normalization within the emerging Middle Eastern order since 2020. The article argues that changing regional dynamics corresponding with domestic conditions influenced and shaped Türkiye’s policies towards the Middle East. Recently, under the impact of the regional-systemic pressures coupled with changing domestic conditions, recalibrating its regional engagement, Türkiye has prioritized the normalization agenda. It argues that while normalization agenda will remain an important objective for Türkiye’s regional policies, it will evolve in a partial manner, and case-by-case, conditional on the unfolding regional order and Ankara’s strategic priorities.
Journal of World Sociopolitical studies, 2025
Crisis conditions create ambiguous situations where individuals rely more on their understanding ... more Crisis conditions create ambiguous situations where individuals rely more on their understanding and previous experiences. In the context of politics, depending on a leader's characteristics, his perceptions may influence and override other agents in policy-making during the crisis time. Many studies claim that leaders' perceptions may change as they confront crisis, as they learn from critical situations. Based on empirical data regarding President Donald Trump's operational beliefs and leadership characteristics, this paper examines the theoretical basis for the ways in which core beliefs resist change and learning. To answer the main question, the operational code of President Trump had been analyzed in three separate phases: the immediate pre-presidential phase, his three years in office prior to COVID-19 breakout, his last nine months in office during the crises. The results of this research may address several questions regarding the Trump political leadership and belief system by focusing on changes in the cognitive construct of the president.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2025
This paper explores the dynamics and influence of pro-Palestine movements in the UK, highlighting... more This paper explores the dynamics and influence of pro-Palestine movements in the UK, highlighting their role as critical agents of social change. Rooted in a rich history of social movements in the UK, these groups advocate for Palestinian rights and challenge the country's longstanding foreign policy alignment with Israel. By examining the diverse strategies and coalitions within pro-Palestine activism-from advocacy and media campaigns to legal challenges and grassroots mobilization-the study illustrates how these movements navigate complex political landscapes. Drawing on insights from 17 semi-structured interviews, it suggests the interrelatedness of local and global struggles for justice, underscoring the shared commitment to nonviolence, human rights, and international law. It emphasizes the unique position of the UK's pro-Palestine activism as both a reflection of domestic socio-political dynamics and a response to global geopolitical realities. It also reveals that many activists were previously engaged in various political causes related to justice before dedicating themselves to pro-Palestine advocacy. Ultimately, this paper seeks to illuminate the contributions of these movements to broader discourses of solidarity, resistance, and the pursuit of self-determination for the Palestinian people. This study also enhances the understanding of grassroots activism and its potential impact on international human rights advocacy.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2025
This study investigates the relationship between religious beliefs, particularly belief in life a... more This study investigates the relationship between religious beliefs, particularly belief in life after death, and political inclinations among Americans. Utilizing data from the 2022 General Social Survey (GSS), we explored the sociopolitical impact of religiosity through statistical analyses, including Pearson's chi-squared tests and independent samples t-tests. Findings indicate that religiosity significantly correlates with belief in life after death, with more religious individuals demonstrating a stronger inclination toward belief in an afterlife. Additionally, race and gender were found to be influential, as black Americans and American women were more likely to believe in life after death. However, socioeconomic factors such as income and education showed no significant association with afterlife beliefs. Contrary to expectations, age also lacked a meaningful relationship with belief in life after death. Lastly, we found that belief in the afterlife is significantly associated with one's inclination towards republicans in the elections. These results emphasize the enduring influence of religious identity and spiritual beliefs on social and political attitudes.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
Saudi foreign policy was mostly affected by its strategic relations with the United States as its... more Saudi foreign policy was mostly affected by its strategic relations with the United States as its primary and sole security provider. However, since the rise of Mohammed Bin Salman, Saudi Arabia further developed its relations with permanent non-Western members of the United Nations Security Council, respectively China and Russia. This study mainly contends that this transformation took place through strategic hedging, with regional and global consequences. It is contended that Saudi Arabia has adopted a triangular foreign policy through hedging, in order to balance its foreign relations with America and achieve regional supremacy. In this article, through a thematic analysis, we will investigate the ways in which Saudi foreign policy adopted hedging, the reasons for this action, and the motifs behind this decision. Saudi Arabia has tried to pursue national interests through hedging. This attempt is affected by a post-Cold War environment, preparing for a possible multi-polarization of the international system. Saudi Arabia also tries to improve its image alongside this approach in foreign policy. Correspondingly, this diversification of Saudi foreign policy is noticeably compatible with its domestic policy of opening up and adopting rapid modernization, which is analyzed through hedging and Neoclassical Realism.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
1 Constructivism theory believes that the power, security and survival of a nation are often shap... more 1 Constructivism theory believes that the power, security and survival of a nation are often shaped by the identity structures and perceptions of its agents, which in turn define the threats and opportunities that it faces. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia suffered an identity crisis and tried to regain its position as a "great power" by adopting the Eurasian identity model. The background of the research showed that realist, geopolitical and traditional investigations cannot correctly and fully explain the way in which the Eurasian identity was formed and its impact on Russia's military actions in Ukraine. As a result, this study tries to answer the question of how Russian identity and perception-based motivations in Russia's attack on Ukraine can be understood through constructivism theory. The main hypothesis is that constructivism provides insights into the main reasons for Russia's military invasion of Ukraine, which can analyze certain factors in this war, which cannot be understood through traditional theories. The findings of this paper confirm that Russia's attack on Ukraine was aligned with its role as a Eurasian power and Putin's identity visions. This article uses a qualitative research method using field and library sources to analyze the hypothesis.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
The Russia-Ukraine war has ignited a complex geopolitical landscape with far-reaching implication... more The Russia-Ukraine war has ignited a complex geopolitical landscape with far-reaching implications. Global trade disruptions, economic strain, and heightened geopolitical tensions are only few of the consequences. This crisis serves as a microcosm of broader power struggles, influenced by historical, regional, and resource-based factors. Iran, although geographically distant from the conflict, is deeply intertwined in this complex web due to overlapping geopolitical interests. Ukraine's strategic position as a grain exporter, coupled with the broader context of NATO expansion and Russia's regional dominance, have placed Iran in a pivotal position. A central question emerges: What type of geopolitical pattern does Iran exhibit in response to the Ukraine crisis? Is it interactive, confrontational, dominance-seeking, influence-oriented, or competitive? To answer this, we will examine Iran's behavior across the various dimensions of geopolitics: geoeconomics, geoculture, geostrategy, and politics. By understanding Iran's approach, we can better assess potential opportunities and risks stemming from this crisis. Grounded theory approach was used for qualitative analysis, focusing on patterns and themes. MaxQDA software was used to analyze data and extract key concepts. Findings reveal that Iran-Ukraine geopolitical relations pattern are confrontational in all three dimensions: geostrategy, geoculture, and geoeconomics.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
After the historic victory of Barack Obama, the first African American president, a movement emer... more After the historic victory of Barack Obama, the first African American president, a movement emerged whose adherents regarded the American dream as no longer realizable and saw the Democratic Party as a threat to the nation's existence. Rapidly garnering support from the Republican Party, particularly the conservative spectrum, this movement adopted a confrontational stance on social services, health care subsidies for the impoverished, and policies toward racial minorities. The Tea Party Movement sustained its efforts to rebuild and maintain conservative republicanism in the immediate aftermath of the 2008 presidential election with the support of the Republican Party, particularly its conservative wing. The early years of the Tea Party witnessed many successful candidates in congressional elections, which contributed to the party's stability and sustained its influence within the American political establishment. This review article investigates the way in which the Tea Party movement influenced conservative republicanism in the United States. It is argued that the Tea Party, which advocated for traditional white American values, has reconstructed conservative republicanism that was on the verge of collapse while attempting to maintain its existence despite all of its ups and downs. Furthermore, this movement contributed to the rise of Trumpism in America and was an essential factor in Donald Trump's triumph in the 2016 presidential election and his 2020 campaign.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
The geopolitical significance of Taiwan has prompted the United States to remain vigilant about t... more The geopolitical significance of Taiwan has prompted the United States to remain vigilant about the island's security, even after recognizing the People's Republic of China in 1979. Consequently, while refraining from any legally binding commitment to defend Taiwan, the U.S. Congress passed the Taiwan Relations Act, with the aim of equipping Taipei with the necessary military capabilities to deter a potential attack by China—a policy later termed "Strategic Ambiguity". However, while Taiwan’s
economic development and democratic transition over the past four decades have underscored the importance of preserving the cross-strait status quo, China’s integration into the global economy has enabled the People’s Liberation Army to challenge it. Although conventional debates suggest the United States must choose between strategic clarity and traditional ambiguity, this paper moves beyond such a dichotomy, arguing that U.S. foreign policy behavior toward Taiwan exhibits elements of both. Building on the new conceptual framework of "Adaptive Strategic Ambiguity", this paper categorizes the U.S. policy toward Taiwan into three distinct dimensions: the reinvigoration of regional balance of power, the transition toward political clarity, and the advancement of economic de-risking.
American mass media’s relation with the US government in foreign policy decision-making has been ... more American mass media’s relation with the US government in foreign policy decision-making has been the subject of numerous studies in the interdisciplinary field of political communication. This paper reexamines the interaction between the media and the government in the US foreign policy decision-making process, analyzing the possible congruity and/or incongruity between The Washington Post’s commentaries and former US President Barack Obama’s anti-terrorism campaign. A Critical Discourse Analysis of two Obama statements on counterterrorism, one Washington Post Op-Ed and one editorial suggest that there is an agreement between Obama’s speeches and the corresponding newspaper articles in topics such as choosing defense over offense, changing the conventional war trend, deploying troops, closing down GTMO, avoiding torture and the violation of American citizens' privacy, freedom of press, avoiding giving too much importance to terrorists, and increasing air marshals on flights. Hen...
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2019
This study investigates the representations of Hindu-Muslim relationship in Bollywood movies from... more This study investigates the representations of Hindu-Muslim relationship in Bollywood movies from 2008 to 2018. It is assumed that after 2008 Mumbai terrorist attacks, which are known as 26/11, conflicts between Hindus and Muslims have escalated. Since Indian people are extreme fans of movies, especially Bollywood movies, in this regard, it is expected that media could play a significant role in increasing or alleviating the conflicts by influencing people’s attitudes and opinions. This research seeks to examine the extent and modality of the representation of Hindu-Muslim relationships in Bollywood after the 2008 Mumbai attacks. The study was conducted through a content analysis of 11 Bollywood movies, which were selected from 70 Muslim-characters-based movies. Favorable, unfavorable, neutral and unclear were the four factors through which the movies’ contents were analyzed. The overall analysis of these factors indicate that 66.17% of the scenes were favorable, 14.70% were unfavor...
This paper is an empirical attempt to investigate bilateral trade flow between Iran and Russia. T... more This paper is an empirical attempt to investigate bilateral trade flow between Iran and Russia. To this end, we used statistical analyses on macroeconomic series over the period of 1991-2017. Results revealed that there is a significant statistical difference in terms of exports between Iran and Russia, and that there has always been a buyer-seller dialogue between the two countries. According to the Export-Import Similarities (EIS), Iran and Russia represented low potential complementarity between the years 2001 and 2017, which indicated that there is more trade competitiveness rather than trade complementarities between the two countries. Results from the statistical tests of Friedman and Kruskal-W revealed that the service sector has played an important role in creating value in Russia’s economy. In addition, there is a statistical significant difference with respect to Iran’s exports to Russia in terms of Iran and Russia’s sanctions and Russia’s membership to WTO. During the san...
Iran and Ethiopia have had bilateral relations for almost two thousand years. These relations wer... more Iran and Ethiopia have had bilateral relations for almost two thousand years. These relations were accompanied by cultural exchanges among the people, resulting in the acceptance of both nation’s cultural elements by the other. A thorough knowledge of these cultural exchanges is not only important in understanding the history of the bilateral relations between the two countries; it would also be helpful in planning future relations between Iran and Ethiopia. Therefore, this paper aims to study the important subject of “cultural exchanges between Iran and Ethiopia” through an analysis of the way in which each nation has culturally influenced the other. Based on Lahsaeizadeh’s theory of “Cultural Exchange between Different Ethnic Groups”, and through a meticulous observation of Iran-Ethiopia relations throughout history via library and field research, this paper attempts to examines the bilateral cultural influence of one nation on the other. The analysis of diverse historical documen...
Research on the special relationship between the United States and Israel has usually been focuse... more Research on the special relationship between the United States and Israel has usually been focused on strategic aspects, whilst fewer scholars have focused on non-material dimensions of the relationship. In addition, the existing research is mostly confined to the political and decision-making realms, with very few excursions into the academic arena. The current article aims to fill this lacuna through the study of pro-Israel academic discourse in America, focusing on the specific case of the field of terrorism studies. Critical discourse analysis of pro-Israel academic texts in this field is carried out to reveal the discourse, themes and arguments used to build this ideational pillar of the special relationship and move towards a common identity between the US and Israel. The common ingroup identity model (CIIM) is used to describe the process through which a common identity is constructed. The article concludes that defining the Self, defining the Other, and defining the norms ar...
According to some researchers (Hopkins, 2004a; Hopkins & Smith, 2008), there is a perception amon... more According to some researchers (Hopkins, 2004a; Hopkins & Smith, 2008), there is a perception among certain Muslims that anti-Muslim racism is higher in areas where there is a high density of Muslim residents, such as Glasgow. In contrast, other Muslims may feel that Islamophobia is higher in places with fewer numbers of Muslim residents. Through an investigation of Muslims’ experiences of Islamophobia in major Scottish cities, this paper discusses the influence of the size of Muslim communities in experiencing Islamophobia[1]. It also examines the importance of other possible factors, such as socio-economic status and deprivation on Islamophobia. To this end, the experience and accounts of 33 Muslim participants in major Scottish cities (Edinburgh, Glasgow, Aberdeen and Dundee) were documented and analyzed through qualitative methods. The findings of this paper suggest that Muslims’ individual and social aspects of life play a more important role on Islamophobia, as opposed to the ...
The 1979 Islamic Revolution marked a pivotal moment in the political relations between the U.S. a... more The 1979 Islamic Revolution marked a pivotal moment in the political relations between the U.S. and Iran, resulting in a “soft war” that primarily unfolded in the media, particularly within films. This study aims to analyze how the selected film, Septembers of Shiraz (2015), represents post-revolutionary Iran from a cognitive perspective. The Islamic Revolution is characterized by distinct signifiers, including anti-Zionism, the duality of the oppressed and the oppressors, legality, Islamism, republicanism, and the rejection of the United States. Rival discourses attempt to
dislocate each of these signifiers to delegitimize the hegemon discourse of the Islamic Revolution. This analysis employs a combination of three theoretical frameworks and cognitive construal tools at the micro-level: Talmy’s (2000) force-dynamic paradigms, the multimodal conceptual metaphor proposed by Forceville (2006, 2008, 2016),
and the metonymy-producing relationships suggested by Radden and Kövecses (1999). A macro-level analysis will utilize Laclau and Mouffe’s (2001) discourse theory to uncover the hegemon discourse’s semiotic system using the micro-level data. The results demonstrate that this film employs the repetitive metaphor of IRAN IS PRISON, the metonymy of MEMBERS FOR A CATEGORY, and the force-dynamic paradigm of the revolutionaries as a strong Antagonist/ the Jewish society as a weak Agonist. Discursively, the Iranian revolutionaries are portrayed as irrational, dogmatic, and narrow-minded individuals who are drawing their other-making border with all those who are not devoted to the Islamic revolution. Rejecting anti-Semitism, the revolutionaries’ irrationality, Jewish sacred suffering, and messianic redemption are some of the signifiers articulated by this film
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
Considering that the greatest threat to Iran in the past 400 years has emerged from the geography... more Considering that the greatest threat to Iran in the past 400 years has emerged from the geography of Iraq (from the time of the Ottoman rule and onwards), it must be noted that Iraq is one of Iran's most important neighbors. Therefore, continuous examination of the shaping factors in Iran-Iraq relations is crucial. Although the history of Iran-Iraq relations spans over a century, this article seeks to explore, utilizing a historical-comparative method and an analytical approach, the shaping factors of Iran-Iraq relations from 2003 to 2022. The argument presented in this article suggests that while Iran managed to expand its regional influence in the aftermath of the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime, and replaced the pattern of hostility and tension of the Ba'athist era with a pattern of interaction and cooperation, the element of cooperation and interaction in Iran-Iraq relations is gradually fading due to changes and developments at domestic, regional, and international levels.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
Transition in the Middle East has been one of the most visible characteristics of the East Asian ... more Transition in the Middle East has been one of the most visible characteristics of the East Asian countries since the end of the Cold War. Having been the most penetrated region of the world, the international and the regional orders have always been closely, although mostly asymmetrically related. Thus, the transition in the international arena has been deeply impacting the regional scene, which, along the development from the Cold War through the unipolar moment of the United States to the post-hegemonic/post-US, has resulted in a relatively more independent regional order in the making. The new Middle East is still in transition, with the US having become one, among several external actors, old regional powers returning and new ones emerging. However, this transition changes not only the actors shaping the new regional order, but also some of the underlying concepts thereof, e. g. that of the regional power. Egypt has been considered a regional power, however, due to the deep financial and economic crisis that it has been undergoing, as well as the increasing role that GCC states play in Egypt, this status has been increasingly questioned. The present paper aims at analysing the ways in which the interplay between internal, regional and external developments and the re-identification of the Egyptian state (and society) contributed to and changed its “classical” regional power status. The hypothesis of the paper is that due to the many layers of its identity, Egypt has the capability to appear in different dimensions and take on a leading role in spite of its
economic and financial difficulties and its exposure to GCC influence. The research questions are as follows: 1)What elements constitute the Egyptian identity, 2) How are they reflected in the country’s foreign policy? And 3) How do these relate to the perception of Egypt as a regional power?
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
In the post-2020 security environment of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, marked b... more In the post-2020 security environment of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, marked by the easing of Iranian-Saudi tensions, intra-Sunni reconciliation, the resolution of the Qatar blockade, and the signing of the Abraham Accords, the European Union (EU) sought to capitalize on the détente to advance its strategic interests. Compared to the other members of the so-called Western camp, the EU, which appears particularly vulnerable to its neighbouring region's instability, responded poorly to the emerging challenges and opportunities. Which factors explain the inefficiency of the EU to benefit from a permissive strategic environment and become more impactful in its broader neighbourhood? This article attempts to promote our understanding of EU’s foreign policy towards the MENA region through a Neoclassical Realist theoretical approach. Structural changes alone cannot explain the EU's failure to have a more prominent role in the region. Intervening variables, such as the role of institutions, state-society relations, and strategic culture, can shed light on the lack of policy cohesiveness and the overall inability of the EU to promote its influence abroad.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
EU has developed a plethora of initiatives to deal with the southern shores of the Mediterranean ... more EU has developed a plethora of initiatives to deal with the southern shores of the Mediterranean Sea. From Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) and the so-called Barcelona Process to European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) and Union for the Mediterranean (UfM), different regional programs have been implemented in the Mediterranean region. The diversity and increasing number of countries involved have led to a feel of Mediterranean bazaar with diverging directions. Thus, one question
appears to remain unanswered: In what ways have ideational foundations affected the EU initiatives in the Southern shores of the Mediterranean Sea? The research hypothesis states that differences in ideational foundations of the Mediterranean powers, namely, France, Italy and Spain, in moments of crisis have led to the multiplication of initiatives and brought in at times conflicting arrangements between the north and the south of the Mediterranean Sea. The research question was answered under the Constructivist Institutionalism using the qualitative methodology of content analysis. Research findings reveal that when confronted with moments of self-doubt (crisis), each of the Mediterranean powers has effectuated an institutional change according to its established ideas and cognitive filters.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
This article analyzes the transformation of Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East during... more This article analyzes the transformation of Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East during the turbulent years initiated with the Arab Spring. In due course, Turkish policy considerably shifted from proactive engagement with the region in the early 2000s to a bid to leading regional transformation, particularly in the initial years of the Arab Spring.
However, the reversal of the Arab Spring increasingly presented a blowback for Türkiye’s regional engagements. The ensuing regional insecurity resulted in a realist turn in Turkish foreign policy, with frequent resort to military instruments and coercive diplomacy.
Eventually, regional policies of Türkiye corresponded to the search for de-escalation and normalization within the emerging Middle Eastern order since 2020. The article argues that changing regional dynamics corresponding with domestic conditions influenced and shaped Türkiye’s policies towards the Middle East. Recently, under the impact of the regional-systemic pressures coupled with changing domestic conditions, recalibrating its regional engagement, Türkiye has prioritized the normalization agenda. It argues that while normalization agenda will remain an important objective for Türkiye’s regional policies, it will evolve in a partial manner, and case-by-case, conditional on the unfolding regional order and Ankara’s strategic priorities.