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Papers by journal of World Sociopolitical Studies
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
Transition in the Middle East has been one of the most visible characteristics of the East Asian ... more Transition in the Middle East has been one of the most visible characteristics of the East Asian countries since the end of the Cold War. Having been the most penetrated region of the world, the international and the regional orders have always been closely, although mostly asymmetrically related. Thus, the transition in the international arena has been deeply impacting the regional scene, which, along the development from the Cold War through the unipolar moment of the United States to the post-hegemonic/post-US, has resulted in a relatively more independent regional order in the making. The new Middle East is still in transition, with the US having become one, among several external actors, old regional powers returning and new ones emerging. However, this transition changes not only the actors shaping the new regional order, but also some of the underlying concepts thereof, e. g. that of the regional power. Egypt has been considered a regional power, however, due to the deep financial and economic crisis that it has been undergoing, as well as the increasing role that GCC states play in Egypt, this status has been increasingly questioned. The present paper aims at analysing the ways in which the interplay between internal, regional and external developments and the re-identification of the Egyptian state (and society) contributed to and changed its “classical” regional power status. The hypothesis of the paper is that due to the many layers of its identity, Egypt has the capability to appear in different dimensions and take on a leading role in spite of its
economic and financial difficulties and its exposure to GCC influence. The research questions are as follows: 1)What elements constitute the Egyptian identity, 2) How are they reflected in the country’s foreign policy? And 3) How do these relate to the perception of Egypt as a regional power?
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
In the post-2020 security environment of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, marked b... more In the post-2020 security environment of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, marked by the easing of Iranian-Saudi tensions, intra-Sunni reconciliation, the resolution of the Qatar blockade, and the signing of the Abraham Accords, the European Union (EU) sought to capitalize on the détente to advance its strategic interests. Compared to the other members of the so-called Western camp, the EU, which appears particularly vulnerable to its neighbouring region's instability, responded poorly to the emerging challenges and opportunities. Which factors explain the inefficiency of the EU to benefit from a permissive strategic environment and become more impactful in its broader neighbourhood? This article attempts to promote our understanding of EU’s foreign policy towards the MENA region through a Neoclassical Realist theoretical approach. Structural changes alone cannot explain the EU's failure to have a more prominent role in the region. Intervening variables, such as the role of institutions, state-society relations, and strategic culture, can shed light on the lack of policy cohesiveness and the overall inability of the EU to promote its influence abroad.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
EU has developed a plethora of initiatives to deal with the southern shores of the Mediterranean ... more EU has developed a plethora of initiatives to deal with the southern shores of the Mediterranean Sea. From Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) and the so-called Barcelona Process to European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) and Union for the Mediterranean (UfM), different regional programs have been implemented in the Mediterranean region. The diversity and increasing number of countries involved have led to a feel of Mediterranean bazaar with diverging directions. Thus, one question
appears to remain unanswered: In what ways have ideational foundations affected the EU initiatives in the Southern shores of the Mediterranean Sea? The research hypothesis states that differences in ideational foundations of the Mediterranean powers, namely, France, Italy and Spain, in moments of crisis have led to the multiplication of initiatives and brought in at times conflicting arrangements between the north and the south of the Mediterranean Sea. The research question was answered under the Constructivist Institutionalism using the qualitative methodology of content analysis. Research findings reveal that when confronted with moments of self-doubt (crisis), each of the Mediterranean powers has effectuated an institutional change according to its established ideas and cognitive filters.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
This article analyzes the transformation of Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East during... more This article analyzes the transformation of Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East during the turbulent years initiated with the Arab Spring. In due course, Turkish policy considerably shifted from proactive engagement with the region in the early 2000s to a bid to leading regional transformation, particularly in the initial years of the Arab Spring.
However, the reversal of the Arab Spring increasingly presented a blowback for Türkiye’s regional engagements. The ensuing regional insecurity resulted in a realist turn in Turkish foreign policy, with frequent resort to military instruments and coercive diplomacy.
Eventually, regional policies of Türkiye corresponded to the search for de-escalation and normalization within the emerging Middle Eastern order since 2020. The article argues that changing regional dynamics corresponding with domestic conditions influenced and shaped Türkiye’s policies towards the Middle East. Recently, under the impact of the regional-systemic pressures coupled with changing domestic conditions, recalibrating its regional engagement, Türkiye has prioritized the normalization agenda. It argues that while normalization agenda will remain an important objective for Türkiye’s regional policies, it will evolve in a partial manner, and case-by-case, conditional on the unfolding regional order and Ankara’s strategic priorities.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
Regional trends strongly influence and are influenced by global power flows. For decades, interna... more Regional trends strongly influence and are influenced by global power flows. For decades, international politics have been shaped and reshaped by a bipolar and, after the break down of the USSR, a unipolar world order. Both orders played a significant role in shaping and directing Middle Eastern politics. Yet the unipolar order is no longer at play. And since the global flow of power is ongoing, a new world order is being shaped in what seems to be a lengthy transitional period. This article focuses on the effects of the global transition of power in the Middle East and the region's efforts and mechanisms to cope with it. I argue that the spill-over of international volatility into the Middle East creates a less stable regional politics, and that efforts for balancing are pursued by regional powers to increase their maneuverability as well as their coping capabilities in a volatile era by distancing their policies from global actors' priorities and standoffs. The article is structured such that after an introduction, I delve into the meaning and nature of the global transition of power, which serves as the paper's the conceptual framework. In the ensuing four sections, I discuss the imbalanced nature of regional politics as well as the way in which the region is interpreting and thereupon coping with the global change.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
Tourism is one of the most important sectors of the world economy. Yet, despite having promising ... more Tourism is one of the most important sectors of the world economy. Yet, despite having promising touristic attractions, such as pristine nature and ancient historical monuments, Afghanistan lacks a proper plan and infrastructure for tourism development. Although political issues have been the most significant barriers to developing tourism, the lack of correct understanding and introduction of Afghanistan's potentials has also played an important role in the backlog of the tourism sector. This study attempts to introduce the cities that have the potential to attract international tourists. First, the influential factors in attracting international tourists were discussed using library research. In the next step, the prioritization of Afghanistan's historical cities was carried out with the aim of attracting international tourists using expert assessment and the VIKOR technique. According to the findings of this study, the criteria for attracting international tourists are classified into four groups: a) socio-cultural factors, b) natural conditions, c) accommodation and equipment infrastructures, and d) communication and information infrastructures. The top seven cities in Afghanistan are Herat, Kabul, Mazar-i-Sharif, Kandahar, Bamyan, Ghazni, and Jalalabad.
Keywords: Afghanistan, Historic City, Historic Tourism, International Tourism, Urban Tourism, VIKOR Technique
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
Television series serve as tools for propaganda and influence, allowing political figures to mani... more Television series serve as tools for propaganda and influence, allowing political figures to manipulate public opinion and control how they are perceived. One notable example of this phenomenon can be seen in the representation of Boris Johnson in the TV series ‘This England’. The representation of Johnson in the midst of scandals like Party Gate and the mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic tainted his public image as a reliable leader and a dependable Prime Minister. The resulting backlash against him was so severe that he was called to testify in the official COVID-19 inquiry (2023) following his compelled resignation. The filming of the 'This England' during his time in office and its airing just 22 days after his departure, appeared as an effort to repair his damaged image. The significance of this study resides in its contribution to our comprehension of the multifaceted ways in which television series can shape public perception of political leadership and contribute to broader societal and political discourse. Utilizing qualitative content analysis and drawing on Stuart Hall's theory of representation, this paper explores the nuanced depiction of Johnson's leadership and contributes to our understanding of how television series can shape political narratives.
Keywords: Boris Johnson, Britain, COVID-19 Pandemic, Representation, This England
Journal of World Sociopolitical Study, 2024
Following the Islamic revolution, Iran has consistently faced threats from neighboring countries ... more Following the Islamic revolution, Iran has consistently faced threats from
neighboring countries and major global powers. In response to Iran's revolutionary stance and its challenging position in the international arena, the United States has imposed significant arms and military sanctions aimed at curbing Iran's influence in the region. However, drawing from historical lessons, Iran has adopted a deterrence strategy to counter external pressures. To compensate for its relative conventional military weaknesses and maintain deterrence against adversaries, Iran has prioritized the development and production of missile capabilities. This study delves into the development of Iran's missile capabilities and their correlation with U.S. arms embargoes. It seeks to answer whether these sanctions have effectively contained Iran's regional influence. Employing a Trend Impact analysis methodology that utilizes library resources, we will explore the trajectory of Iran's missile industry development under sanctions. Furthermore, we assess the efficacy of these sanctions
on Iran's defense capabilities and military structure. The research findings indicate that U.S. military sanctions have failed to achieve their intended objectives and safeguard the interests of the U.S. and its regional allies. Contrary to assertions, the sanctions have strengthened Iran's missile capabilities and regional influence, solidifying the country's position as a regional power in the international system.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
The global energy transition towards low-carbon systems has brought to the fore the underexplored... more The global energy transition towards low-carbon systems has brought to the fore the underexplored sociopolitical dynamics shaping transition pathways in fossil fuel-dependent developing countries. This study addresses this critical research gap by conducting a comprehensive, multidimensional analysis of the complex interplay between public attitudes, interest group pressures, political institutions, and cultural narratives influencing Iran's energy transition strategies amidst evolving global realities. Employing a novel analytical framework that synthesizes resource dependence, sociotechnical transitions, punctuated equilibrium, and complex interdependence theories, the research draws upon rich insights from 11 semistructured interviews with leading Iranian experts across policy, engineering, economics, sociocultural, and governance domains. Through a rigorous discourse analysis of interview data
and an extensive literature review, the study examines the way in which entrenched hydrocarbon interests, institutional fragmentation, geopolitical tensions, public perceptions, demographic divergences, and cultural identities shape Iran's complex energy landscape. The findings underscore the importance of responsive communication, inclusive stakeholder
engagement, adaptive governance, and regional cooperation in navigating the sociopolitical terrain underpinning Iran's sustainable energy transition. The study generates actionable policy recommendations spanning public outreach, political economy management, institutional capacity building, and international diplomacy, advancing theoretical understandings of energy transitions in resource-dependent Global South contexts, while providing guidance for policymakers navigating complex reform pathways amidst societal resistance and geopolitical uncertainties.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
For over three decades, sanctions have been a consistent feature of United States policy towards ... more For over three decades, sanctions have been a consistent feature of United States policy towards Iran. Following the lifting of nuclear-related sanctions under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015 and United Nations Security Council Resolution 2231, in 2018 the United States withdrew from the agreement through Executive Order 13846, reinstating previous sanctions. Consequently, Iran decided to bring its case against the United States before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) based on the 1955 Treaty of Amity. The present article analyzes the ICJ's substantive jurisdiction (Merits) over this case, as well as the political and legal implications of the United States' unilateral sanctions against Iran. The research employs an analytical methodology, utilizing library research and note-taking to collect data. The research findings indicate that the ICJ's opinion is based on the illegality of comprehensive
economic sanctions imposed on national security grounds, and that the Court has substantive jurisdiction over this case. Furthermore, the findings reveal that the United States' unilateral and extraterritorial sanctions not only violate Iran's sovereignty, but also infringe upon the human rights of the Iranian people. The United States' sanctions policy aligns with liberal and realist theories of international relations.
journal of World Sociopolitical studies, 2024
The US foreign policy in the post-World War II has been marked by periods of unilateralism, while... more The US foreign policy in the post-World War II has been marked by periods of unilateralism, while in other periods, multilateralism has been more prevailing. The existing works, while explaining certain periods of unilateralism by various domestic and international factors, such as neo-conservative ideology and superpower rivalries in the Cold War, are unable to explain the reason for which in some periods, it has been more dominant. This article seeks to explain the difference by referring to the
conceptual complexity of US presidents. We analyzed the content of news
conference transcripts for 11 post-WWII US presidents using the Flesch-Kincaid text readability index to measure presidents’ conceptual complexity. We used the index in our previous study to explain the unorthodoxy of Donald Trump’s foreign policy.
Findings suggest with statistical significance that Presidents with low levels of conceptual complexity do not consider many factors as important and prefer unilateral actions by emphasizing short-term achievements. On the contrary, presidents with complex cognition are less likely to believe that the US can solve critical or long-term international issues alone.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
This article covers the emergence of resistance economy in the Islamic Republic of Iran within th... more This article covers the emergence of resistance economy in the Islamic Republic of Iran within the context of international sanctions, arguing that this policy ought to be understood beyond the historical context in which it emerged. The article captures the historical, political, and economic context in which the first comprehensive economic discourse of the post-revolutionary establishment emerges, and seeks to account for its scope, concerns, and objectives. Rather than another word for protectionism, import-substitution industrialisation, economic diversification of a rentier state or a mere response to sanctions, resistance economy as espoused by Ayatollah Khamenei, is a comprehensive economic policy discourse affecting all levels of state and society in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Rather than mitigating the impact of sanctions, resistance economy is an economic discourse that seeks to realise the revolutionary objective of economic independence, whilst transforming the economy of the Islamic Republic from a source of weakness to a source of strength in its pursuit of a new, more equitable international order.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
This paper discusses the role of religions and specifically, religious leaders, in peacebuilding.... more This paper discusses the role of religions and specifically, religious leaders, in peacebuilding. To achieve the purpose, in the first place, the authors shed light on the controversial issue among scholars perceiving religion more commonly as a source of conflict, or rather than a tool for peacebuilding. Accepting the constructive and productive role of religions in general, and Islam in particular, in peacebuilding, the paper also explores the role of concepts such as forgiveness, patience, and human dignity in peacebuilding. Having applied this conceptual framework, this article studies peacebuilding in post-war Iraq. The findings revealed that the role of religious leaders (Marjaiah), mainly Ayatollah Sistani, has been significant in the process of peacebuilding in Iraq. He has played a crucial role in this process through the revival of human dignity in light of public will, pursuing justice in terms of the Constitution, self-restraint as a basis for political stability and, religionization of forgiveness and tolerance. Data
is accumulated through content analysis of Ayatollah Sistani’s speeches and Fatwas.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
In the present paper, Murad’s memoir, The Last Girl, is scrutinized through the lens of Resistanc... more In the present paper, Murad’s memoir, The Last Girl, is scrutinized through the lens of Resistance Literature theories. First introduced by Kanafani (1966) and adapted by scholars such as Harlow (1987) and Sangari (1389 [2010 A. D.]), Resistance Literature has come to constitute pieces of writing that are written during or after a conflict by people experiencing life
under the oppressive power. For Harlow and Sangari, what is of utmost importance is the accounts of war experience pictured by civilians from all walks of life. With the Syrian war with the ISIS escalating in 2011 and its consequent overflow into Iraq, the extremist terrorists brought the war to the doorsteps of ordinary people, massacring men and leaving women to
deal with the aftermath. The Last Girl is Nadia Murad’s retelling of life under the ISIS as a Yazidi-Iraqi woman. At first glance, Murad pictures a sad, yet vivid image of the Yazidi genocide by the ISIS. However, in a deeper analysis of the text, one finds how being ripped apart from family, utterly displaced, terrorized and raped can also shape a rather stronger,
resistant person. By applying Harlow and Sangari’s theories of Resistance to Murad’s memoir, what is manifested is the way in which being appointed to various kinds of terror in war-time can create a more resistant self in someone.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
This paper investigates the intricacies of crafting historical narratives within secondary school... more This paper investigates the intricacies of crafting historical narratives within secondary school textbooks in Afghanistan throughout the past century. Employing critical discourse analysis, the study scrutinizes five compelling examples illuminating the complex interplay between historiography, political ideologies, and artistic subjectivity in shaping students’ conception of national identity. The first case centers on the invention of fictional historical figures like Amir Kror that link Afghan lineage to powerful dynasties, but lack scholarly rigor and threaten social cohesion.
Second, the analysis explores identity distortions woven into textbook images that portray figures like Genghis Khan with distinctly Afghan features, blurring historical accuracy. Third, it highlights methodological limitations and potential regional biases that cloud academic debates on the origins of dynasties like the Kartids. Fourth, the construction of demographic averages regarding ethnicity and religion without empirical basis raises concerns about perpetuating damaging stereotypes. Finally, the ubiquitous name “Afghanistan” itself reveals imbalanced emphases on particular eras, shaping modern conceptions of nationhood. Collectively, these five examples underscore the need for responsible scholarship and factual precision in history education to foster authentic engagement with
Afghanistan’s rich and diverse heritage. As the curriculum shapes students’ notions of identity and selfhood, commitment to academic accountability and balanced historiography becomes essential to
nurturing inclusive discourse and national cohesion.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
Since the United Kingdom's vote for exit from the European Union-i.e. Brexit (June 2016), the pro... more Since the United Kingdom's vote for exit from the European Union-i.e. Brexit (June 2016), the proponents of the leave campaign have claimed that the idea of Global Britain will result in an independent trade policy, which can expand the UK's trade geography and scope through striking free trade agreements (FTAs). This study aimed at examining this claim, first by looking at the official statistics on the signed FTAs, and then, by conducting semi-structured interviews with British stakeholders from different social groups in order to see Global Britain's future potentials. The findings from this qualitative-quantitative approach revealed that the possible gains from the post-Brexit FTAs will only manifest in the long run and in some sectors. Furthermore, the prospects of an independent trade policy will be constrained by the UK's need to align with the EU standards and the unclear future of the FTAs with major economies like the US. Thus, as the theoretical framework of economic geography suggests, British trade relations will still depend on geographical proximity, and will not be shifted drastically by the idea of Global Britain; an idea which seems to serve as a strategy to positively portray Brexit for the domestic and international businesses and people.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
Despite EU’s engagement with the Mediterranean region and its active support for intra-regional i... more Despite EU’s engagement with the Mediterranean region and its active support for intra-regional integration initiatives, the data shows an impressive underperformance of Southern and Eastern Mediterranean Countries (SEMCs) in regional trade. Ideally, an energy rich North Africa and energy deficient neighbors in the South would unlock considerable opportunities for regional trade. Therefore, the following question looms large: How has EU’s trade policy contributed to the low market integration among the SEMCs? To answer this question, under the Market Power
Europe and qualitative methodology, it is hypothesized that EU’s
xternalization of policies through different embedded tools such as rules of origin and outward processing schemes (OPS) has contributed to the divergence, instead of convergence, of trade among SEMCs. Research findings point to a distortion of competition between EU enterprises and African and third party enterprises in the benefit of European interests. Further, the results reveal that despite the higher complementarity
between some of the SEMCs, still the predominant direction of trade is north-south, thanks to EU’s trade policy in the Mediterranean region.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies., 2023
This paper is an attempt to reconsider the legacy of universalism of traditional empires from the... more This paper is an attempt to reconsider the legacy of universalism of traditional empires from the perspective of systems theory. In the West, the system ideas were already present in ancient Greek/Roman philosophy and developed further since the Renaissance within the domain of natural sciences (anatomy, mechanics or astronomy), whereas they did not develop as much in social sciences and particularly in politics, which lacks a holistic understanding. In the universal empires of the East (such as Iran, China and Russia) the system paradigm developed from the political life of centralized statehood. The core concept of the traditional imperial universalism was a particular understanding of "justice", not as equality or absence of coercion, but as a certain form of social order. As the Chinese philosopher Xunzi and the Persian philosopher Nasir al-Din al-Tusi, noted, "justice" is primarily an "equilibrium", that is a way of maintaining optimal interrelationships between different aspects of society within a single political whole. Traditional imperial universalism understood "just order" as a centralized hierarchical order. However, the current state of the systems approach and the complexity theory allows the reconsideration of the legacy of traditional universalism as the principle of totality of organizational connections and hierarchies of "systemic elements", in the terminology of Russian philosopher, Alexander Bogdanov. It is concluded that the three Eastern thinkers share similar systematic understanding of "justice" as a hierarchically-arranged political order, coordinated on the basis of a single plan, which permits to maintain a dynamic balance.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2023
Formal relationship between Iran and Brazil commenced in 1903 with the signing of the Treaty of F... more Formal relationship between Iran and Brazil commenced in 1903 with the signing of the Treaty of Friendship and Commerce. Since then, their bilateral relations have been shaped by political and economic changes in both countries. A pivotal moment after the 1979 Iranian revolution occurred in 2005, when leaders Lula da Silva of Brazil and Ahmadinejad of Iran showed mutual interest in cooperation, driven by Iran's need to balance US threat and Brazil's aspiration to balance US power. However, shifts in the Brazilian foreign policy towards Iran and escalating tensions between Iran and the West impeded further progress. With Lula da Silva's return to power in 2023 and Iranian President Raisi's heightened focus on Latin America, both countries witnessed renewed discussions about the potential for positive balancing between Iran and Brazil. This study delves into the successes and setbacks of Iran-Brazil bilateral approximation through the lenses of positive balancing theory and historical analysis method. During Lula's administrations, Iran's balancing strategy towards Brazil proved beneficial for both nations: Iran sought to counter US threats by fostering a friendly relationship with Brazil, while Brazil aimed to elevate its Global South agenda by mediating in Iran's nuclear program. This engagement also aimed to unite anti-imperialist and anticolonialist movements under emerging political leaders. Despite these efforts, the US pressure on Iran to halt its nuclear program and on Brazil to limit its influence hindered constructive engagement between the two countries. Nevertheless, slow but steady economic interactions and Iran's inclusion in BRICS provide hope for the restoration of Iran's balancing strategy in Brazil and its reinforcement in Latin America.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
Transition in the Middle East has been one of the most visible characteristics of the East Asian ... more Transition in the Middle East has been one of the most visible characteristics of the East Asian countries since the end of the Cold War. Having been the most penetrated region of the world, the international and the regional orders have always been closely, although mostly asymmetrically related. Thus, the transition in the international arena has been deeply impacting the regional scene, which, along the development from the Cold War through the unipolar moment of the United States to the post-hegemonic/post-US, has resulted in a relatively more independent regional order in the making. The new Middle East is still in transition, with the US having become one, among several external actors, old regional powers returning and new ones emerging. However, this transition changes not only the actors shaping the new regional order, but also some of the underlying concepts thereof, e. g. that of the regional power. Egypt has been considered a regional power, however, due to the deep financial and economic crisis that it has been undergoing, as well as the increasing role that GCC states play in Egypt, this status has been increasingly questioned. The present paper aims at analysing the ways in which the interplay between internal, regional and external developments and the re-identification of the Egyptian state (and society) contributed to and changed its “classical” regional power status. The hypothesis of the paper is that due to the many layers of its identity, Egypt has the capability to appear in different dimensions and take on a leading role in spite of its
economic and financial difficulties and its exposure to GCC influence. The research questions are as follows: 1)What elements constitute the Egyptian identity, 2) How are they reflected in the country’s foreign policy? And 3) How do these relate to the perception of Egypt as a regional power?
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
In the post-2020 security environment of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, marked b... more In the post-2020 security environment of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, marked by the easing of Iranian-Saudi tensions, intra-Sunni reconciliation, the resolution of the Qatar blockade, and the signing of the Abraham Accords, the European Union (EU) sought to capitalize on the détente to advance its strategic interests. Compared to the other members of the so-called Western camp, the EU, which appears particularly vulnerable to its neighbouring region's instability, responded poorly to the emerging challenges and opportunities. Which factors explain the inefficiency of the EU to benefit from a permissive strategic environment and become more impactful in its broader neighbourhood? This article attempts to promote our understanding of EU’s foreign policy towards the MENA region through a Neoclassical Realist theoretical approach. Structural changes alone cannot explain the EU's failure to have a more prominent role in the region. Intervening variables, such as the role of institutions, state-society relations, and strategic culture, can shed light on the lack of policy cohesiveness and the overall inability of the EU to promote its influence abroad.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
EU has developed a plethora of initiatives to deal with the southern shores of the Mediterranean ... more EU has developed a plethora of initiatives to deal with the southern shores of the Mediterranean Sea. From Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) and the so-called Barcelona Process to European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) and Union for the Mediterranean (UfM), different regional programs have been implemented in the Mediterranean region. The diversity and increasing number of countries involved have led to a feel of Mediterranean bazaar with diverging directions. Thus, one question
appears to remain unanswered: In what ways have ideational foundations affected the EU initiatives in the Southern shores of the Mediterranean Sea? The research hypothesis states that differences in ideational foundations of the Mediterranean powers, namely, France, Italy and Spain, in moments of crisis have led to the multiplication of initiatives and brought in at times conflicting arrangements between the north and the south of the Mediterranean Sea. The research question was answered under the Constructivist Institutionalism using the qualitative methodology of content analysis. Research findings reveal that when confronted with moments of self-doubt (crisis), each of the Mediterranean powers has effectuated an institutional change according to its established ideas and cognitive filters.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
This article analyzes the transformation of Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East during... more This article analyzes the transformation of Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East during the turbulent years initiated with the Arab Spring. In due course, Turkish policy considerably shifted from proactive engagement with the region in the early 2000s to a bid to leading regional transformation, particularly in the initial years of the Arab Spring.
However, the reversal of the Arab Spring increasingly presented a blowback for Türkiye’s regional engagements. The ensuing regional insecurity resulted in a realist turn in Turkish foreign policy, with frequent resort to military instruments and coercive diplomacy.
Eventually, regional policies of Türkiye corresponded to the search for de-escalation and normalization within the emerging Middle Eastern order since 2020. The article argues that changing regional dynamics corresponding with domestic conditions influenced and shaped Türkiye’s policies towards the Middle East. Recently, under the impact of the regional-systemic pressures coupled with changing domestic conditions, recalibrating its regional engagement, Türkiye has prioritized the normalization agenda. It argues that while normalization agenda will remain an important objective for Türkiye’s regional policies, it will evolve in a partial manner, and case-by-case, conditional on the unfolding regional order and Ankara’s strategic priorities.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
Regional trends strongly influence and are influenced by global power flows. For decades, interna... more Regional trends strongly influence and are influenced by global power flows. For decades, international politics have been shaped and reshaped by a bipolar and, after the break down of the USSR, a unipolar world order. Both orders played a significant role in shaping and directing Middle Eastern politics. Yet the unipolar order is no longer at play. And since the global flow of power is ongoing, a new world order is being shaped in what seems to be a lengthy transitional period. This article focuses on the effects of the global transition of power in the Middle East and the region's efforts and mechanisms to cope with it. I argue that the spill-over of international volatility into the Middle East creates a less stable regional politics, and that efforts for balancing are pursued by regional powers to increase their maneuverability as well as their coping capabilities in a volatile era by distancing their policies from global actors' priorities and standoffs. The article is structured such that after an introduction, I delve into the meaning and nature of the global transition of power, which serves as the paper's the conceptual framework. In the ensuing four sections, I discuss the imbalanced nature of regional politics as well as the way in which the region is interpreting and thereupon coping with the global change.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
Tourism is one of the most important sectors of the world economy. Yet, despite having promising ... more Tourism is one of the most important sectors of the world economy. Yet, despite having promising touristic attractions, such as pristine nature and ancient historical monuments, Afghanistan lacks a proper plan and infrastructure for tourism development. Although political issues have been the most significant barriers to developing tourism, the lack of correct understanding and introduction of Afghanistan's potentials has also played an important role in the backlog of the tourism sector. This study attempts to introduce the cities that have the potential to attract international tourists. First, the influential factors in attracting international tourists were discussed using library research. In the next step, the prioritization of Afghanistan's historical cities was carried out with the aim of attracting international tourists using expert assessment and the VIKOR technique. According to the findings of this study, the criteria for attracting international tourists are classified into four groups: a) socio-cultural factors, b) natural conditions, c) accommodation and equipment infrastructures, and d) communication and information infrastructures. The top seven cities in Afghanistan are Herat, Kabul, Mazar-i-Sharif, Kandahar, Bamyan, Ghazni, and Jalalabad.
Keywords: Afghanistan, Historic City, Historic Tourism, International Tourism, Urban Tourism, VIKOR Technique
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
Television series serve as tools for propaganda and influence, allowing political figures to mani... more Television series serve as tools for propaganda and influence, allowing political figures to manipulate public opinion and control how they are perceived. One notable example of this phenomenon can be seen in the representation of Boris Johnson in the TV series ‘This England’. The representation of Johnson in the midst of scandals like Party Gate and the mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic tainted his public image as a reliable leader and a dependable Prime Minister. The resulting backlash against him was so severe that he was called to testify in the official COVID-19 inquiry (2023) following his compelled resignation. The filming of the 'This England' during his time in office and its airing just 22 days after his departure, appeared as an effort to repair his damaged image. The significance of this study resides in its contribution to our comprehension of the multifaceted ways in which television series can shape public perception of political leadership and contribute to broader societal and political discourse. Utilizing qualitative content analysis and drawing on Stuart Hall's theory of representation, this paper explores the nuanced depiction of Johnson's leadership and contributes to our understanding of how television series can shape political narratives.
Keywords: Boris Johnson, Britain, COVID-19 Pandemic, Representation, This England
Journal of World Sociopolitical Study, 2024
Following the Islamic revolution, Iran has consistently faced threats from neighboring countries ... more Following the Islamic revolution, Iran has consistently faced threats from
neighboring countries and major global powers. In response to Iran's revolutionary stance and its challenging position in the international arena, the United States has imposed significant arms and military sanctions aimed at curbing Iran's influence in the region. However, drawing from historical lessons, Iran has adopted a deterrence strategy to counter external pressures. To compensate for its relative conventional military weaknesses and maintain deterrence against adversaries, Iran has prioritized the development and production of missile capabilities. This study delves into the development of Iran's missile capabilities and their correlation with U.S. arms embargoes. It seeks to answer whether these sanctions have effectively contained Iran's regional influence. Employing a Trend Impact analysis methodology that utilizes library resources, we will explore the trajectory of Iran's missile industry development under sanctions. Furthermore, we assess the efficacy of these sanctions
on Iran's defense capabilities and military structure. The research findings indicate that U.S. military sanctions have failed to achieve their intended objectives and safeguard the interests of the U.S. and its regional allies. Contrary to assertions, the sanctions have strengthened Iran's missile capabilities and regional influence, solidifying the country's position as a regional power in the international system.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
The global energy transition towards low-carbon systems has brought to the fore the underexplored... more The global energy transition towards low-carbon systems has brought to the fore the underexplored sociopolitical dynamics shaping transition pathways in fossil fuel-dependent developing countries. This study addresses this critical research gap by conducting a comprehensive, multidimensional analysis of the complex interplay between public attitudes, interest group pressures, political institutions, and cultural narratives influencing Iran's energy transition strategies amidst evolving global realities. Employing a novel analytical framework that synthesizes resource dependence, sociotechnical transitions, punctuated equilibrium, and complex interdependence theories, the research draws upon rich insights from 11 semistructured interviews with leading Iranian experts across policy, engineering, economics, sociocultural, and governance domains. Through a rigorous discourse analysis of interview data
and an extensive literature review, the study examines the way in which entrenched hydrocarbon interests, institutional fragmentation, geopolitical tensions, public perceptions, demographic divergences, and cultural identities shape Iran's complex energy landscape. The findings underscore the importance of responsive communication, inclusive stakeholder
engagement, adaptive governance, and regional cooperation in navigating the sociopolitical terrain underpinning Iran's sustainable energy transition. The study generates actionable policy recommendations spanning public outreach, political economy management, institutional capacity building, and international diplomacy, advancing theoretical understandings of energy transitions in resource-dependent Global South contexts, while providing guidance for policymakers navigating complex reform pathways amidst societal resistance and geopolitical uncertainties.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
For over three decades, sanctions have been a consistent feature of United States policy towards ... more For over three decades, sanctions have been a consistent feature of United States policy towards Iran. Following the lifting of nuclear-related sanctions under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015 and United Nations Security Council Resolution 2231, in 2018 the United States withdrew from the agreement through Executive Order 13846, reinstating previous sanctions. Consequently, Iran decided to bring its case against the United States before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) based on the 1955 Treaty of Amity. The present article analyzes the ICJ's substantive jurisdiction (Merits) over this case, as well as the political and legal implications of the United States' unilateral sanctions against Iran. The research employs an analytical methodology, utilizing library research and note-taking to collect data. The research findings indicate that the ICJ's opinion is based on the illegality of comprehensive
economic sanctions imposed on national security grounds, and that the Court has substantive jurisdiction over this case. Furthermore, the findings reveal that the United States' unilateral and extraterritorial sanctions not only violate Iran's sovereignty, but also infringe upon the human rights of the Iranian people. The United States' sanctions policy aligns with liberal and realist theories of international relations.
journal of World Sociopolitical studies, 2024
The US foreign policy in the post-World War II has been marked by periods of unilateralism, while... more The US foreign policy in the post-World War II has been marked by periods of unilateralism, while in other periods, multilateralism has been more prevailing. The existing works, while explaining certain periods of unilateralism by various domestic and international factors, such as neo-conservative ideology and superpower rivalries in the Cold War, are unable to explain the reason for which in some periods, it has been more dominant. This article seeks to explain the difference by referring to the
conceptual complexity of US presidents. We analyzed the content of news
conference transcripts for 11 post-WWII US presidents using the Flesch-Kincaid text readability index to measure presidents’ conceptual complexity. We used the index in our previous study to explain the unorthodoxy of Donald Trump’s foreign policy.
Findings suggest with statistical significance that Presidents with low levels of conceptual complexity do not consider many factors as important and prefer unilateral actions by emphasizing short-term achievements. On the contrary, presidents with complex cognition are less likely to believe that the US can solve critical or long-term international issues alone.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
This article covers the emergence of resistance economy in the Islamic Republic of Iran within th... more This article covers the emergence of resistance economy in the Islamic Republic of Iran within the context of international sanctions, arguing that this policy ought to be understood beyond the historical context in which it emerged. The article captures the historical, political, and economic context in which the first comprehensive economic discourse of the post-revolutionary establishment emerges, and seeks to account for its scope, concerns, and objectives. Rather than another word for protectionism, import-substitution industrialisation, economic diversification of a rentier state or a mere response to sanctions, resistance economy as espoused by Ayatollah Khamenei, is a comprehensive economic policy discourse affecting all levels of state and society in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Rather than mitigating the impact of sanctions, resistance economy is an economic discourse that seeks to realise the revolutionary objective of economic independence, whilst transforming the economy of the Islamic Republic from a source of weakness to a source of strength in its pursuit of a new, more equitable international order.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
This paper discusses the role of religions and specifically, religious leaders, in peacebuilding.... more This paper discusses the role of religions and specifically, religious leaders, in peacebuilding. To achieve the purpose, in the first place, the authors shed light on the controversial issue among scholars perceiving religion more commonly as a source of conflict, or rather than a tool for peacebuilding. Accepting the constructive and productive role of religions in general, and Islam in particular, in peacebuilding, the paper also explores the role of concepts such as forgiveness, patience, and human dignity in peacebuilding. Having applied this conceptual framework, this article studies peacebuilding in post-war Iraq. The findings revealed that the role of religious leaders (Marjaiah), mainly Ayatollah Sistani, has been significant in the process of peacebuilding in Iraq. He has played a crucial role in this process through the revival of human dignity in light of public will, pursuing justice in terms of the Constitution, self-restraint as a basis for political stability and, religionization of forgiveness and tolerance. Data
is accumulated through content analysis of Ayatollah Sistani’s speeches and Fatwas.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
In the present paper, Murad’s memoir, The Last Girl, is scrutinized through the lens of Resistanc... more In the present paper, Murad’s memoir, The Last Girl, is scrutinized through the lens of Resistance Literature theories. First introduced by Kanafani (1966) and adapted by scholars such as Harlow (1987) and Sangari (1389 [2010 A. D.]), Resistance Literature has come to constitute pieces of writing that are written during or after a conflict by people experiencing life
under the oppressive power. For Harlow and Sangari, what is of utmost importance is the accounts of war experience pictured by civilians from all walks of life. With the Syrian war with the ISIS escalating in 2011 and its consequent overflow into Iraq, the extremist terrorists brought the war to the doorsteps of ordinary people, massacring men and leaving women to
deal with the aftermath. The Last Girl is Nadia Murad’s retelling of life under the ISIS as a Yazidi-Iraqi woman. At first glance, Murad pictures a sad, yet vivid image of the Yazidi genocide by the ISIS. However, in a deeper analysis of the text, one finds how being ripped apart from family, utterly displaced, terrorized and raped can also shape a rather stronger,
resistant person. By applying Harlow and Sangari’s theories of Resistance to Murad’s memoir, what is manifested is the way in which being appointed to various kinds of terror in war-time can create a more resistant self in someone.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
This paper investigates the intricacies of crafting historical narratives within secondary school... more This paper investigates the intricacies of crafting historical narratives within secondary school textbooks in Afghanistan throughout the past century. Employing critical discourse analysis, the study scrutinizes five compelling examples illuminating the complex interplay between historiography, political ideologies, and artistic subjectivity in shaping students’ conception of national identity. The first case centers on the invention of fictional historical figures like Amir Kror that link Afghan lineage to powerful dynasties, but lack scholarly rigor and threaten social cohesion.
Second, the analysis explores identity distortions woven into textbook images that portray figures like Genghis Khan with distinctly Afghan features, blurring historical accuracy. Third, it highlights methodological limitations and potential regional biases that cloud academic debates on the origins of dynasties like the Kartids. Fourth, the construction of demographic averages regarding ethnicity and religion without empirical basis raises concerns about perpetuating damaging stereotypes. Finally, the ubiquitous name “Afghanistan” itself reveals imbalanced emphases on particular eras, shaping modern conceptions of nationhood. Collectively, these five examples underscore the need for responsible scholarship and factual precision in history education to foster authentic engagement with
Afghanistan’s rich and diverse heritage. As the curriculum shapes students’ notions of identity and selfhood, commitment to academic accountability and balanced historiography becomes essential to
nurturing inclusive discourse and national cohesion.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
Since the United Kingdom's vote for exit from the European Union-i.e. Brexit (June 2016), the pro... more Since the United Kingdom's vote for exit from the European Union-i.e. Brexit (June 2016), the proponents of the leave campaign have claimed that the idea of Global Britain will result in an independent trade policy, which can expand the UK's trade geography and scope through striking free trade agreements (FTAs). This study aimed at examining this claim, first by looking at the official statistics on the signed FTAs, and then, by conducting semi-structured interviews with British stakeholders from different social groups in order to see Global Britain's future potentials. The findings from this qualitative-quantitative approach revealed that the possible gains from the post-Brexit FTAs will only manifest in the long run and in some sectors. Furthermore, the prospects of an independent trade policy will be constrained by the UK's need to align with the EU standards and the unclear future of the FTAs with major economies like the US. Thus, as the theoretical framework of economic geography suggests, British trade relations will still depend on geographical proximity, and will not be shifted drastically by the idea of Global Britain; an idea which seems to serve as a strategy to positively portray Brexit for the domestic and international businesses and people.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
Despite EU’s engagement with the Mediterranean region and its active support for intra-regional i... more Despite EU’s engagement with the Mediterranean region and its active support for intra-regional integration initiatives, the data shows an impressive underperformance of Southern and Eastern Mediterranean Countries (SEMCs) in regional trade. Ideally, an energy rich North Africa and energy deficient neighbors in the South would unlock considerable opportunities for regional trade. Therefore, the following question looms large: How has EU’s trade policy contributed to the low market integration among the SEMCs? To answer this question, under the Market Power
Europe and qualitative methodology, it is hypothesized that EU’s
xternalization of policies through different embedded tools such as rules of origin and outward processing schemes (OPS) has contributed to the divergence, instead of convergence, of trade among SEMCs. Research findings point to a distortion of competition between EU enterprises and African and third party enterprises in the benefit of European interests. Further, the results reveal that despite the higher complementarity
between some of the SEMCs, still the predominant direction of trade is north-south, thanks to EU’s trade policy in the Mediterranean region.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies., 2023
This paper is an attempt to reconsider the legacy of universalism of traditional empires from the... more This paper is an attempt to reconsider the legacy of universalism of traditional empires from the perspective of systems theory. In the West, the system ideas were already present in ancient Greek/Roman philosophy and developed further since the Renaissance within the domain of natural sciences (anatomy, mechanics or astronomy), whereas they did not develop as much in social sciences and particularly in politics, which lacks a holistic understanding. In the universal empires of the East (such as Iran, China and Russia) the system paradigm developed from the political life of centralized statehood. The core concept of the traditional imperial universalism was a particular understanding of "justice", not as equality or absence of coercion, but as a certain form of social order. As the Chinese philosopher Xunzi and the Persian philosopher Nasir al-Din al-Tusi, noted, "justice" is primarily an "equilibrium", that is a way of maintaining optimal interrelationships between different aspects of society within a single political whole. Traditional imperial universalism understood "just order" as a centralized hierarchical order. However, the current state of the systems approach and the complexity theory allows the reconsideration of the legacy of traditional universalism as the principle of totality of organizational connections and hierarchies of "systemic elements", in the terminology of Russian philosopher, Alexander Bogdanov. It is concluded that the three Eastern thinkers share similar systematic understanding of "justice" as a hierarchically-arranged political order, coordinated on the basis of a single plan, which permits to maintain a dynamic balance.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2023
Formal relationship between Iran and Brazil commenced in 1903 with the signing of the Treaty of F... more Formal relationship between Iran and Brazil commenced in 1903 with the signing of the Treaty of Friendship and Commerce. Since then, their bilateral relations have been shaped by political and economic changes in both countries. A pivotal moment after the 1979 Iranian revolution occurred in 2005, when leaders Lula da Silva of Brazil and Ahmadinejad of Iran showed mutual interest in cooperation, driven by Iran's need to balance US threat and Brazil's aspiration to balance US power. However, shifts in the Brazilian foreign policy towards Iran and escalating tensions between Iran and the West impeded further progress. With Lula da Silva's return to power in 2023 and Iranian President Raisi's heightened focus on Latin America, both countries witnessed renewed discussions about the potential for positive balancing between Iran and Brazil. This study delves into the successes and setbacks of Iran-Brazil bilateral approximation through the lenses of positive balancing theory and historical analysis method. During Lula's administrations, Iran's balancing strategy towards Brazil proved beneficial for both nations: Iran sought to counter US threats by fostering a friendly relationship with Brazil, while Brazil aimed to elevate its Global South agenda by mediating in Iran's nuclear program. This engagement also aimed to unite anti-imperialist and anticolonialist movements under emerging political leaders. Despite these efforts, the US pressure on Iran to halt its nuclear program and on Brazil to limit its influence hindered constructive engagement between the two countries. Nevertheless, slow but steady economic interactions and Iran's inclusion in BRICS provide hope for the restoration of Iran's balancing strategy in Brazil and its reinforcement in Latin America.
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2024
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2022
Journal Of Sociopolitical Studies, 2020