kenneth quinones - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Uploads
Papers by kenneth quinones
The often heard refrains "Kim Jong Il is irrational," and "North Korea's conduct is unpredictable... more The often heard refrains "Kim Jong Il is irrational," and "North Korea's conduct is unpredictable" typify many political observers' frustrations when deciphering North Korea's responses to the outside world. Such expressions reveal more about those who utter them than about North Korea (Democratic People's Republic of Korea or DPRK). They are admissions of ignorance rooted in the assumption that North Korea's leaders share the same views and priorities as outside observers Juche as Political Culture The continuity and consistency of North Korea's foreign policy is rooted in North Korea's political culture, Juche, and gives it rationality and predictability. Kim Il Sung and his son's reliance on a monolithic "political culture," while alien to democratic societies beyond East Asia, recalls the Chinese dynasties' and Korea's Choson Dynasty's (1492-1910) preference for Neo-Confucianism. Kim Il Sung formulated his "political culture" in terms of his subjects' foremost desire-national reunification. Given this preoccupation with reunification, we should reassess what Kim Il Sung originally meant by the word juche. The English translations of "self reliance" or "self determination" seem inconsistent with his focus on political rather than economic goals during the formative years of Juche. Kim Il Sung encountered Western political concepts as a young student in China where he learned about them by reading Chinese translations. Careful scrutiny of the Chinese characters he used to represent "juche" suggest a meaning very for this word different from the one widely known outside North Korea. Juche consists of two Chinese characters: "ju" which basically means "rule" and "che" which has the basic meaning of "essence." In the political context of early 20 th century, "ju" suggested the World War I era Wilsonian concept of "self rule" or "self determination" for colonized people like Koreans. Combined with "che" (essence) we could translate "juche" as "essence of self determination." This more closely reflects Kim's original preoccupation with Korea's political independence from Japan. It also more accurately focuses the Korean term on Kim's long time championing of nationalism over Marxist-Leninist internationalism. Kim Jong Il's legitimacy rests on the three legged stool of: inheritance of his father's authority, his father's view of reality, Juche, and oversight of the military, Son'gun chongji. Kim Jong Il's inheritance demonstrates respect for traditional Korea's reverence for pedigree and prior preference for monarchy. Kim's naming his father the "eternal" president observes filial piety, a highly cherished Confucian value. But Kim Jong Il could not, like his father, make any claims about military prowess. To compensate he assumed the title of "Supreme Commander," elevated the National Defense Council to the highest administrative organ, designated himself its chairman, and proclaimed "son'gun chongchj" in 1998. These steps appear designed to cement the military's loyalty to him by giving it priority in politics, policy and access to national resources. Juche stands at the center of Kim Jong Il's political trinity as explained in his treatise On the Juche Idea. Kim Jong Il's treatise declares, "The Juche idea represents an invariable guiding idea of the Korean revolution … we are confronted with the www.ckquinones.com
International Journal of Korean Unification Studies, 2004
The most pressing challenge facing the people of Northeast Asia in the 21st Century is the forgin... more The most pressing challenge facing the people of Northeast Asia in the 21st Century is the forging of a durable peace on the Korean Peninsula. But today, prospects for peace in the region remain dim. North Korea’s pursuit of a nuclear weapons capability, and the United States’ reluctance to engage Pyongyang in diplomatic negotiations, have created an impasse that could quickly explode into a second Korean War. The Six Party Talks holds out the hope that a “peaceful diplomatic solution” can be forged in the near future. But the process of diplomatic dialogue and resolution of the nuclear issue alone cannot dissipate the threat of war. Even if a negotiated settlement is achieved, as now seems increasingly possible but still far from certain, implementation of any accord between the United States and North Korea will prove extremely challenging. The fundamental problem is neither the participants in the process, be it two, four or six nations. Nor is it in the terms of any agreement. Inevitably, successful implementation of any accord will require mutual trust between the Washington and Pyongyang. Building that trust began in 1994 with the first US-North Korea nuclear negotiation and the forging of the Agreed Framework of 1994. But that agreement, and the subsequent trust it fostered, has now been rejected by both parties. If any accord is to be successfully implemented and a durable peace built in Northeast Asia, it will require nothing less than a radical transformation of the region’s balance of power and network of international relations. To many, this may seem a distant and rather idealistic wish. Looking back over the past half century, however, nurtures perspective and fosters hope that such a transformation is indeed a realistic goal. After all, half a century ago, the emergence of stability, prosperity and democracy in the region then seemed wishful thinking.
The purpose of this paper is to examine the extent to which party system institutionalization, el... more The purpose of this paper is to examine the extent to which party system institutionalization, electoral rules, and national economic performance affect political representation in Latin America. Political representation is measured by the citizen-representative congruence in two issues: support for democracy and political ideology. The general assumption is that higher / lower levels of political representation correspond to higher/lower levels of institutionalization, less/more permissive electoral rules, and better/worse economic performance. Countries included in the study are Mexico, Chile, Argentina, El Salvador, Bolivia, Honduras, Colombia, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Guatemala, Paraguay, Ecuador, Dominican Republic, Peru, Uruguay, and Panama. According to the results, the citizen-representative congruence in support for democracy model was not significant. However, the same factors included in such model did have something to do with the citizen-representative correspondence in political ideology, although two variables, gender quota and ballot structure, were not statistically significant.
International Journal of Korean Unification Studies, Jun 1, 2005
The United States and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) both claim equal determination... more The United States and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) both claim equal determination to achieve a peaceful, diplomatic solution to the Korean Peninsula’s nuclear issue, but their strategies have failed to achieve progress toward their avowed goal. Here we focus on Washington’s preferred strategy of “neo-containment.” The Bush Administration, since taking office in 2001, has consistently rejected any engagement of North Korea, diplomatically and commercially. Yet at the same time it has declared its preference for a “diplomatic” solution to the nuclear issue. Achieving a “diplomatic” solution without diplomacy and diplomatic dialogue is impossible. Since the start of his second term, however, President Bush appears to have moderated his rejection of “engagement” by tempering his preference for “containment” with some aspects of engagement. This has yielded a hybrid strategy labeled here as “neo-containment.” All the fundamental elements of containment remain in place, such as restrictions on diplomatic contact and economic sanctions, but some dialogue is permitted “under the umbrella of the Six-Party Talks and for the sole purpose of resolving the nuclear issue.” Bush’s “neo-containment” strategy, however, ignores the fact that even if the Six-Party Talks resume, successful negotiation of a resolution and its implementation will require a strategy of engagement.
The often heard refrains "Kim Jong Il is irrational," and "North Korea's conduct is unpredictable... more The often heard refrains "Kim Jong Il is irrational," and "North Korea's conduct is unpredictable" typify many political observers' frustrations when deciphering North Korea's responses to the outside world. Such expressions reveal more about those who utter them than about North Korea (Democratic People's Republic of Korea or DPRK). They are admissions of ignorance rooted in the assumption that North Korea's leaders share the same views and priorities as outside observers Juche as Political Culture The continuity and consistency of North Korea's foreign policy is rooted in North Korea's political culture, Juche, and gives it rationality and predictability. Kim Il Sung and his son's reliance on a monolithic "political culture," while alien to democratic societies beyond East Asia, recalls the Chinese dynasties' and Korea's Choson Dynasty's (1492-1910) preference for Neo-Confucianism. Kim Il Sung formulated his "political culture" in terms of his subjects' foremost desire-national reunification. Given this preoccupation with reunification, we should reassess what Kim Il Sung originally meant by the word juche. The English translations of "self reliance" or "self determination" seem inconsistent with his focus on political rather than economic goals during the formative years of Juche. Kim Il Sung encountered Western political concepts as a young student in China where he learned about them by reading Chinese translations. Careful scrutiny of the Chinese characters he used to represent "juche" suggest a meaning very for this word different from the one widely known outside North Korea. Juche consists of two Chinese characters: "ju" which basically means "rule" and "che" which has the basic meaning of "essence." In the political context of early 20 th century, "ju" suggested the World War I era Wilsonian concept of "self rule" or "self determination" for colonized people like Koreans. Combined with "che" (essence) we could translate "juche" as "essence of self determination." This more closely reflects Kim's original preoccupation with Korea's political independence from Japan. It also more accurately focuses the Korean term on Kim's long time championing of nationalism over Marxist-Leninist internationalism. Kim Jong Il's legitimacy rests on the three legged stool of: inheritance of his father's authority, his father's view of reality, Juche, and oversight of the military, Son'gun chongji. Kim Jong Il's inheritance demonstrates respect for traditional Korea's reverence for pedigree and prior preference for monarchy. Kim's naming his father the "eternal" president observes filial piety, a highly cherished Confucian value. But Kim Jong Il could not, like his father, make any claims about military prowess. To compensate he assumed the title of "Supreme Commander," elevated the National Defense Council to the highest administrative organ, designated himself its chairman, and proclaimed "son'gun chongchj" in 1998. These steps appear designed to cement the military's loyalty to him by giving it priority in politics, policy and access to national resources. Juche stands at the center of Kim Jong Il's political trinity as explained in his treatise On the Juche Idea. Kim Jong Il's treatise declares, "The Juche idea represents an invariable guiding idea of the Korean revolution … we are confronted with the www.ckquinones.com
International Journal of Korean Unification Studies, 2004
The most pressing challenge facing the people of Northeast Asia in the 21st Century is the forgin... more The most pressing challenge facing the people of Northeast Asia in the 21st Century is the forging of a durable peace on the Korean Peninsula. But today, prospects for peace in the region remain dim. North Korea’s pursuit of a nuclear weapons capability, and the United States’ reluctance to engage Pyongyang in diplomatic negotiations, have created an impasse that could quickly explode into a second Korean War. The Six Party Talks holds out the hope that a “peaceful diplomatic solution” can be forged in the near future. But the process of diplomatic dialogue and resolution of the nuclear issue alone cannot dissipate the threat of war. Even if a negotiated settlement is achieved, as now seems increasingly possible but still far from certain, implementation of any accord between the United States and North Korea will prove extremely challenging. The fundamental problem is neither the participants in the process, be it two, four or six nations. Nor is it in the terms of any agreement. Inevitably, successful implementation of any accord will require mutual trust between the Washington and Pyongyang. Building that trust began in 1994 with the first US-North Korea nuclear negotiation and the forging of the Agreed Framework of 1994. But that agreement, and the subsequent trust it fostered, has now been rejected by both parties. If any accord is to be successfully implemented and a durable peace built in Northeast Asia, it will require nothing less than a radical transformation of the region’s balance of power and network of international relations. To many, this may seem a distant and rather idealistic wish. Looking back over the past half century, however, nurtures perspective and fosters hope that such a transformation is indeed a realistic goal. After all, half a century ago, the emergence of stability, prosperity and democracy in the region then seemed wishful thinking.
The purpose of this paper is to examine the extent to which party system institutionalization, el... more The purpose of this paper is to examine the extent to which party system institutionalization, electoral rules, and national economic performance affect political representation in Latin America. Political representation is measured by the citizen-representative congruence in two issues: support for democracy and political ideology. The general assumption is that higher / lower levels of political representation correspond to higher/lower levels of institutionalization, less/more permissive electoral rules, and better/worse economic performance. Countries included in the study are Mexico, Chile, Argentina, El Salvador, Bolivia, Honduras, Colombia, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Guatemala, Paraguay, Ecuador, Dominican Republic, Peru, Uruguay, and Panama. According to the results, the citizen-representative congruence in support for democracy model was not significant. However, the same factors included in such model did have something to do with the citizen-representative correspondence in political ideology, although two variables, gender quota and ballot structure, were not statistically significant.
International Journal of Korean Unification Studies, Jun 1, 2005
The United States and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) both claim equal determination... more The United States and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) both claim equal determination to achieve a peaceful, diplomatic solution to the Korean Peninsula’s nuclear issue, but their strategies have failed to achieve progress toward their avowed goal. Here we focus on Washington’s preferred strategy of “neo-containment.” The Bush Administration, since taking office in 2001, has consistently rejected any engagement of North Korea, diplomatically and commercially. Yet at the same time it has declared its preference for a “diplomatic” solution to the nuclear issue. Achieving a “diplomatic” solution without diplomacy and diplomatic dialogue is impossible. Since the start of his second term, however, President Bush appears to have moderated his rejection of “engagement” by tempering his preference for “containment” with some aspects of engagement. This has yielded a hybrid strategy labeled here as “neo-containment.” All the fundamental elements of containment remain in place, such as restrictions on diplomatic contact and economic sanctions, but some dialogue is permitted “under the umbrella of the Six-Party Talks and for the sole purpose of resolving the nuclear issue.” Bush’s “neo-containment” strategy, however, ignores the fact that even if the Six-Party Talks resume, successful negotiation of a resolution and its implementation will require a strategy of engagement.
![Research paper thumbnail of Imperial Japan's Allied Prisoners of War in the South Pacific[6561]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/76970538/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](Imperial Japan's Allied Prisoners of War in the South Pacific: Surviving Paradise, 2021
Much has been written about WWII in the South Pacific and the battle for Rabaul, but very little ... more Much has been written about WWII in the South Pacific and the battle for Rabaul, but very little about the people Imperial Japan imprisoned there. The six U.S. airmen and one Australian coast watcher who survived out of the 200 plus Allied airmen and coast watchers imprisoned at Rabaul were not alone. Thousands of other Allied POWs, hundreds of missionaries and thousands of Korean laborers and "comfort women" shared a similar fate. My father was one of the airmen who survived "paradise." Their saga is explored to better understand their captors' motives for treating their prisoners so inhumanely.