myriam emeue - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Papers by myriam emeue
HAL (Le Centre pour la Communication Scientifique Directe), 2004
International audienc
The MIT Press eBooks, 2004
Recherches linguistiques de Vincennes, May 1, 2005
This paper analyzes in-situ wh-questions in Spanish. It argues that in-situ whphrases in Spanish ... more This paper analyzes in-situ wh-questions in Spanish. It argues that in-situ whphrases in Spanish are actually overtly moved to a left peripheral focus position, their postverbal position being the result of subsequent remnant movement past the focus position. The analysis defended here sets apart the in-situ phenomena of Spanish from the in-situ phenomena occurring in other Romance languages, such as French (as analyzed by Chang, 1997 ; Bo ‡ković, 2000 ; Cheng and Rooryck, 2000), and shows that the purported syntactic mechanisms underlying the distribution of in-situ wh-phrases in those languages are to be amended as far as Spanish is concerned. From a comparative perspective, the Spanish facts support a "pluralistic" approach to in situ strategies (Cheng and Rooryck, 2003), according to which the descriptive notion of in-situ phrase covers a heterogeneous grammatical domain. From a theoretical point of view, our analysis yields support for the idea that many of the phenomena analyzed in the GB tradition in terms of covert movement must be reanalyzed as instances of (masked) overt movement.
Basque has a noun meaning need and a modal form, traditionally classified as verbal, homophonous ... more Basque has a noun meaning need and a modal form, traditionally classified as verbal, homophonous to it, as in English. This paper provides a derivational account of the relation between the nominal and the so-called verbal need in Basque, by claiming that the purported verbal cases are derived from the nominal ones. This derivational relation, we argue, does not follow from the incorporation of Basque need into a verbal head, as has been recently claimed for English need. The necessity modal forms an independent clausal constituent with a DP or a non-finite clause representing the content of the need as its sole argument. This clausal constituent is merged to a high applicative head that introduces in the structure the experiencer of the need. The Basque modal construction resembles in this regard the nominal modal constructions found in some of the celtic languages such as Irish or Scottish Gaelic. This structure is merged with an intransitive verb BE, which provides the verbal support for the construction. The incorporation of the applicative head to BE results in the transitive auxiliary have in Basque, a phenomenon that is independently attested outside the modal cases. 1 This research was partly funded by the Basque Government [Programs: (i) Research Groups (GIC07/144-IT-210-07); (ii) Development of Research Nets in Humanities 2009 (HM-2009-1-1); and (iii) Mobility Programs (MV-2008-2-18) to M.U-E] and by the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation (FFI2008-04786 and FFI2011-29218). It has also been funded by the Agence National de la Recherche (France), via the project TSABL (ANR-07-CORP-033). 2 As discussed by Etxepare & Uribe-Etxebarria (2009, 2010a,b,c) and Balza (2010b), there is a wide variety of modal constructions in Basque involving the modal behar. In this paper we focus on the type which is usually considered the standard one, that where behar follows its complement and selects for a transitive auxiliary and an ergative subject (see Ormazabal 1990a). See also op. cit.above for discussion of the full range of modal constructions with behar. See also Haddican and Tsoulas, this volume, and references therein for related discussion. Revised version to appear in U. Etxeberria, R. Etxepare and M. Uribe-Etxebarria (eds) DPs and Nominalizations in Basque. John Benjamins. (2) a. Behar handia dut b. Beharrean naiz c. Beharra Need big aux need-D-post am need-D "I have a big need" "I am in need" "The need" d. Ez dut horr-en beharr-ik neg aux that-gen need-partitive "I don"t have any need of that" We propose that modal behar is a derived verb in the two cases illustrated in (1). In particular, we argue that both in the configuration involving [behar + DP] in (1a) as well as in that involving [behar + non-finite clause] in (1b), where behar behaves as a lexical verb meaning "need/must/have to", this modal is derived from nominal behar (see Etxepare & Uribe-Etxebarria 2010a; see also Uribe-Etxebarria 1989b and 1990, for an early version of this idea). Kayne & Harves (2008), Harves (2008) and Kayne (2009) have recently argued that English need derives from an underlying structure with the nominal need as the complement of a light verb have (a verb expressing ordinary possession), as roughly represented in (3): (3) HAVE [need …] These authors observe, following Isačenko (1974), that those languages that do not possess a possessive have also lack a transitive modal verb need. Assuming this typological correlation, they propose that modal need is derived via incorporation of nominal need to possessive have (Isačenko 1974 and Noonan 1993). As shown in (4a), Basque also has a possessive have, which freely alternates with a lexical verb meaning "to possess" (the verb eduki) in the expression of possession: (4) a. Jonek liburu bat du b. Jonek liburu bat dauka Jon-erg book one has Jon-erg book one possesses "Jon has a book" "Jon has/possesses a book" Given this correlation, it is tempting to extend an incorporation analysis à la Harves & Kayne to this language. We depart however from the specific underlying structure and the ensuing derivation proposed by these authors for English need. We will show that the derived verb behar differs both from its English lexical counterpart need and from ordinary denominal Basque verbs in several important respects: (i) it cannot take the inflectional morphology that regular verbs take, (ii) it differs from its English transitive counterparts with respect to the arity operations it accepts, and (iii) in the nominal syntactic distribution of the modal item in both transitive and intransitive modal constructions. We argue that the modal noun behar is the nominal predicate of a small clause whose subject (either a DP or a non finite clause) is the content of the need, as represented in (5): (5) …[ Small Clause DP/non-finite clause behar] This clausal constituent merges to an adpositional head that introduces an independent argument, external to the clause: what we informally call the experiencer of the need. The adpositional is the complement of an intransitive verb be that provides the verbal support for the construction: Revised version to appear in U. Etxeberria, R. Etxepare and M. Uribe-Etxebarria (eds) DPs and Nominalizations in Basque. John Benjamins. (6) …BE [ PP Subject EXPERIENCER OF NEED P [ SMALL CLAUSE DP behar NEED ] ] non finite clause In (6), P incorporates to the copula BE, giving rise to transitive have. The underlying structure of modal constructions is thus akin to the one proposed for auxiliary have by Kayne (1993).
U.M.I. (University Microfilms International) Dissertation Information Service eBooks, 1994
This work analyzes the level at which Negative Polarity Item Licensing takes place on the basis o... more This work analyzes the level at which Negative Polarity Item Licensing takes place on the basis of a cross-linguistic study of the licensing conditions imposed on Negative Polarity Items (NPIs) in structures where negation (Neg) is the polarity licenser. It is argued that the ...
Linguistic Variation Yearbook 2002, 2003
... Assuming that such an alternative is independently available in Spanish, it is tempting to as... more ... Assuming that such an alternative is independently available in Spanish, it is tempting to assume that the only operation involved in the wh-in situ cases under analysis is p-movement, and that the reason behind the SFR is prosodic wellformedness. ...
… STUDIES IN THE THEORY AND HISTORY …, 1996
... 220, 228 Archangeli, Diana: 19, 23 Arejita, Adolfo: 314315 Aronoff, Mark: 207 Ashby, William:... more ... 220, 228 Archangeli, Diana: 19, 23 Arejita, Adolfo: 314315 Aronoff, Mark: 207 Ashby, William: 168 Aske, Jon: 13, 17, 23 Auger, Julie: 190, 195 ... 228 Schane, Sanford Α.: 149, 157, 230, 232, 238, 275, 290 Schwartz Lerner, Lía: 133 Scoretti, Mauro: 25, 26, 34 Scullen, Mary Ellen ...
This work analyzes the level at which Negative Polarity Item Licensing takes place on the basis o... more This work analyzes the level at which Negative Polarity Item Licensing takes place on the basis of a cross-linguistic study of the licensing conditions imposed on Negative Polarity Items (NPIs) in structures where negation (Neg) is the polarity licenser. It is argued that the ...
Anuario del Seminario de Filología Vasca Julio de Urquijo: International journal of basque linguistics and philology, Apr 16, 2009
This paper discusses the syntactic representation of participial dependents of modal verbs in Bas... more This paper discusses the syntactic representation of participial dependents of modal verbs in Basque, their internal structure and their position with regard to the matrix modal verb. The analysis focuses on those varieties that admit the participial dependent to occur either before or after the modal verb. It is shown that in those varieties, the syntactic position of the participial dependent correlates with differences in its internal structure: whereas participial dependents can correspond to TPs when they are located to the right of the modal verb in Basque (a typically SOV language), they cannot correspond to anything more complex than a small v structure to the left of the modal verb. Our analysis of the internal structure of participial dependents also extends to issues concerning the basic word order of Basque. It is claimed that the analysis presented here requires the auxiliary to be generated to the left of the verb phrase, as the antisymmetry hypothesis would have it.
Basque has a noun meaning need and a modal form, traditionally classified as verbal, homophonous ... more Basque has a noun meaning need and a modal form, traditionally classified as verbal, homophonous to it, as in English. This paper provides a derivational account of the relation between the nominal and the so-called verbal need in Basque, by claiming that the purported verbal cases are derived from the nominal ones. This derivational relation, we argue, does not follow from the incorporation of Basque need into a verbal head, as has been recently claimed for English need. The necessity modal forms an independent clausal constituent with a DP or a non-finite clause representing the content of the need as its sole argument. This clausal constituent is merged to a high applicative head that introduces in the structure the experiencer of the need. The Basque modal construction resembles in this regard the nominal modal constructions found in some of the celtic languages such as Irish or Scottish Gaelic. This structure is merged with an intransitive verb BE, which provides the verbal sup...
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, 2012
Basque has a noun meaning need and a modal form, traditionally classified as verbal, homophonous ... more Basque has a noun meaning need and a modal form, traditionally classified as verbal, homophonous to it, as in English. This paper provides a derivational account of the relation between the nominal and the so-called verbal need in Basque, by claiming that the purported verbal cases are derived from the nominal ones. This derivational relation, we argue, does not follow from the incorporation of Basque need into a verbal head, as has been recently claimed for English need. The necessity modal forms an independent clausal constituent with a DP or a non-finite clause representing the content of the need as its sole argument. This clausal constituent is merged to a high applicative head that introduces in the structure the experiencer of the need. The Basque modal construction resembles in this regard the nominal modal constructions found in some of the celtic languages such as Irish or Scottish Gaelic. This structure is merged with an intransitive verb BE, which provides the verbal support for the construction. The incorporation of the applicative head to BE results in the transitive auxiliary have in Basque, a phenomenon that is independently attested outside the modal cases. 1 This research was partly funded by the Basque Government [Programs: (i) Research Groups (GIC07/144-IT-210-07); (ii) Development of Research Nets in Humanities 2009 (HM-2009-1-1); and (iii) Mobility Programs (MV-2008-2-18) to M.U-E] and by the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation (FFI2008-04786 and FFI2011-29218). It has also been funded by the Agence National de la Recherche (France), via the project TSABL (ANR-07-CORP-033). 2 As discussed by Etxepare & Uribe-Etxebarria (2009, 2010a,b,c) and Balza (2010b), there is a wide variety of modal constructions in Basque involving the modal behar. In this paper we focus on the type which is usually considered the standard one, that where behar follows its complement and selects for a transitive auxiliary and an ergative subject (see Ormazabal 1990a). See also op. cit.above for discussion of the full range of modal constructions with behar. See also Haddican and Tsoulas, this volume, and references therein for related discussion. Revised version to appear in U. Etxeberria, R. Etxepare and M. Uribe-Etxebarria (eds) DPs and Nominalizations in Basque. John Benjamins. (2) a. Behar handia dut b. Beharrean naiz c. Beharra Need big aux need-D-post am need-D "I have a big need" "I am in need" "The need" d. Ez dut horr-en beharr-ik neg aux that-gen need-partitive "I don"t have any need of that" We propose that modal behar is a derived verb in the two cases illustrated in (1). In particular, we argue that both in the configuration involving [behar + DP] in (1a) as well as in that involving [behar + non-finite clause] in (1b), where behar behaves as a lexical verb meaning "need/must/have to", this modal is derived from nominal behar (see Etxepare & Uribe-Etxebarria 2010a; see also Uribe-Etxebarria 1989b and 1990, for an early version of this idea). Kayne & Harves (2008), Harves (2008) and Kayne (2009) have recently argued that English need derives from an underlying structure with the nominal need as the complement of a light verb have (a verb expressing ordinary possession), as roughly represented in (3): (3) HAVE [need …] These authors observe, following Isačenko (1974), that those languages that do not possess a possessive have also lack a transitive modal verb need. Assuming this typological correlation, they propose that modal need is derived via incorporation of nominal need to possessive have (Isačenko 1974 and Noonan 1993). As shown in (4a), Basque also has a possessive have, which freely alternates with a lexical verb meaning "to possess" (the verb eduki) in the expression of possession: (4) a. Jonek liburu bat du b. Jonek liburu bat dauka Jon-erg book one has Jon-erg book one possesses "Jon has a book" "Jon has/possesses a book" Given this correlation, it is tempting to extend an incorporation analysis à la Harves & Kayne to this language. We depart however from the specific underlying structure and the ensuing derivation proposed by these authors for English need. We will show that the derived verb behar differs both from its English lexical counterpart need and from ordinary denominal Basque verbs in several important respects: (i) it cannot take the inflectional morphology that regular verbs take, (ii) it differs from its English transitive counterparts with respect to the arity operations it accepts, and (iii) in the nominal syntactic distribution of the modal item in both transitive and intransitive modal constructions. We argue that the modal noun behar is the nominal predicate of a small clause whose subject (either a DP or a non finite clause) is the content of the need, as represented in (5): (5) …[ Small Clause DP/non-finite clause behar] This clausal constituent merges to an adpositional head that introduces an independent argument, external to the clause: what we informally call the experiencer of the need. The adpositional is the complement of an intransitive verb be that provides the verbal support for the construction: Revised version to appear in U. Etxeberria, R. Etxepare and M. Uribe-Etxebarria (eds) DPs and Nominalizations in Basque. John Benjamins. (6) …BE [ PP Subject EXPERIENCER OF NEED P [ SMALL CLAUSE DP behar NEED ] ] non finite clause In (6), P incorporates to the copula BE, giving rise to transitive have. The underlying structure of modal constructions is thus akin to the one proposed for auxiliary have by Kayne (1993).
Lingüística teòrica, 2008
Lingüística teòrica: anàlisi i perspectives, II 113-131 Los primitivos léxicos y la interfaz léxi... more Lingüística teòrica: anàlisi i perspectives, II 113-131 Los primitivos léxicos y la interfaz léxico-sintaxis: categorización sintáctica y diversidad lingüística1 Myriam Uribe-Etxebarria Universidad del País Vasco (UPV-EHU/HITT) 1. Introducción Mendikoetxea (este volumen) ofrece ...
Proceedings of the XV Euskaltzaindia …, 2003
... Honek azalduko luke zergatik galdera mota hauek ez duten aurresuposizioa kantzelatzen duen er... more ... Honek azalduko luke zergatik galdera mota hauek ez duten aurresuposizioa kantzelatzen duen erantzunik onartzen, (26)-an eta (27)-an erakutsi bezala. (26) a. Q: Marie a acheté quoi? A: ??Rien b. Q: Que Marie at-elle acheté A: Rien [Chang 1997: 42] ...
HAL (Le Centre pour la Communication Scientifique Directe), 2004
International audienc
The MIT Press eBooks, 2004
Recherches linguistiques de Vincennes, May 1, 2005
This paper analyzes in-situ wh-questions in Spanish. It argues that in-situ whphrases in Spanish ... more This paper analyzes in-situ wh-questions in Spanish. It argues that in-situ whphrases in Spanish are actually overtly moved to a left peripheral focus position, their postverbal position being the result of subsequent remnant movement past the focus position. The analysis defended here sets apart the in-situ phenomena of Spanish from the in-situ phenomena occurring in other Romance languages, such as French (as analyzed by Chang, 1997 ; Bo ‡ković, 2000 ; Cheng and Rooryck, 2000), and shows that the purported syntactic mechanisms underlying the distribution of in-situ wh-phrases in those languages are to be amended as far as Spanish is concerned. From a comparative perspective, the Spanish facts support a "pluralistic" approach to in situ strategies (Cheng and Rooryck, 2003), according to which the descriptive notion of in-situ phrase covers a heterogeneous grammatical domain. From a theoretical point of view, our analysis yields support for the idea that many of the phenomena analyzed in the GB tradition in terms of covert movement must be reanalyzed as instances of (masked) overt movement.
Basque has a noun meaning need and a modal form, traditionally classified as verbal, homophonous ... more Basque has a noun meaning need and a modal form, traditionally classified as verbal, homophonous to it, as in English. This paper provides a derivational account of the relation between the nominal and the so-called verbal need in Basque, by claiming that the purported verbal cases are derived from the nominal ones. This derivational relation, we argue, does not follow from the incorporation of Basque need into a verbal head, as has been recently claimed for English need. The necessity modal forms an independent clausal constituent with a DP or a non-finite clause representing the content of the need as its sole argument. This clausal constituent is merged to a high applicative head that introduces in the structure the experiencer of the need. The Basque modal construction resembles in this regard the nominal modal constructions found in some of the celtic languages such as Irish or Scottish Gaelic. This structure is merged with an intransitive verb BE, which provides the verbal support for the construction. The incorporation of the applicative head to BE results in the transitive auxiliary have in Basque, a phenomenon that is independently attested outside the modal cases. 1 This research was partly funded by the Basque Government [Programs: (i) Research Groups (GIC07/144-IT-210-07); (ii) Development of Research Nets in Humanities 2009 (HM-2009-1-1); and (iii) Mobility Programs (MV-2008-2-18) to M.U-E] and by the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation (FFI2008-04786 and FFI2011-29218). It has also been funded by the Agence National de la Recherche (France), via the project TSABL (ANR-07-CORP-033). 2 As discussed by Etxepare & Uribe-Etxebarria (2009, 2010a,b,c) and Balza (2010b), there is a wide variety of modal constructions in Basque involving the modal behar. In this paper we focus on the type which is usually considered the standard one, that where behar follows its complement and selects for a transitive auxiliary and an ergative subject (see Ormazabal 1990a). See also op. cit.above for discussion of the full range of modal constructions with behar. See also Haddican and Tsoulas, this volume, and references therein for related discussion. Revised version to appear in U. Etxeberria, R. Etxepare and M. Uribe-Etxebarria (eds) DPs and Nominalizations in Basque. John Benjamins. (2) a. Behar handia dut b. Beharrean naiz c. Beharra Need big aux need-D-post am need-D "I have a big need" "I am in need" "The need" d. Ez dut horr-en beharr-ik neg aux that-gen need-partitive "I don"t have any need of that" We propose that modal behar is a derived verb in the two cases illustrated in (1). In particular, we argue that both in the configuration involving [behar + DP] in (1a) as well as in that involving [behar + non-finite clause] in (1b), where behar behaves as a lexical verb meaning "need/must/have to", this modal is derived from nominal behar (see Etxepare & Uribe-Etxebarria 2010a; see also Uribe-Etxebarria 1989b and 1990, for an early version of this idea). Kayne & Harves (2008), Harves (2008) and Kayne (2009) have recently argued that English need derives from an underlying structure with the nominal need as the complement of a light verb have (a verb expressing ordinary possession), as roughly represented in (3): (3) HAVE [need …] These authors observe, following Isačenko (1974), that those languages that do not possess a possessive have also lack a transitive modal verb need. Assuming this typological correlation, they propose that modal need is derived via incorporation of nominal need to possessive have (Isačenko 1974 and Noonan 1993). As shown in (4a), Basque also has a possessive have, which freely alternates with a lexical verb meaning "to possess" (the verb eduki) in the expression of possession: (4) a. Jonek liburu bat du b. Jonek liburu bat dauka Jon-erg book one has Jon-erg book one possesses "Jon has a book" "Jon has/possesses a book" Given this correlation, it is tempting to extend an incorporation analysis à la Harves & Kayne to this language. We depart however from the specific underlying structure and the ensuing derivation proposed by these authors for English need. We will show that the derived verb behar differs both from its English lexical counterpart need and from ordinary denominal Basque verbs in several important respects: (i) it cannot take the inflectional morphology that regular verbs take, (ii) it differs from its English transitive counterparts with respect to the arity operations it accepts, and (iii) in the nominal syntactic distribution of the modal item in both transitive and intransitive modal constructions. We argue that the modal noun behar is the nominal predicate of a small clause whose subject (either a DP or a non finite clause) is the content of the need, as represented in (5): (5) …[ Small Clause DP/non-finite clause behar] This clausal constituent merges to an adpositional head that introduces an independent argument, external to the clause: what we informally call the experiencer of the need. The adpositional is the complement of an intransitive verb be that provides the verbal support for the construction: Revised version to appear in U. Etxeberria, R. Etxepare and M. Uribe-Etxebarria (eds) DPs and Nominalizations in Basque. John Benjamins. (6) …BE [ PP Subject EXPERIENCER OF NEED P [ SMALL CLAUSE DP behar NEED ] ] non finite clause In (6), P incorporates to the copula BE, giving rise to transitive have. The underlying structure of modal constructions is thus akin to the one proposed for auxiliary have by Kayne (1993).
U.M.I. (University Microfilms International) Dissertation Information Service eBooks, 1994
This work analyzes the level at which Negative Polarity Item Licensing takes place on the basis o... more This work analyzes the level at which Negative Polarity Item Licensing takes place on the basis of a cross-linguistic study of the licensing conditions imposed on Negative Polarity Items (NPIs) in structures where negation (Neg) is the polarity licenser. It is argued that the ...
Linguistic Variation Yearbook 2002, 2003
... Assuming that such an alternative is independently available in Spanish, it is tempting to as... more ... Assuming that such an alternative is independently available in Spanish, it is tempting to assume that the only operation involved in the wh-in situ cases under analysis is p-movement, and that the reason behind the SFR is prosodic wellformedness. ...
… STUDIES IN THE THEORY AND HISTORY …, 1996
... 220, 228 Archangeli, Diana: 19, 23 Arejita, Adolfo: 314315 Aronoff, Mark: 207 Ashby, William:... more ... 220, 228 Archangeli, Diana: 19, 23 Arejita, Adolfo: 314315 Aronoff, Mark: 207 Ashby, William: 168 Aske, Jon: 13, 17, 23 Auger, Julie: 190, 195 ... 228 Schane, Sanford Α.: 149, 157, 230, 232, 238, 275, 290 Schwartz Lerner, Lía: 133 Scoretti, Mauro: 25, 26, 34 Scullen, Mary Ellen ...
This work analyzes the level at which Negative Polarity Item Licensing takes place on the basis o... more This work analyzes the level at which Negative Polarity Item Licensing takes place on the basis of a cross-linguistic study of the licensing conditions imposed on Negative Polarity Items (NPIs) in structures where negation (Neg) is the polarity licenser. It is argued that the ...
Anuario del Seminario de Filología Vasca Julio de Urquijo: International journal of basque linguistics and philology, Apr 16, 2009
This paper discusses the syntactic representation of participial dependents of modal verbs in Bas... more This paper discusses the syntactic representation of participial dependents of modal verbs in Basque, their internal structure and their position with regard to the matrix modal verb. The analysis focuses on those varieties that admit the participial dependent to occur either before or after the modal verb. It is shown that in those varieties, the syntactic position of the participial dependent correlates with differences in its internal structure: whereas participial dependents can correspond to TPs when they are located to the right of the modal verb in Basque (a typically SOV language), they cannot correspond to anything more complex than a small v structure to the left of the modal verb. Our analysis of the internal structure of participial dependents also extends to issues concerning the basic word order of Basque. It is claimed that the analysis presented here requires the auxiliary to be generated to the left of the verb phrase, as the antisymmetry hypothesis would have it.
Basque has a noun meaning need and a modal form, traditionally classified as verbal, homophonous ... more Basque has a noun meaning need and a modal form, traditionally classified as verbal, homophonous to it, as in English. This paper provides a derivational account of the relation between the nominal and the so-called verbal need in Basque, by claiming that the purported verbal cases are derived from the nominal ones. This derivational relation, we argue, does not follow from the incorporation of Basque need into a verbal head, as has been recently claimed for English need. The necessity modal forms an independent clausal constituent with a DP or a non-finite clause representing the content of the need as its sole argument. This clausal constituent is merged to a high applicative head that introduces in the structure the experiencer of the need. The Basque modal construction resembles in this regard the nominal modal constructions found in some of the celtic languages such as Irish or Scottish Gaelic. This structure is merged with an intransitive verb BE, which provides the verbal sup...
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, 2012
Basque has a noun meaning need and a modal form, traditionally classified as verbal, homophonous ... more Basque has a noun meaning need and a modal form, traditionally classified as verbal, homophonous to it, as in English. This paper provides a derivational account of the relation between the nominal and the so-called verbal need in Basque, by claiming that the purported verbal cases are derived from the nominal ones. This derivational relation, we argue, does not follow from the incorporation of Basque need into a verbal head, as has been recently claimed for English need. The necessity modal forms an independent clausal constituent with a DP or a non-finite clause representing the content of the need as its sole argument. This clausal constituent is merged to a high applicative head that introduces in the structure the experiencer of the need. The Basque modal construction resembles in this regard the nominal modal constructions found in some of the celtic languages such as Irish or Scottish Gaelic. This structure is merged with an intransitive verb BE, which provides the verbal support for the construction. The incorporation of the applicative head to BE results in the transitive auxiliary have in Basque, a phenomenon that is independently attested outside the modal cases. 1 This research was partly funded by the Basque Government [Programs: (i) Research Groups (GIC07/144-IT-210-07); (ii) Development of Research Nets in Humanities 2009 (HM-2009-1-1); and (iii) Mobility Programs (MV-2008-2-18) to M.U-E] and by the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation (FFI2008-04786 and FFI2011-29218). It has also been funded by the Agence National de la Recherche (France), via the project TSABL (ANR-07-CORP-033). 2 As discussed by Etxepare & Uribe-Etxebarria (2009, 2010a,b,c) and Balza (2010b), there is a wide variety of modal constructions in Basque involving the modal behar. In this paper we focus on the type which is usually considered the standard one, that where behar follows its complement and selects for a transitive auxiliary and an ergative subject (see Ormazabal 1990a). See also op. cit.above for discussion of the full range of modal constructions with behar. See also Haddican and Tsoulas, this volume, and references therein for related discussion. Revised version to appear in U. Etxeberria, R. Etxepare and M. Uribe-Etxebarria (eds) DPs and Nominalizations in Basque. John Benjamins. (2) a. Behar handia dut b. Beharrean naiz c. Beharra Need big aux need-D-post am need-D "I have a big need" "I am in need" "The need" d. Ez dut horr-en beharr-ik neg aux that-gen need-partitive "I don"t have any need of that" We propose that modal behar is a derived verb in the two cases illustrated in (1). In particular, we argue that both in the configuration involving [behar + DP] in (1a) as well as in that involving [behar + non-finite clause] in (1b), where behar behaves as a lexical verb meaning "need/must/have to", this modal is derived from nominal behar (see Etxepare & Uribe-Etxebarria 2010a; see also Uribe-Etxebarria 1989b and 1990, for an early version of this idea). Kayne & Harves (2008), Harves (2008) and Kayne (2009) have recently argued that English need derives from an underlying structure with the nominal need as the complement of a light verb have (a verb expressing ordinary possession), as roughly represented in (3): (3) HAVE [need …] These authors observe, following Isačenko (1974), that those languages that do not possess a possessive have also lack a transitive modal verb need. Assuming this typological correlation, they propose that modal need is derived via incorporation of nominal need to possessive have (Isačenko 1974 and Noonan 1993). As shown in (4a), Basque also has a possessive have, which freely alternates with a lexical verb meaning "to possess" (the verb eduki) in the expression of possession: (4) a. Jonek liburu bat du b. Jonek liburu bat dauka Jon-erg book one has Jon-erg book one possesses "Jon has a book" "Jon has/possesses a book" Given this correlation, it is tempting to extend an incorporation analysis à la Harves & Kayne to this language. We depart however from the specific underlying structure and the ensuing derivation proposed by these authors for English need. We will show that the derived verb behar differs both from its English lexical counterpart need and from ordinary denominal Basque verbs in several important respects: (i) it cannot take the inflectional morphology that regular verbs take, (ii) it differs from its English transitive counterparts with respect to the arity operations it accepts, and (iii) in the nominal syntactic distribution of the modal item in both transitive and intransitive modal constructions. We argue that the modal noun behar is the nominal predicate of a small clause whose subject (either a DP or a non finite clause) is the content of the need, as represented in (5): (5) …[ Small Clause DP/non-finite clause behar] This clausal constituent merges to an adpositional head that introduces an independent argument, external to the clause: what we informally call the experiencer of the need. The adpositional is the complement of an intransitive verb be that provides the verbal support for the construction: Revised version to appear in U. Etxeberria, R. Etxepare and M. Uribe-Etxebarria (eds) DPs and Nominalizations in Basque. John Benjamins. (6) …BE [ PP Subject EXPERIENCER OF NEED P [ SMALL CLAUSE DP behar NEED ] ] non finite clause In (6), P incorporates to the copula BE, giving rise to transitive have. The underlying structure of modal constructions is thus akin to the one proposed for auxiliary have by Kayne (1993).
Lingüística teòrica, 2008
Lingüística teòrica: anàlisi i perspectives, II 113-131 Los primitivos léxicos y la interfaz léxi... more Lingüística teòrica: anàlisi i perspectives, II 113-131 Los primitivos léxicos y la interfaz léxico-sintaxis: categorización sintáctica y diversidad lingüística1 Myriam Uribe-Etxebarria Universidad del País Vasco (UPV-EHU/HITT) 1. Introducción Mendikoetxea (este volumen) ofrece ...
Proceedings of the XV Euskaltzaindia …, 2003
... Honek azalduko luke zergatik galdera mota hauek ez duten aurresuposizioa kantzelatzen duen er... more ... Honek azalduko luke zergatik galdera mota hauek ez duten aurresuposizioa kantzelatzen duen erantzunik onartzen, (26)-an eta (27)-an erakutsi bezala. (26) a. Q: Marie a acheté quoi? A: ??Rien b. Q: Que Marie at-elle acheté A: Rien [Chang 1997: 42] ...