ned schneier - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Papers by ned schneier
Routledge eBooks, Aug 26, 2020
Routledge eBooks, Oct 23, 2015
Introduction: Indonesia, Turkey and "Islamic World." 1. A Brief History of the Islamic ... more Introduction: Indonesia, Turkey and "Islamic World." 1. A Brief History of the Islamic World 2. Religion, Development and Democratization 3. The Middle East and North Africa: Strong States, Weak Democracies 4. The Road to Democracy in the Islamic World 5. Pathways to Democratization: Turkey 6. Indonesia 7. Islam and Democracy
Scandinavian Studies, 1992
1922 a women's list of candidates for the Icelandic parliament won nearly twentythree percent... more 1922 a women's list of candidates for the Icelandic parliament won nearly twentythree percent of the popular vote. Its success was short-lived, declining to less than five percent of the vote in 1926 before fading entirely from the political scene. In 1983 when a new Women's Alliance won three of the then sixty seats in the Aljsingi (parliament), there were many who thought this movement would experience a similar fate. Even after the Alliance doubled its representation in the 1987 election and won more than ten percent of the popular vote, there was a widespread feeling that it would soon fade away. Quite the opposite seems to have happened. To the surprise even of its own Aljnngi members, a series of polls in 1988 made the Women's Alliance ("Kvennalistinn") one of the three largest of the country's six parties and credited it with as much as thirty percent of the popular vote. Although Kvennalistinn's actual share of the popular vote declined to 8.3 percent in the 1991 national elections, it seems to have developed a firm place in the AlJ>ingi as one of its five established parties. With five of the parliament's sixty seats in a system that almost invariably relies on multi-party coalitions the Women's Alliance confirmed itself as a force to be reckoned with in putting together a government. The prospect of becoming part of the government is as unsettling to Kvennalistinn as it is to the traditional parties. As a relatively small opposition group, the Women's Alliance has been able to function as a political party while retaining the basic organizational fluidity of a protest group. The ability of the Alliance to thus carry water on both
The Journal of Politics, Nov 1, 2005
testers act intentionally when they mount successful nonviolent challenges. On the one hand, Scho... more testers act intentionally when they mount successful nonviolent challenges. On the one hand, Schock’s justification for supplementing the political process framework with insights from the nonviolent action literature is couched in terms of the latter’s emphasis on how “power is used strategically by social movements to undermine the state and alter the political context” (36; emphasis added). The South African case, correspondingly, suggests that nonviolent protesters “know what they’re doing” when they design organizations that will withstand repression: The creation of umbrella organizations during the mid-1980s, according to Schock, was “a deliberate response to the opportunities of the political environment” whereby movement organizers learned from their earlier mistakes and “consciously developed a strategy of ‘people power’ ” that was attuned to the forms of protest that would inhibit the state’s ability to repress anti-Apartheid activity (58, 60; emphases added). At the same time, though, the sense that luck rather than know-how guides protesters’ tactical choices is ubiquitous. Schock notes, for example, that “virtually all unarmed insurrections have been improvised” (163). While both the theoretical and case study chapters emphasize that challengers are cognizant of the incentives created by intra-elite conflict and economic crisis and coordinate the timing of mobilization accordingly, their decision as to how protest activity is conducted seems haphazard. It remains unclear, therefore, whether Nepalese and Thai reformers developed effective strategies because they—like those involved in the creation of South Africa’s United Democratic Front—actually understood the implications of network-oriented and diversified mobilization, or whether it was merely coincidence that distinguished these movements from their Burmese and Chinese counterparts and led them to mobilize in a way that would facilitate the achievement of their goals. This criticism aside, the book offers a compelling explanation of the mechanisms that link nonviolent protest activity to regime outcomes in non-democracies. Its political process-nonviolent action synthesis is innovative and suggests a balanced understanding of the interaction between social movements and their political environments that neither undervalues nor inflates the role of popular movements in promoting democratic transitions. As such, Unarmed Insurrections is an important contribution to the literatures on social movements and democratization.
... Thanks to Renee Legatt and Anna Schwartz of Rowman & Littlefield for their patience and h... more ... Thanks to Renee Legatt and Anna Schwartz of Rowman & Littlefield for their patience and help, to my old friend Ellen Boneparth, to Asri Hadi, and above all to my wife Margrit for her careful reading of the manuscript, her Swiss efficiency, and loving support. ...
Routledge eBooks, Aug 26, 2020
Routledge eBooks, Aug 26, 2020
University of Pennsylvania Press eBooks, Dec 31, 1976
Congress & the presidency, Sep 1, 1988
... That Proxmire didn't want to be part of the Club didn't make him ineffective on oth... more ... That Proxmire didn't want to be part of the Club didn't make him ineffective on other terms or subject him to sanctions that he considered significant.1 Somewhere between insiderdom and devi ance, in ... When it comes to substantive floor activities, junior members of the ...
Annals of The American Academy of Political and Social Science, Mar 1, 1970
Proposals for improved information systems for legislatures have become a standard feature of the... more Proposals for improved information systems for legislatures have become a standard feature of the literature on legislative systems. Most of these proposals, however, either fail to take account of political realities or have a centralizing bias which is likely to prove incongenial to most legislators. Given the functionally fragmented structure of American politics, the methods that congressmen use to gather information are essentially rational, and likely, therefore, to prove highly resilient to change. But the form of rationality which the legislative intelligence system now favors is ill-suited to the policy needs of the society, particularly in those instances where the need for establishing orders of priority is most urgent. It may, thus, be particularly important to develop new intelligence systems in the executive branch, and in the private sector, to supplement, challenge, and engage the entrenched system of legislative intelligence.
American Political Science Review, Jun 1, 1977
Routledge eBooks, Aug 26, 2020
Political Science Quarterly, 1977
An academic directory and search engine.
American Political Science Review, Jun 1, 1977
American Sociological Review, Feb 1, 1953
who gave up precious time to the improvement of the work. The greatest debt, however, is to the a... more who gave up precious time to the improvement of the work. The greatest debt, however, is to the author's wife, Florence Mullin Turner, who has become so familiar with the work through re-typing and re-reading that she is better acquainted with it than the author. Her suggestions on presentation, furthermore, have been more useful than she suspects.
Routledge eBooks, Aug 26, 2020
Routledge eBooks, Oct 23, 2015
Introduction: Indonesia, Turkey and "Islamic World." 1. A Brief History of the Islamic ... more Introduction: Indonesia, Turkey and "Islamic World." 1. A Brief History of the Islamic World 2. Religion, Development and Democratization 3. The Middle East and North Africa: Strong States, Weak Democracies 4. The Road to Democracy in the Islamic World 5. Pathways to Democratization: Turkey 6. Indonesia 7. Islam and Democracy
Scandinavian Studies, 1992
1922 a women's list of candidates for the Icelandic parliament won nearly twentythree percent... more 1922 a women's list of candidates for the Icelandic parliament won nearly twentythree percent of the popular vote. Its success was short-lived, declining to less than five percent of the vote in 1926 before fading entirely from the political scene. In 1983 when a new Women's Alliance won three of the then sixty seats in the Aljsingi (parliament), there were many who thought this movement would experience a similar fate. Even after the Alliance doubled its representation in the 1987 election and won more than ten percent of the popular vote, there was a widespread feeling that it would soon fade away. Quite the opposite seems to have happened. To the surprise even of its own Aljnngi members, a series of polls in 1988 made the Women's Alliance ("Kvennalistinn") one of the three largest of the country's six parties and credited it with as much as thirty percent of the popular vote. Although Kvennalistinn's actual share of the popular vote declined to 8.3 percent in the 1991 national elections, it seems to have developed a firm place in the AlJ>ingi as one of its five established parties. With five of the parliament's sixty seats in a system that almost invariably relies on multi-party coalitions the Women's Alliance confirmed itself as a force to be reckoned with in putting together a government. The prospect of becoming part of the government is as unsettling to Kvennalistinn as it is to the traditional parties. As a relatively small opposition group, the Women's Alliance has been able to function as a political party while retaining the basic organizational fluidity of a protest group. The ability of the Alliance to thus carry water on both
The Journal of Politics, Nov 1, 2005
testers act intentionally when they mount successful nonviolent challenges. On the one hand, Scho... more testers act intentionally when they mount successful nonviolent challenges. On the one hand, Schock’s justification for supplementing the political process framework with insights from the nonviolent action literature is couched in terms of the latter’s emphasis on how “power is used strategically by social movements to undermine the state and alter the political context” (36; emphasis added). The South African case, correspondingly, suggests that nonviolent protesters “know what they’re doing” when they design organizations that will withstand repression: The creation of umbrella organizations during the mid-1980s, according to Schock, was “a deliberate response to the opportunities of the political environment” whereby movement organizers learned from their earlier mistakes and “consciously developed a strategy of ‘people power’ ” that was attuned to the forms of protest that would inhibit the state’s ability to repress anti-Apartheid activity (58, 60; emphases added). At the same time, though, the sense that luck rather than know-how guides protesters’ tactical choices is ubiquitous. Schock notes, for example, that “virtually all unarmed insurrections have been improvised” (163). While both the theoretical and case study chapters emphasize that challengers are cognizant of the incentives created by intra-elite conflict and economic crisis and coordinate the timing of mobilization accordingly, their decision as to how protest activity is conducted seems haphazard. It remains unclear, therefore, whether Nepalese and Thai reformers developed effective strategies because they—like those involved in the creation of South Africa’s United Democratic Front—actually understood the implications of network-oriented and diversified mobilization, or whether it was merely coincidence that distinguished these movements from their Burmese and Chinese counterparts and led them to mobilize in a way that would facilitate the achievement of their goals. This criticism aside, the book offers a compelling explanation of the mechanisms that link nonviolent protest activity to regime outcomes in non-democracies. Its political process-nonviolent action synthesis is innovative and suggests a balanced understanding of the interaction between social movements and their political environments that neither undervalues nor inflates the role of popular movements in promoting democratic transitions. As such, Unarmed Insurrections is an important contribution to the literatures on social movements and democratization.
... Thanks to Renee Legatt and Anna Schwartz of Rowman & Littlefield for their patience and h... more ... Thanks to Renee Legatt and Anna Schwartz of Rowman & Littlefield for their patience and help, to my old friend Ellen Boneparth, to Asri Hadi, and above all to my wife Margrit for her careful reading of the manuscript, her Swiss efficiency, and loving support. ...
Routledge eBooks, Aug 26, 2020
Routledge eBooks, Aug 26, 2020
University of Pennsylvania Press eBooks, Dec 31, 1976
Congress & the presidency, Sep 1, 1988
... That Proxmire didn't want to be part of the Club didn't make him ineffective on oth... more ... That Proxmire didn't want to be part of the Club didn't make him ineffective on other terms or subject him to sanctions that he considered significant.1 Somewhere between insiderdom and devi ance, in ... When it comes to substantive floor activities, junior members of the ...
Annals of The American Academy of Political and Social Science, Mar 1, 1970
Proposals for improved information systems for legislatures have become a standard feature of the... more Proposals for improved information systems for legislatures have become a standard feature of the literature on legislative systems. Most of these proposals, however, either fail to take account of political realities or have a centralizing bias which is likely to prove incongenial to most legislators. Given the functionally fragmented structure of American politics, the methods that congressmen use to gather information are essentially rational, and likely, therefore, to prove highly resilient to change. But the form of rationality which the legislative intelligence system now favors is ill-suited to the policy needs of the society, particularly in those instances where the need for establishing orders of priority is most urgent. It may, thus, be particularly important to develop new intelligence systems in the executive branch, and in the private sector, to supplement, challenge, and engage the entrenched system of legislative intelligence.
American Political Science Review, Jun 1, 1977
Routledge eBooks, Aug 26, 2020
Political Science Quarterly, 1977
An academic directory and search engine.
American Political Science Review, Jun 1, 1977
American Sociological Review, Feb 1, 1953
who gave up precious time to the improvement of the work. The greatest debt, however, is to the a... more who gave up precious time to the improvement of the work. The greatest debt, however, is to the author's wife, Florence Mullin Turner, who has become so familiar with the work through re-typing and re-reading that she is better acquainted with it than the author. Her suggestions on presentation, furthermore, have been more useful than she suspects.