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L'Homme et la société, 2013
Au cours des années 1960, les structuralistes déclarèrent Sartre obsolète, appartenant au passé a... more Au cours des années 1960, les structuralistes déclarèrent Sartre obsolète, appartenant au passé au même titre que le paradigme de la phénoménologie existentielle. Or, Mai 68 a fourni une retentissante justification de la thèse sartrienne de la liberté humaine en démontrant que des « événements » survenaient, que l'histoire ne se confondait pas avec ce paysage opaque et glacé auquel les structuralistes la réduisaient. Après quoi, son engagement concerté auprès des maoïstes-au point d'être le directeur de publication de pas moins de trois publications maoïstes, La Cause du Peuple, J'Accuse et Tout!-le projeta au centre de la scène politique française. Depuis la révolte de Mai, le gauchisme a capturé l'imagination politique de la France contemporaine, la jeunesse étant la vague du futur. L'alliance de Sartre avec la Gauche prolétarienne a mis en évidence que la jeunesse française avait embrassé les thèses sartriennes. En outre, la collaboration de Sartre avec les maoïstes fut davantage qu'un arrangement politique. Comme pour d'autres intellectuels français, l'épisode maoïste de Sartre fut une étape et un rite de passage qui lui permirent d'échapper aux structures politiques du marxisme orthodoxe. Plus encore, son compagnonnage avec les maoïstes lui permit de penser dans le détail le rôle de l'intellectuel, sur lequel il s'interrogeait depuis des années déjà. Bien que Sartre fût l'intellectuel français accompli du XX e siècle, il se sentait très mal à l'aise dans ce rôle. D'un côté, l'intellectuel revendiquait d'être le représentant des valeurs universelles, de l'autre, il demeurait impuissant à réaliser ces valeurs dans la vie réelle. Ce chiasme, ou cette brèche, résidant au coeur même de l'être de l'intellectuel permet de rendre compte de son endémique « mauvaise foi ». L'engagement maoïste de Sartre l'a obligé à envisager le rôle de l'intellectuel sous une lumière entièrement nouvelle. Dès lors, l'intellectuel devait cesser d'incarner un absolu, extérieur aux masses, pour devenir l'« ami du peuple ».
The American Historical Review, 1993
Paperback-University of. Critical theory is a school of thought that stresses the reflective asse... more Paperback-University of. Critical theory is a school of thought that stresses the reflective assessment and critique of society and culture by applying knowledge from the social sciences and the humanities. As a term, critical theory has two meanings with different origins and Frankfurt School theorists drew on the critical methods of Karl Marx and Richard Wolin-Political Science The Graduate Center, CUNY The term cultural criticism itself has been claimed by Jacques. Frankfurt School, Existentialism, Poststructuralism 1995 uses it as Cultural critic-Wikiwand 3 Dec 1992. The Political
Antisemitism Studies 7 (2), 2012
The recent publication of Heidegger’s Black Notebooks has renewed the discussion concerning the ... more The recent publication of Heidegger’s Black Notebooks has renewed the discussion concerning the nature and extent of Heidegger’s antisemitism. The initial wave of responses to this fraught and controversial topos by Heidegger’s supporters has been disappointingly—if predictably—apologetic. In their haste to downplay the philosophical import of Heidegger’s antisemitism, his defenders have often lost sight of the bigger picture: as a vigorous champion of the National Socialist Volksgemeinschaft and as someone who, as late as 1953, continued to insist on the “inner truth and greatness of National Socialism,” Heidegger recognized that the goal of making Germany Judenrein was an essential step toward creating a homogeneous and self-assertive “national community.” The Black Notebooks demonstrate that Heidegger’s antisemitism, as well as his belief in a “Jewish world conspiracy,” persisted after the war. Heidegger’s postwar thoughts on the “Jewish Question” attest to the prevalence of so-called “secondary antisemitism,” an attitude epitomized by Zvi Rex’s dark witticism, “The Germans will never forgive the Jews for the Holocaust.”
Antisemitism Studies , 2023
Words as "Toxins": Heidegger and the Jewish Question My father was critical of world Jewry [Weltj... more Words as "Toxins": Heidegger and the Jewish Question My father was critical of world Jewry [Weltjudentum] without being an anti-Semite. After Auschwitz, it has become impossible to make this distinction. But anyone who was alive during the 1930s readily understands its meaning.
Patterns of Prejudice, 2022
A reconsideration of Heidegger's rejection of universal history in favor of an approach that is a... more A reconsideration of Heidegger's rejection of universal history in favor of an approach that is avowedly Volk-oriented - Heidegger views the Greeks and Germans as the two Völker or peoples who have divined the essence of "Being" - hence, racial.
New German Critique, 1994
The American Historical Review, 1992
Of particular note are the essays on what has come to be known as the Historian's Debate: Ha... more Of particular note are the essays on what has come to be known as the Historian's Debate: Habermas's attack on the revisionist German historians who have been trying to trivialize and normalize the history of the Nazi period, and his defence of the need for a realistic and discriminating ...
Book Reviews by richard wolin
Ethics, 2023
Richard Wolin’s eminently readable work argues for an essential connection between the political ... more Richard Wolin’s eminently readable work argues for an essential connection between the political thought he finds implicit in Martin Heidegger's Being and Time (1927) and the philosopher’s active support of the Nazis. Wolin finds Being and Time saturated with the antidemocratic attitudes typical of Germany's
“conservative revolution” and bearing strong affinities to decisionismn, specifically in the groundlessness of the call of conscience, the lack of concrete norms for resolve, and the contentlessness of authenticity. But the categories of destiny and historicity led Heidegger to transcend such empty voluntarism and to see authenticity as a societal possibility within Nazi Germany. Wolin argues that, after his muddled efforts at a “politics of Being” in the mid-1930s, Heidegger intended his later reflections on the history of Being and releasement (Gelassenheit) as a self-critique of his earlier “active nihilism,” but Wolin adjudges this a “strategy of denial” (p. 137) and scores Heidegger for neglecting the possibilities of concrete emancipation. The book is a must read for Heideggerians of the Strict Observance.
L'Homme et la société, 2013
Au cours des années 1960, les structuralistes déclarèrent Sartre obsolète, appartenant au passé a... more Au cours des années 1960, les structuralistes déclarèrent Sartre obsolète, appartenant au passé au même titre que le paradigme de la phénoménologie existentielle. Or, Mai 68 a fourni une retentissante justification de la thèse sartrienne de la liberté humaine en démontrant que des « événements » survenaient, que l'histoire ne se confondait pas avec ce paysage opaque et glacé auquel les structuralistes la réduisaient. Après quoi, son engagement concerté auprès des maoïstes-au point d'être le directeur de publication de pas moins de trois publications maoïstes, La Cause du Peuple, J'Accuse et Tout!-le projeta au centre de la scène politique française. Depuis la révolte de Mai, le gauchisme a capturé l'imagination politique de la France contemporaine, la jeunesse étant la vague du futur. L'alliance de Sartre avec la Gauche prolétarienne a mis en évidence que la jeunesse française avait embrassé les thèses sartriennes. En outre, la collaboration de Sartre avec les maoïstes fut davantage qu'un arrangement politique. Comme pour d'autres intellectuels français, l'épisode maoïste de Sartre fut une étape et un rite de passage qui lui permirent d'échapper aux structures politiques du marxisme orthodoxe. Plus encore, son compagnonnage avec les maoïstes lui permit de penser dans le détail le rôle de l'intellectuel, sur lequel il s'interrogeait depuis des années déjà. Bien que Sartre fût l'intellectuel français accompli du XX e siècle, il se sentait très mal à l'aise dans ce rôle. D'un côté, l'intellectuel revendiquait d'être le représentant des valeurs universelles, de l'autre, il demeurait impuissant à réaliser ces valeurs dans la vie réelle. Ce chiasme, ou cette brèche, résidant au coeur même de l'être de l'intellectuel permet de rendre compte de son endémique « mauvaise foi ». L'engagement maoïste de Sartre l'a obligé à envisager le rôle de l'intellectuel sous une lumière entièrement nouvelle. Dès lors, l'intellectuel devait cesser d'incarner un absolu, extérieur aux masses, pour devenir l'« ami du peuple ».
The American Historical Review, 1993
Paperback-University of. Critical theory is a school of thought that stresses the reflective asse... more Paperback-University of. Critical theory is a school of thought that stresses the reflective assessment and critique of society and culture by applying knowledge from the social sciences and the humanities. As a term, critical theory has two meanings with different origins and Frankfurt School theorists drew on the critical methods of Karl Marx and Richard Wolin-Political Science The Graduate Center, CUNY The term cultural criticism itself has been claimed by Jacques. Frankfurt School, Existentialism, Poststructuralism 1995 uses it as Cultural critic-Wikiwand 3 Dec 1992. The Political
Antisemitism Studies 7 (2), 2012
The recent publication of Heidegger’s Black Notebooks has renewed the discussion concerning the ... more The recent publication of Heidegger’s Black Notebooks has renewed the discussion concerning the nature and extent of Heidegger’s antisemitism. The initial wave of responses to this fraught and controversial topos by Heidegger’s supporters has been disappointingly—if predictably—apologetic. In their haste to downplay the philosophical import of Heidegger’s antisemitism, his defenders have often lost sight of the bigger picture: as a vigorous champion of the National Socialist Volksgemeinschaft and as someone who, as late as 1953, continued to insist on the “inner truth and greatness of National Socialism,” Heidegger recognized that the goal of making Germany Judenrein was an essential step toward creating a homogeneous and self-assertive “national community.” The Black Notebooks demonstrate that Heidegger’s antisemitism, as well as his belief in a “Jewish world conspiracy,” persisted after the war. Heidegger’s postwar thoughts on the “Jewish Question” attest to the prevalence of so-called “secondary antisemitism,” an attitude epitomized by Zvi Rex’s dark witticism, “The Germans will never forgive the Jews for the Holocaust.”
Antisemitism Studies , 2023
Words as "Toxins": Heidegger and the Jewish Question My father was critical of world Jewry [Weltj... more Words as "Toxins": Heidegger and the Jewish Question My father was critical of world Jewry [Weltjudentum] without being an anti-Semite. After Auschwitz, it has become impossible to make this distinction. But anyone who was alive during the 1930s readily understands its meaning.
Patterns of Prejudice, 2022
A reconsideration of Heidegger's rejection of universal history in favor of an approach that is a... more A reconsideration of Heidegger's rejection of universal history in favor of an approach that is avowedly Volk-oriented - Heidegger views the Greeks and Germans as the two Völker or peoples who have divined the essence of "Being" - hence, racial.
New German Critique, 1994
The American Historical Review, 1992
Of particular note are the essays on what has come to be known as the Historian's Debate: Ha... more Of particular note are the essays on what has come to be known as the Historian's Debate: Habermas's attack on the revisionist German historians who have been trying to trivialize and normalize the history of the Nazi period, and his defence of the need for a realistic and discriminating ...
Ethics, 2023
Richard Wolin’s eminently readable work argues for an essential connection between the political ... more Richard Wolin’s eminently readable work argues for an essential connection between the political thought he finds implicit in Martin Heidegger's Being and Time (1927) and the philosopher’s active support of the Nazis. Wolin finds Being and Time saturated with the antidemocratic attitudes typical of Germany's
“conservative revolution” and bearing strong affinities to decisionismn, specifically in the groundlessness of the call of conscience, the lack of concrete norms for resolve, and the contentlessness of authenticity. But the categories of destiny and historicity led Heidegger to transcend such empty voluntarism and to see authenticity as a societal possibility within Nazi Germany. Wolin argues that, after his muddled efforts at a “politics of Being” in the mid-1930s, Heidegger intended his later reflections on the history of Being and releasement (Gelassenheit) as a self-critique of his earlier “active nihilism,” but Wolin adjudges this a “strategy of denial” (p. 137) and scores Heidegger for neglecting the possibilities of concrete emancipation. The book is a must read for Heideggerians of the Strict Observance.