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Papers by tony lemon
The ‡Khomani San people received lands in 1999 under the ‘restitution’ arm of South Africa’s land... more The ‡Khomani San people received lands in 1999 under the ‘restitution’ arm of South Africa’s land reform programme. Restitution laws, contained in the Restitution of Land Rights Act and the Communal Property Associations (‘CPA’) Act, seek not only to return lands to peoples dispossessed after 1913, but also to inculcate the ideals of South Africa’s dominant agro-pastoral-based society into defined, cohesive land-recipient ‘communities’. These ideals include centralised, hierarchical, representative, democratic leadership and decision-making structures that the West takes for granted. However, these concepts of control are not typically found among foraging or post-foraging peoples, who tend to base their societies on decentralised, small-group, egalitarian social structures that strongly oppose hierarchies, representation, or accumulation. Such social organisation remains intact even after these groups become settled or adopt non-hunting-and-gathering livelihoods, and today’s ‡Khomani self-identify as San, ‘Bushmen’, hunters, and indigenous people, despite their settlement and their adoption of varied livelihood strategies, including stock-farming. Among such groups, externally imposed governance structures tend to be viewed as illegitimate, and instead of the cohesion and order these centrally legislated structures seek to create, they instead engender dissent, conflict, and non-compliance. The ‡Khomani, as both a formerly scattered group of apartheid-era labourers and a cultural group of San people, have struggled with little success to plan and implement ‘development’, infrastructure, and livelihood projects on their lands and have ‘failed’ to operate the Restitution and CPA Acts’ required ‘community’ land-ownership and decision-making structures successfully. Thus, restitution has failed to bring the socio-economic improvements that the new ‡Khomani lands seemed to promise. Since 2008, however, the government has temporarily taken governance and approval authority from the ‡Khomani, which has led to the creation of smaller, behind-the-scenes governing bodies, as the ‡Khomani have begun taking the reins of power in their own ways. Such bodies, including the ‡Khomani Farmers’ Association and the Bushman Raad, have begun achieving some successes on the ‡Khomani farms in part, it is argued, because they allow the ‡Khomani to reproduce the focused, non-hierarchical, small-group structures that are more suitable to them as a non-cohesive group and more culturally appropriate to them as San people. The South African government, with appropriate protections for abuse of power, should provide the space within land reform laws to allow land-recipient groups to make decisions, govern themselves, and manage their lands according to their own community realities and their own conceptions of leadership and social organisation.
Urban Studies, Jun 1, 1988
Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 1992
... and the beginnings of control African urbanization proceeded slowly in the second half of the... more ... and the beginnings of control African urbanization proceeded slowly in the second half of the nineteeth century, and even in the first two decades of the twentieth century the percentage of urbanized Africans remained fairly constant at 12 to 13 per cent (Shannon, 1937). ...
International Political Science Review, Apr 1, 1984
Probably no avowedly capitalist country conrols its labor market to the same degree as South Afri... more Probably no avowedly capitalist country conrols its labor market to the same degree as South Africa. Statutory job reservation by race has been eroded by economic forces, but customary discrimination remains widespread. State restrictions on freedom of movement continue to hinder Africans in particular from selling their labor freely. A brief historical review of this legislation is followed by consideration
African Affairs, Oct 1, 1982
... cope with the wide front on which it is being forced to fight'.8 Certainly the party mac... more ... cope with the wide front on which it is being forced to fight'.8 Certainly the party machinery wasrusty in many ... Such results were achieved in 'blue-collar' constituencies (Koedoespoort, Rustenburg and Germiston), characterized by large numbers of mining and/or railway workers ...
African Affairs, Apr 1, 1994
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Urban Studies, 2005
Post-apartheid transition in South Africa's small towns has received little attention. Using ... more Post-apartheid transition in South Africa's small towns has received little attention. Using the South African Property Transfer Guide, 2500 residential transfers were analysed in Margate. Spatial and temporal patterns in Black house purchase were interpreted through discussions with key actors. The findings indicate the importance of micro-dynamics in determining specific post-apartheid transitions and confirm the relationship between racial employment profiles and housing markets. Black in-movement to previously White areas has focused on Extension 3, where private building of low-cost housing has occurred, but the area is now becoming resegregated. Whilst peripheral housing need not imply exclusion from services in small towns, unpaid mortgage bills and municipal rates have led to repossessions and affected the credit status of new Black buyers.
This study develops a geographic theory relating to sub-imperial states and resistance to them. T... more This study develops a geographic theory relating to sub-imperial states and resistance to them. The theory is centred on what can be called the government-business-media (GBM) complex, whilst resistance to such states is characterised as counter-imperialist discourses. The theory is applied primarily to South Africa's (SA's) interactions with the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. The aim is to assess the state of SA's sub-imperialism and evaluate the claim that this sub-imperialism is in crisis. The research findings are based on media material drawn from, and interviews conducted in, Botswana, Zambia and SA. The thesis outlines how sub-imperialism should be regarded as a distinct analytical and theoretical phenomenon. It explores the theoretical context in which the GBM complex and counter-imperialist discourses may be viewed. Using this theoretical framework, the study then traces the historical geographical development of SA's GBM complex. Building on this, the thesis identifies and examines regional responses and attitudes to SA's post-apartheid political, business and cultural-media engagement with friends based at these institutions shaped my academic development and assisted me throughout my studies. I wish to thank
Many developing countries are now being persuaded that an appropriate urbanization strategy could... more Many developing countries are now being persuaded that an appropriate urbanization strategy could provide them with one of the means of achieving the modernization of their societies (Mabogunje 1973). Unfortunately the information upon which to base sound urbanization policies is invariably lacking, and frequently assumptions are made without the relevant questions being asked, let alone answered. In this paper four critical questions are asked, and an attempt is made to suggest a framework within which answers may be sought. It is recognised that any answers will be at best tentative, given the current state of research into what is an immensely complex subject. But it is also true that Third World planners cannot await the conclusions of present and future generations of researchers: they need guideliness, however inadequately based, for immediate policy formulation. The following are the questions to be discussed: 1. Is there in any sense a 'law' of primate cities, and can primacy be related to a country's stage of economic development? 2. Are primate cities effective agents of modernization and equalization in developing countries, or are they too big, economically inefficient, pre mature, and parasitic? Are they, in short, a growing pain or a disease? 3. Should development planning aim to modify the urban hierarchy of a developing country, and in particular to reduce the primacy of its leading city or cities? 4 4. If and where such modification is attempted, how suitable and effective an instrument is the 'growth pole' model, and in what ways must it be modified in order to be appropriate in different environments? Is there a law of primate cities, and can primacy be related to a country's stage of economic development?
South African Geographical Journal, Sep 1, 2003
... 1960s and early 1970s was no more: the long mighty NP had won a mere 38.1 per cent of the vot... more ... 1960s and early 1970s was no more: the long mighty NP had won a mere 38.1 per cent of the votes cast for traditionally white parties and new parties whose constituency was white, and almost certainly less than half the votes cast by Afrikaners (Fox and Lemon, 2000).- Whilst ...
Political Geography, Sep 1, 2007
Huntingdon's 'third wave' of democracy came late to Africa, but five countries held general elect... more Huntingdon's 'third wave' of democracy came late to Africa, but five countries held general elections in 2004, providing an opportunity to reflect on degrees of democratic consolidation in the region. African political dynamics are considered in relation to the political and economic environment together with national, ethnic and regional identities and the way in which these may influence democratic consolidation. The electoral systems of the five countries are considered in relation to the dominant party effect. The course and outcomes of the five elections are examined in relation to indicators of participation and competition suggested by Lindberg. The latter's indicators of legitimacy are considered in relation to more detailed analysis of each election in its national context, paying attention to the influence of ethnic, regional and other divisions on outcomes, which are mapped. Major procedural flaws prevented democratic consolidation in Mozambique and hindered it in Malawi, where the party system also proved unstable. South Africa, Namibia and Botswana satisfied most of the criteria apart from turnover and provide convincing evidence of the institutionalisation and acceptance of democracy, albeit qualified by the continuing dominance of their governing parties. In all five countries the equation of democracy with socioeconomic benefits threatens disillusionment in the face of poverty and inequality.
Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 1994
Routledge eBooks, Jul 13, 2023
Edinburgh University Press eBooks, Jun 27, 2001
Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie, Sep 1, 2007
Africa Today, Jun 21, 2007
ABSTRACT This volume does not concern itself with adding to the literature on the nature and prob... more ABSTRACT This volume does not concern itself with adding to the literature on the nature and problems of regional integration in southern Africa, but has a more focused aim: it seeks to examine debates within South Africa over the future of regional economic cooperation during what Hentz defines as "transitional South Africa," the period between the unbanning of the African National Congress in 1990 and the second post-apartheid election in 1999. He is not concerned with bargaining between southern African states, nor the successes and failures of post-apartheid regional integration; but rather, he asks how and why power brokers in transitional South Africa decided which form of regional cooperation to pursue. He is interested not so much in why, but how states cooperate: how is cooperation institutionalized? And why do particular arrangements evolve? The book presents a detailed piece of contemporary history, supported by extensive use of secondary literature, contemporary reports, documents, and speeches. Its referencing of sources is meticulous, producing some 44 pages of endnotes. Hentz seeks to structure his argument around Andrew Moravcsik's variants of liberal theory: ideational, commercial, and republican. Thus, chapter 4 focuses on the influence of ideology, chapters 5 and 6 on the commercial or material bases of group or sectoral preferences (industry and trade, banking and finance) for particular forms of regional cooperation, and chapter 8 on how different elements of society push for their preferred policies and how their preferences are filtered through state institutions to produce policy outcomes (Moravcsik's "republican" explanation, but presumably applicable to any state, regardless of its constitution). But in practice, these strands of theory form only a leitmotif in the book: perhaps they bulked larger in an original dissertation. Chapter 2 sets the stage with a historical sketch of South Africa's regional relations. Given space constraints, this is well done, though with some curious omissions, such as the banning of the ANC, South Africa's becoming a republic, and President de Klerk's momentous speech in February 1990. Specific quibbles include vague reference to "the Environment Act" (the Physical Planning and Utilization of Resources Act of 1967?); the claim that the 1976 Soweto protests were catalyzed by official insistence that Afrikaans be "the official language in Black schools," whereas the new policy actually sought to impose teaching of half the subjects in Afrikaans (the rest in English) in black township schools, leaving "homeland" administrations to decide policy for themselves; and characterization of the Urban Foundation purely as a pressure group, whereas, through its funding of urban projects, it sought to improve conditions in the townships, or, as some argued at the time, to "make oppression comfortable." Hentz' analysis in the rest of the book is based on three alternative models of cooperation or integration: developmental, market, and "ad hoc," the last comprising bilateral cooperation through trade or infrastructure projects, such as the Lesotho Highlands Water Project. Though each is explored in some detail, the critical differences between developmental and market cooperation do not emerge with clarity: essentially, the latter focuses on trade and monetary issues, rather than regional development. Chapter 3 outlines the regional foreign policy preferences of various groups in transitional South Africa, focusing on the ANC, labor, and small businesses, which all preferred developmental cooperation; the bureaucracy (market cooperation); and parastatals and conglomerates (ad hoc cooperation). Chapter 4 provides an excellent analysis of competing ideological perspectives and the way these foreshadowed policy debates over manufacturing, trade, and macroeconomics captured in the National Party's Normative Economic Model, the Macroeconomic Research Group report, the Reconstruction and Development Programme, and the perspectives of international financial institutions (IFIs), including the differing emphases of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. The following chapter examines the conflicting interests of capital intensive ("status quo") and labor-intensive industries, the latter seeking a more developmental approach to regional integration. South African banks (chapter 6) were closer to the conglomerate sector, which supported ad hoc cooperation, but resisted more developmental approaches. Hentz's analysis of international influences is helpfully detailed. In addition to broader analysis of globalization and IFI policies, he deals well with the European Union, the Lomé Convention, the Cotonou Agreement and the impact of South...
An academic directory and search engine.
The ‡Khomani San people received lands in 1999 under the ‘restitution’ arm of South Africa’s land... more The ‡Khomani San people received lands in 1999 under the ‘restitution’ arm of South Africa’s land reform programme. Restitution laws, contained in the Restitution of Land Rights Act and the Communal Property Associations (‘CPA’) Act, seek not only to return lands to peoples dispossessed after 1913, but also to inculcate the ideals of South Africa’s dominant agro-pastoral-based society into defined, cohesive land-recipient ‘communities’. These ideals include centralised, hierarchical, representative, democratic leadership and decision-making structures that the West takes for granted. However, these concepts of control are not typically found among foraging or post-foraging peoples, who tend to base their societies on decentralised, small-group, egalitarian social structures that strongly oppose hierarchies, representation, or accumulation. Such social organisation remains intact even after these groups become settled or adopt non-hunting-and-gathering livelihoods, and today’s ‡Khomani self-identify as San, ‘Bushmen’, hunters, and indigenous people, despite their settlement and their adoption of varied livelihood strategies, including stock-farming. Among such groups, externally imposed governance structures tend to be viewed as illegitimate, and instead of the cohesion and order these centrally legislated structures seek to create, they instead engender dissent, conflict, and non-compliance. The ‡Khomani, as both a formerly scattered group of apartheid-era labourers and a cultural group of San people, have struggled with little success to plan and implement ‘development’, infrastructure, and livelihood projects on their lands and have ‘failed’ to operate the Restitution and CPA Acts’ required ‘community’ land-ownership and decision-making structures successfully. Thus, restitution has failed to bring the socio-economic improvements that the new ‡Khomani lands seemed to promise. Since 2008, however, the government has temporarily taken governance and approval authority from the ‡Khomani, which has led to the creation of smaller, behind-the-scenes governing bodies, as the ‡Khomani have begun taking the reins of power in their own ways. Such bodies, including the ‡Khomani Farmers’ Association and the Bushman Raad, have begun achieving some successes on the ‡Khomani farms in part, it is argued, because they allow the ‡Khomani to reproduce the focused, non-hierarchical, small-group structures that are more suitable to them as a non-cohesive group and more culturally appropriate to them as San people. The South African government, with appropriate protections for abuse of power, should provide the space within land reform laws to allow land-recipient groups to make decisions, govern themselves, and manage their lands according to their own community realities and their own conceptions of leadership and social organisation.
Urban Studies, Jun 1, 1988
Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 1992
... and the beginnings of control African urbanization proceeded slowly in the second half of the... more ... and the beginnings of control African urbanization proceeded slowly in the second half of the nineteeth century, and even in the first two decades of the twentieth century the percentage of urbanized Africans remained fairly constant at 12 to 13 per cent (Shannon, 1937). ...
International Political Science Review, Apr 1, 1984
Probably no avowedly capitalist country conrols its labor market to the same degree as South Afri... more Probably no avowedly capitalist country conrols its labor market to the same degree as South Africa. Statutory job reservation by race has been eroded by economic forces, but customary discrimination remains widespread. State restrictions on freedom of movement continue to hinder Africans in particular from selling their labor freely. A brief historical review of this legislation is followed by consideration
African Affairs, Oct 1, 1982
... cope with the wide front on which it is being forced to fight'.8 Certainly the party mac... more ... cope with the wide front on which it is being forced to fight'.8 Certainly the party machinery wasrusty in many ... Such results were achieved in 'blue-collar' constituencies (Koedoespoort, Rustenburg and Germiston), characterized by large numbers of mining and/or railway workers ...
African Affairs, Apr 1, 1994
An academic directory and search engine.
Urban Studies, 2005
Post-apartheid transition in South Africa's small towns has received little attention. Using ... more Post-apartheid transition in South Africa's small towns has received little attention. Using the South African Property Transfer Guide, 2500 residential transfers were analysed in Margate. Spatial and temporal patterns in Black house purchase were interpreted through discussions with key actors. The findings indicate the importance of micro-dynamics in determining specific post-apartheid transitions and confirm the relationship between racial employment profiles and housing markets. Black in-movement to previously White areas has focused on Extension 3, where private building of low-cost housing has occurred, but the area is now becoming resegregated. Whilst peripheral housing need not imply exclusion from services in small towns, unpaid mortgage bills and municipal rates have led to repossessions and affected the credit status of new Black buyers.
This study develops a geographic theory relating to sub-imperial states and resistance to them. T... more This study develops a geographic theory relating to sub-imperial states and resistance to them. The theory is centred on what can be called the government-business-media (GBM) complex, whilst resistance to such states is characterised as counter-imperialist discourses. The theory is applied primarily to South Africa's (SA's) interactions with the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. The aim is to assess the state of SA's sub-imperialism and evaluate the claim that this sub-imperialism is in crisis. The research findings are based on media material drawn from, and interviews conducted in, Botswana, Zambia and SA. The thesis outlines how sub-imperialism should be regarded as a distinct analytical and theoretical phenomenon. It explores the theoretical context in which the GBM complex and counter-imperialist discourses may be viewed. Using this theoretical framework, the study then traces the historical geographical development of SA's GBM complex. Building on this, the thesis identifies and examines regional responses and attitudes to SA's post-apartheid political, business and cultural-media engagement with friends based at these institutions shaped my academic development and assisted me throughout my studies. I wish to thank
Many developing countries are now being persuaded that an appropriate urbanization strategy could... more Many developing countries are now being persuaded that an appropriate urbanization strategy could provide them with one of the means of achieving the modernization of their societies (Mabogunje 1973). Unfortunately the information upon which to base sound urbanization policies is invariably lacking, and frequently assumptions are made without the relevant questions being asked, let alone answered. In this paper four critical questions are asked, and an attempt is made to suggest a framework within which answers may be sought. It is recognised that any answers will be at best tentative, given the current state of research into what is an immensely complex subject. But it is also true that Third World planners cannot await the conclusions of present and future generations of researchers: they need guideliness, however inadequately based, for immediate policy formulation. The following are the questions to be discussed: 1. Is there in any sense a 'law' of primate cities, and can primacy be related to a country's stage of economic development? 2. Are primate cities effective agents of modernization and equalization in developing countries, or are they too big, economically inefficient, pre mature, and parasitic? Are they, in short, a growing pain or a disease? 3. Should development planning aim to modify the urban hierarchy of a developing country, and in particular to reduce the primacy of its leading city or cities? 4 4. If and where such modification is attempted, how suitable and effective an instrument is the 'growth pole' model, and in what ways must it be modified in order to be appropriate in different environments? Is there a law of primate cities, and can primacy be related to a country's stage of economic development?
South African Geographical Journal, Sep 1, 2003
... 1960s and early 1970s was no more: the long mighty NP had won a mere 38.1 per cent of the vot... more ... 1960s and early 1970s was no more: the long mighty NP had won a mere 38.1 per cent of the votes cast for traditionally white parties and new parties whose constituency was white, and almost certainly less than half the votes cast by Afrikaners (Fox and Lemon, 2000).- Whilst ...
Political Geography, Sep 1, 2007
Huntingdon's 'third wave' of democracy came late to Africa, but five countries held general elect... more Huntingdon's 'third wave' of democracy came late to Africa, but five countries held general elections in 2004, providing an opportunity to reflect on degrees of democratic consolidation in the region. African political dynamics are considered in relation to the political and economic environment together with national, ethnic and regional identities and the way in which these may influence democratic consolidation. The electoral systems of the five countries are considered in relation to the dominant party effect. The course and outcomes of the five elections are examined in relation to indicators of participation and competition suggested by Lindberg. The latter's indicators of legitimacy are considered in relation to more detailed analysis of each election in its national context, paying attention to the influence of ethnic, regional and other divisions on outcomes, which are mapped. Major procedural flaws prevented democratic consolidation in Mozambique and hindered it in Malawi, where the party system also proved unstable. South Africa, Namibia and Botswana satisfied most of the criteria apart from turnover and provide convincing evidence of the institutionalisation and acceptance of democracy, albeit qualified by the continuing dominance of their governing parties. In all five countries the equation of democracy with socioeconomic benefits threatens disillusionment in the face of poverty and inequality.
Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 1994
Routledge eBooks, Jul 13, 2023
Edinburgh University Press eBooks, Jun 27, 2001
Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie, Sep 1, 2007
Africa Today, Jun 21, 2007
ABSTRACT This volume does not concern itself with adding to the literature on the nature and prob... more ABSTRACT This volume does not concern itself with adding to the literature on the nature and problems of regional integration in southern Africa, but has a more focused aim: it seeks to examine debates within South Africa over the future of regional economic cooperation during what Hentz defines as "transitional South Africa," the period between the unbanning of the African National Congress in 1990 and the second post-apartheid election in 1999. He is not concerned with bargaining between southern African states, nor the successes and failures of post-apartheid regional integration; but rather, he asks how and why power brokers in transitional South Africa decided which form of regional cooperation to pursue. He is interested not so much in why, but how states cooperate: how is cooperation institutionalized? And why do particular arrangements evolve? The book presents a detailed piece of contemporary history, supported by extensive use of secondary literature, contemporary reports, documents, and speeches. Its referencing of sources is meticulous, producing some 44 pages of endnotes. Hentz seeks to structure his argument around Andrew Moravcsik's variants of liberal theory: ideational, commercial, and republican. Thus, chapter 4 focuses on the influence of ideology, chapters 5 and 6 on the commercial or material bases of group or sectoral preferences (industry and trade, banking and finance) for particular forms of regional cooperation, and chapter 8 on how different elements of society push for their preferred policies and how their preferences are filtered through state institutions to produce policy outcomes (Moravcsik's "republican" explanation, but presumably applicable to any state, regardless of its constitution). But in practice, these strands of theory form only a leitmotif in the book: perhaps they bulked larger in an original dissertation. Chapter 2 sets the stage with a historical sketch of South Africa's regional relations. Given space constraints, this is well done, though with some curious omissions, such as the banning of the ANC, South Africa's becoming a republic, and President de Klerk's momentous speech in February 1990. Specific quibbles include vague reference to "the Environment Act" (the Physical Planning and Utilization of Resources Act of 1967?); the claim that the 1976 Soweto protests were catalyzed by official insistence that Afrikaans be "the official language in Black schools," whereas the new policy actually sought to impose teaching of half the subjects in Afrikaans (the rest in English) in black township schools, leaving "homeland" administrations to decide policy for themselves; and characterization of the Urban Foundation purely as a pressure group, whereas, through its funding of urban projects, it sought to improve conditions in the townships, or, as some argued at the time, to "make oppression comfortable." Hentz' analysis in the rest of the book is based on three alternative models of cooperation or integration: developmental, market, and "ad hoc," the last comprising bilateral cooperation through trade or infrastructure projects, such as the Lesotho Highlands Water Project. Though each is explored in some detail, the critical differences between developmental and market cooperation do not emerge with clarity: essentially, the latter focuses on trade and monetary issues, rather than regional development. Chapter 3 outlines the regional foreign policy preferences of various groups in transitional South Africa, focusing on the ANC, labor, and small businesses, which all preferred developmental cooperation; the bureaucracy (market cooperation); and parastatals and conglomerates (ad hoc cooperation). Chapter 4 provides an excellent analysis of competing ideological perspectives and the way these foreshadowed policy debates over manufacturing, trade, and macroeconomics captured in the National Party's Normative Economic Model, the Macroeconomic Research Group report, the Reconstruction and Development Programme, and the perspectives of international financial institutions (IFIs), including the differing emphases of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. The following chapter examines the conflicting interests of capital intensive ("status quo") and labor-intensive industries, the latter seeking a more developmental approach to regional integration. South African banks (chapter 6) were closer to the conglomerate sector, which supported ad hoc cooperation, but resisted more developmental approaches. Hentz's analysis of international influences is helpfully detailed. In addition to broader analysis of globalization and IFI policies, he deals well with the European Union, the Lomé Convention, the Cotonou Agreement and the impact of South...
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