Weng Loke Yeoh - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Papers by Weng Loke Yeoh

This dissertation analyses Southeast Asian responses to China's assertiveness in the South China ... more This dissertation analyses Southeast Asian responses to China's assertiveness in the South China Sea since 2009 by examining case studies of Malaysian and Philippine foreign policies towards China. Both states are involved in territorial disputes with China, but Malaysia has deliberately chosen to downplay the issue in favour of closer economic ties with China, while the Philippines has taken a more assertive approach to challenge China's claims. This contradicts the structural realist assumption that states with similar positions in the international system would behave similarly. Using a Neoclassical Realist perspective, this paper argues that Malaysian and Philippine foreign policy postures towards China are the result of the interplay between structural constraints and domestic politics. Malaysia's government under Najib Razak prioritizes economic relations with China over potential security concerns due to the importance of economic performance as a source of regime legitimacy. Meanwhile, Philippine President Benigno Aquino's personal legitimacy is intimately tied to his ability to disassociate himself from the practices of his tainted predecessor, and this has extended to the Philippines' China policy. These factors play an intervening role in determining Malaysian and Philippine foreign policies towards China.

The question over the number of chambers in parliamentary systems is often taken for granted. One... more The question over the number of chambers in parliamentary systems is often taken for granted. One would assume that citizens in countries with single-chamber parliaments think that unicameralism is the norm, or that it is the appropriate model, while those in bicameral systems think that having two separate chambers is the way to go. Patterson and Mughan (1999:9) observed that "institutions tend to be accepted at face value. Whether the legislature has one house or two is taken for granted by practitioners, observers, and citizens". These perceptions are not without merit, for the number of legislative chambers in parliamentary systems, whether unicameral or bicameral, is a reflection of contrasting views and ideals of representative democracy. Unicameralism is a reflection of the majoritarian view of democracy. It can be argued that a popularly elected first chamber clearly possesses the mandate of the people and should be able to carry out its role without being constrained by a second chamber, especially if members of the second chamber are appointed rather than elected. On the other hand, bicameralism reflects the consensus view of democracy, where a case can be made that a second chamber widens the representative role of parliaments by protecting the rights of minority groups and individuals against the possibility of an oppressive majority. The 2013 Inter-Parliamentary Union survey recorded 79 bicameral parliaments (41.15%) and 113 unicameral parliaments (58.85%) around the world (Inter Parliamentary Union 2013). This variation can be attributed to colonial history, regional norms, or deliberate constitutional design but such a division also clearly demonstrates the different conceptions of what makes an effective parliament. In light of these contrasting views of democracy and the variation in the structure of national parliaments, this essay seeks to analyse some of the key roles of parliamentary second chambers and what sets them apart from the more common family of first chambers. It argues that second chambers play important roles in the effective operation of legislatures in parliamentary systems by (1) providing a more diverse representation than the first chamber, (2) allowing greater and more detailed deliberation of proposed legislation, (3) serving to check and balance the power of the executive, and (4) sharing the workload of parliamentary duties. However, there are three key determinants of the effectiveness of second chambers. In order to fulfil their roles, second chambers should have (1) strong formal powers, (2) distinct composition from first chambers,

This dissertation analyses Southeast Asian responses to China's assertiveness in the South China ... more This dissertation analyses Southeast Asian responses to China's assertiveness in the South China Sea since 2009 by examining case studies of Malaysian and Philippine foreign policies towards China. Both states are involved in territorial disputes with China, but Malaysia has deliberately chosen to downplay the issue in favour of closer economic ties with China, while the Philippines has taken a more assertive approach to challenge China's claims. This contradicts the structural realist assumption that states with similar positions in the international system would behave similarly. Using a Neoclassical Realist perspective, this paper argues that Malaysian and Philippine foreign policy postures towards China are the result of the interplay between structural constraints and domestic politics. Malaysia's government under Najib Razak prioritizes economic relations with China over potential security concerns due to the importance of economic performance as a source of regime legitimacy. Meanwhile, Philippine President Benigno Aquino's personal legitimacy is intimately tied to his ability to disassociate himself from the practices of his tainted predecessor, and this has extended to the Philippines' China policy. These factors play an intervening role in determining Malaysian and Philippine foreign policies towards China.

The question over the number of chambers in parliamentary systems is often taken for granted. One... more The question over the number of chambers in parliamentary systems is often taken for granted. One would assume that citizens in countries with single-chamber parliaments think that unicameralism is the norm, or that it is the appropriate model, while those in bicameral systems think that having two separate chambers is the way to go. Patterson and Mughan (1999:9) observed that "institutions tend to be accepted at face value. Whether the legislature has one house or two is taken for granted by practitioners, observers, and citizens". These perceptions are not without merit, for the number of legislative chambers in parliamentary systems, whether unicameral or bicameral, is a reflection of contrasting views and ideals of representative democracy. Unicameralism is a reflection of the majoritarian view of democracy. It can be argued that a popularly elected first chamber clearly possesses the mandate of the people and should be able to carry out its role without being constrained by a second chamber, especially if members of the second chamber are appointed rather than elected. On the other hand, bicameralism reflects the consensus view of democracy, where a case can be made that a second chamber widens the representative role of parliaments by protecting the rights of minority groups and individuals against the possibility of an oppressive majority. The 2013 Inter-Parliamentary Union survey recorded 79 bicameral parliaments (41.15%) and 113 unicameral parliaments (58.85%) around the world (Inter Parliamentary Union 2013). This variation can be attributed to colonial history, regional norms, or deliberate constitutional design but such a division also clearly demonstrates the different conceptions of what makes an effective parliament. In light of these contrasting views of democracy and the variation in the structure of national parliaments, this essay seeks to analyse some of the key roles of parliamentary second chambers and what sets them apart from the more common family of first chambers. It argues that second chambers play important roles in the effective operation of legislatures in parliamentary systems by (1) providing a more diverse representation than the first chamber, (2) allowing greater and more detailed deliberation of proposed legislation, (3) serving to check and balance the power of the executive, and (4) sharing the workload of parliamentary duties. However, there are three key determinants of the effectiveness of second chambers. In order to fulfil their roles, second chambers should have (1) strong formal powers, (2) distinct composition from first chambers,