Farooq Yousaf | Independent Researcher (original) (raw)

Papers by Farooq Yousaf

Journal of Men's Studies, 2023

Analyses of women's rights and gender equality in Afghanistan have historically depicted a clear ... more Analyses of women's rights and gender equality in Afghanistan have historically depicted a clear binary: patriarchal and conservative men resisting aspirational women. However, such analyses have failed to account for the significant number of men in Afghanistan who have been vocal advocates for women's rights and have worked tirelessly towards building a gender-just society. To challenge stereotypical representations, this report draws on primary interview data to explore the views of Afghan male allies who are working for gender equality and feminist peace in the country. The report discusses the allies' perspectives on gender relations and their commitment towards feminist peace. The report also offers an analysis of the current situation in Afghanistan under the Taliban regime and its implications for our male allies and their work. Through their stories, the report hopes to shed light on the challenges faced by men who support women's rights in Afghanistan and challenge the narrow portrayal of Afghan men as culturally and religiously conservative and opposed to gender equality.

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Global Policy, 2022

In recent history, wars guided by external policies and interests, both regional and global, have... more In recent history, wars guided by external policies and interests, both regional and global, have been fought in Afghanistan. In the process, human security was ignored and indigenous knowledge and bottom–up approaches to resolving conflicts for sustainable peace were neither required nor mobilised for the benefit of the Afghan people. Because of these factors and since the US invasion of Afghanistan in 2001, not only did the Taliban consolidate their position in many rural parts of the country but also propagated their extreme (and often incorrect) religious narratives to gain wider public support. With the Taliban back in power after the US withdrawal in August 2021, Afghanistan has reverted to the pre-2001 situation, with policy makers and humanitarian agencies concerned about the socioeconomic gains—especially education and gender rights—made during the two decades of coalition presence in the country. Against this backdrop, swisspeace organised a roundtable discussion on 5 May 2022, in Basel, where Afghan policy experts and scholars spoke on various issues faced by Afghanistan today and presented, in the form of policy recommendations, a way forward for the war-torn country. The panel highlighted the need to focus on and incorporate indigenous voices and prioritise the interests of the Afghan people and women in policy-making and establishing sustainable (positive) peace in the country.

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Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), 2022

Analyses of women's rights and gender equality in Afghanistan have historically depicted a clear ... more Analyses of women's rights and gender equality in Afghanistan have historically depicted a clear binary: patriarchal and conservative men resisting aspirational women. Neglected in these analyses are the many men who have spoken up for women's rights and have worked for a gender-just society in Afghanistan. For instance, the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) in Afghanistan has had as many as 10,000 active members, out of which, at times, nearly 3,000 have been men. These figures may come as a surprise for those used to monolithic depictions of predictably patriarchal Afghan men. The cognitive double-take these numbers often elicit reflects the limited space in international coverage given to the Afghan men who, while keeping a low profile, work alongside women activists for gender equality in the country. The report jointly developed by WILPF and swisspeace shares the life histories, motivations, and rationales of men and women who have worked together to advance women's rights and feminist peace in Afghanistan

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GIGA Focus Asia, 2022

Norway’s and Switzerland’s recent hosting of the de facto Taliban regime representatives in early... more Norway’s and Switzerland’s recent hosting of the de facto Taliban regime representatives in early 2022 has overshadowed the risks to women and their rights in the aftermath of the US withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021. Unless international and European policymakers make significant policy interventions while engaging with the de facto Taliban regime, these risks will only escalate.

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à propos | The KOFF Peacebuilding Magazine, 2021

Peace is an integral concept in the discourses and practices of International Relations (IR). The... more Peace is an integral concept in the discourses and practices of International Relations (IR). There are varying definitions and "perceptions" of peace, especially when it comes to the material and conceptual divide between the Global North and the Global South. It is important to acknowledge the contributions of discursive constructions of peace, along with their operational usage in policymaking that emanates from Western scholarship. However, for those suffering from conflict and violence on a daily basis, the "reality" of peace and the desire to survive supersedes the (western) "perceptions" and operational definitions. There is also an ideological divide between the Global North and South in understanding how conflicts are "resolved" on a local level, especially in traditional societies. One such case, where these differences in the perceptions and realities of peace and justice were evident in recent years, was Afghanistan. The (western) "peacebuilding project" in Afghanistan did introduce positive initiatives, such as democracy, education for all, and the inclusion of women in governance and decisionmaking processes. As a result, Afghanistan held several elections and, in 2015, adopted its first National Action Plan (NAP) on Women, Peace and Security (WPS) based around the pillars of participation, protection, prevention, and relief and recovery. However, contrary to its own WPS (2019) strategy of prioritizing women in conflict, the US and its coalition

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Journal of Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism, 2021

On August 31, 2021, the US completed its twenty-year war on terror in Afghanistan. Soon after, th... more On August 31, 2021, the US completed its twenty-year war on terror in Afghanistan. Soon after, the Taliban and its allies established full control over Afghanistan. As the days pass, observers, both within and outside the country, are wondering what the future holds for a Taliban-led Afghanistan. This paper, using mainstream and social media sources in Pashto, English and Urdu, seeks to paint a picture of the Taliban’s PR campaign, propaganda messaging and future direction in terms of governance in Afghanistan. The paper argues that the Taliban of 2021 are different from the Taliban of 1996, at least in terms of their media messaging, propaganda and political manoeuvring. However, even with this evolution, the situation for gender and media rights presents a grim future. In its concluding section, the paper proposes short, medium and long-term policy recommendations for the international community that focus on ensuring basic human rights, evacuation of under-threat Afghan and foreign nationals, clear messaging on the Taliban, a possible working relationship with a Taliban regime and focusing on the long-term well-being of the Afghan population.

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SwissPeace, 2021

This policy brief informs on the situation on the ground in Afghanistan and what the future holds... more This policy brief informs on the situation on the ground in Afghanistan and what the future holds for the war-torn country under a Taliban regime. The brief discusses recent developments in the country, Taliban’s PR campaign and the (grim) situation for gender and media rights under the Taliban regime in the country. In its concluding section, the brief proposes short, medium and long-term recommendations that could be considered by the international community, particularly the western bloc, when dealing with Taliban regime. These recommendations focus on ensuring gender and media rights, evacuation of under-threat Afghan and foreign nationals, clear messaging on Taliban from the western bloc, a possible working relationship with a Taliban regime and reviving Afghanistan’s economy.

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Critical Studies on Security, 2021

Ethnic Pashtuns, especially in Pakistan, have suffered from racialised colonial narratives and re... more Ethnic Pashtuns, especially in Pakistan, have suffered from racialised colonial narratives and representations that portray them as 'uncivilised', 'primitive', and 'violence-condoning' individuals. Adding to this predicament, many ethnographic and political, especially colonial, accounts on the Pashtuns are authored by non-native writers leading to an absence of 'Pashtun voices' and counter-narratives in the literature. Pakistani policymakers and security experts, mainly based in and around the "centre" (Punjab province) more specifically, have also failed in highlighting the consequential role of the colonial legacies which made the 'tribal' Pashtun region an 'area of legal exception', keeping it out of the scope of the Pakistani constitution and contributed to the 'othering' of Pashtuns in the country. As a result, Pashtuns, even today, are perceived as terrorists and traitors. Overcoming and countering these Orientalist generalisations, the 'academy' can start by encouraging and mainstreaming native and indigenous perspectives, giving them equal representation and space in literature.

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East Asia Forum, 2020

Pakistan’s Pashtun tribal areas — formerly known as the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA... more Pakistan’s Pashtun tribal areas — formerly known as the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) — have remained a centre of violence since the United States invaded Afghanistan in October 2001. Various militant groups have since used the region as a base for attacks in Afghanistan and Pakistan. This conflict has not only affected the socio-political and cultural dynamics of the Pashtun tribal areas but also directly impacted Pakistan’s domestic security situation, with militant groups attacking civil-military installations in the country.

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Peace Review, 2019

Pakistan’s Pashtun tribal region, formerly known as the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA... more Pakistan’s Pashtun tribal region, formerly known as the Federally
Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), has witnessed decades of instability,
conflict, and deterioration in the postcolonial state of Pakistan. Soon after Pakistan’s independence on August 14, 1947, the Pashtun tribal frontier (later known as FATA), carved out by the British Raj to tame the Pashtun tribes on the border through the Durand Line agreement in 1896, was also absorbed by the newly formed state of Pakistan and governed under the colonial-era Frontier Crimes Regulation, 1901 (FCR). The FATA region was a semi-autonomous Pashtun tribal region, composed of seven tribal agencies and six Frontier Regions (FR). The region was carved out by the British Raj, through the Durand Line, to separate urban “civilized" Pashtun from the rural “savage" Pashtuns. After Pakistan’s independence in 1947, the Pakistani state kept the FATA region in its colonial form, governing with colonial-era Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR) until May 24, 2018.

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East Asia Forum, 2020

The rise of lockdown radicalism 14 October 2020 Author: Farooq Yousaf, University of Newcastle C... more The rise of lockdown radicalism
14 October 2020
Author: Farooq Yousaf, University of Newcastle

COVID-19 lockdowns throughout the world have aggravated socio-political inequalities, especially in the Global South as governments try to respond to the pandemic. Various terrorist, radical and violent extremist groups, especially the so-called Islamic State, are trying to cash in on these inequalities to propagate hate-filled narratives.

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Australian Strategic Policy Institute - The Strategist, 2020

Following its territorial losses in Iraq and Syria and in the aftermath of the Covid-19 pandemic,... more Following its territorial losses in Iraq and Syria and in the aftermath of the Covid-19 pandemic, which has led to tighter territorial, border and air controls, the Islamic State may seek to use unconventional methods for its radicalisation and recruitment drives. Two such methods are stepping up its online presence and propaganda and exploiting family ties to expand its networks.

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Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses, 2020

Since territorial and organisational setbacks in Iraq and Syria, coupled with improvements in fin... more Since territorial and organisational setbacks in
Iraq and Syria, coupled with improvements in
financial and border controls, the Islamic State
(IS) terrorist group is employing
unconventional strategies to attract recruits,
such as the use of kinship and family
networks. This paper discusses the potential
of kinship and family ties in IS’ terror
recruitment in South Asia. This study
underscores that kin terrorism remains
understudied in South Asia and requires
systematic investigation for a better
understanding in relation to terrorist
recruitment. The paper concludes with the
recommendation that future CT and PCVE
strategies in South Asia should factor in kin
terrorism and the role of familial networks in
recruitment and radicalisation to effectively
counter the twin threats of extremism and
terrorism.

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South Asia Democratic Forum, 2020

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Social Identities: Journal for the Study of Race, Nation and Culture, 2020

Pakistan and Kenya, though culturally and geographically different, are two states where certain ... more Pakistan and Kenya, though culturally and geographically different, are two states where certain colonial legacies exist in the state and political sphere, even after independence from their colonial masters. This especially applies when dealing with the ‘peripheral’ groups. In the case of Pakistan, the ‘tribal’ Pashtuns have suffered due to persistence of more than a century old colonial-era legal framework in the form of the Frontier Crimes Regulations (FCR), which was finally repealed in May 2018 after the ‘tribal’ region’s merger with the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) province. In the case of Kenya, the Kenyan-Somalis for a long time have had to endure a closed district created by the British colonial administration, special laws, a confrontational relationship with the state and unequal treatment by post-colonial administrations. The essay comparatively discusses both these cases in detail and argues that for peace in Pakistan’s Pashtun ‘tribal’ region, a smooth merger, in its true spirit, with the KP province along with shedding of anti-Pashtun narratives is necessary. Whereas for Kenya, the best opportunity for political and socio-economic integration of Kenyan Somalis is to be found in the framework of the new governance structure contained in the new constitution of Kenya 2010, where executive power has been reduced and significant fiscal and political authority is devolved to county governments.

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Small Wars and Insurgencies, 2020

The U.S. drone campaign in Pakistan’s Pashtun ‘tribal’ areas, formerly known as FATA, has remaine... more The U.S. drone campaign in Pakistan’s Pashtun ‘tribal’ areas, formerly known as FATA, has remained one of the most contentious issues since the war on terror began in 2001 in Afghanistan. Though drone strikes have polarised opinions, they have also resulted in the elimination of lower, middle and higher-level leaders of all militant groups based in the ‘tribal’ region. The U.S. drone campaign in the former-FATA region had some success in the elimination of terrorists. But lack of access to the ‘tribal’ areas coupled with the secrecy surrounding the drone campaign resulted in major discrepancies in the total number of U.S. drone strikes and the resultant casualties. These factors have contributed towards an anti-drone and anti-U.S. narrative in Pakistan, largely manufactured by Pakistani mainstream media. With the last drone strike taking place almost a year ago, this article argues that the U.S. drone campaign may have finally halted in Pakistan. However, even with a gradual halt, the ‘tribal’ areas can witness drone strikes in the future if high-profile terrorists, based on actionable intelligence, are located in the region.

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Third World Quarterly, 2020

There is growing recognition and appreciation of traditional approaches towards peace and conflic... more There is growing recognition and appreciation of traditional approaches towards peace and conflict resolution across the world. This article aims to highlight the crucial role and consequential importance of traditional mechanisms of peace and conflict resolution in Pakistan’s terror-hit Pashtun ‘tribal’ areas, formerly known as the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). These ‘peripheral’ areas of Pashtun tribes stand in relative isolation from the ‘centre’ of the Pakistani ruling establishment. Moreover, with the onset of militancy since 2001 in the Afghanistan–Pakistan region, the situation has turned worse for the local Pashtun tribes. The article discusses the changing role of traditional mechanisms and local structures of peace and conflict resolution, arguing that colonial legacies have failed to prevent, manage, resolve or transform conflicts in post-colonial states such as Pakistan. Furthermore, the Pashtun cultural code of Pashtunwali, along with its various tenets and structures, especially Jirga (Pashtun tribal council) and Lashkar (tribal militia), is also discussed in the article. The article concludes that the changing socio-political situation, along with the rise of the secular Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM), is presenting a challenge to ‘tribal’ Pashtun patriarchal values as well as traditional structures like Jirga in the region.

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SAGE Open, 2019

The tribal Pashtuns of Pakistan, based in the Afghanistan–Pakistan border region, have historical... more The tribal Pashtuns of Pakistan, based in the Afghanistan–Pakistan border region, have historically been portrayed as “violent”
and “warrior-like,” both in the colonial and contemporary literature. However, a brief review of archival literature suggests
that oriental representation of tribal Pashtuns is based on various generalizations that were formed and propagated during
the British military expeditions against the tribal Pashtuns. Moreover, these generalizations and stereotypes against the
tribal Pashtuns have persisted since Pakistan’s independence in 1947. Recent developments in Pakistan’s Pashtun tribal belt,
with various tribes convening Jirga meetings, condemning and countering militant activities and protesting against the state’s
injustices explain the importance and desire for peace among the tribal Pashtuns. Finally, a brief analysis of the recently
started Pashtun Tahafuz (protection) movement (PTM), an indigenous peace and human rights movement involving both men
and women, and its nonviolent nature also reinforces the importance of peace for the tribal Pashtuns.

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SAGE Open, 2019

The tribal Pashtuns of Pakistan, based in the Afghanistan–Pakistan border region, have historical... more The tribal Pashtuns of Pakistan, based in the Afghanistan–Pakistan border region, have historically been portrayed as “violent” and “warrior-like,” both in the colonial and contemporary literature. However, a brief review of archival literature suggests that oriental representation of tribal Pashtuns is based on various generalizations that were formed and propagated during the British military expeditions against the tribal Pashtuns. Moreover, these generalizations and stereotypes against the tribal Pashtuns have persisted since Pakistan’s independence in 1947. Recent developments in Pakistan’s Pashtun tribal belt, with various tribes convening Jirga meetings, condemning and countering militant activities and protesting against the state’s injustices explain the importance and desire for peace among the tribal Pashtuns. Finally, a brief analysis of the recently started Pashtun Tahafuz (protection) movement (PTM), an indigenous peace and human rights movement involving both men and women, and its nonviolent nature also reinforces the importance of peace for the tribal Pashtuns.

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Contemporary Justice Review, 2018

(First 100 Copies Free) Since the process of decolonization started after the conclusion of the S... more (First 100 Copies Free)
Since the process of decolonization started after the conclusion of the Second World War, a major victim of this process was indigenous cultures and social structures in most of the former colonies. This paper draws its analysis from postcolonial theory by considering the detrimental effects that colonialism has left on the culture and governance in tribal societies. The paper attempts to contribute to the growing body of knowledge on indigenous/traditional conflict transformation and peace strategies by studying the role of indigenous strategies in resolving conflicts in Pakistan and Tanzania. In Pakistan, the Pashtun Jirga is a council of elders that plays a significant role in mediating and resolving conflicts among Pashtuns, especially tribal Pashtuns. In Tanzania, two cases of extractive resource conflicts in North Mara and Mtwara show how these conflicts have been resolved and what role indigenous strategies played or could have played if they were to be effectively used. In both Pakistan and Tanzania cases, we find that indigenous strategies of peace and conflict transformation are an important and necessary ingredient to conflict resolution. However, despite their significance, indigenous strategies are hardly a priority for respective post-colonial governments and the international community.

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Journal of Men's Studies, 2023

Analyses of women's rights and gender equality in Afghanistan have historically depicted a clear ... more Analyses of women's rights and gender equality in Afghanistan have historically depicted a clear binary: patriarchal and conservative men resisting aspirational women. However, such analyses have failed to account for the significant number of men in Afghanistan who have been vocal advocates for women's rights and have worked tirelessly towards building a gender-just society. To challenge stereotypical representations, this report draws on primary interview data to explore the views of Afghan male allies who are working for gender equality and feminist peace in the country. The report discusses the allies' perspectives on gender relations and their commitment towards feminist peace. The report also offers an analysis of the current situation in Afghanistan under the Taliban regime and its implications for our male allies and their work. Through their stories, the report hopes to shed light on the challenges faced by men who support women's rights in Afghanistan and challenge the narrow portrayal of Afghan men as culturally and religiously conservative and opposed to gender equality.

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Global Policy, 2022

In recent history, wars guided by external policies and interests, both regional and global, have... more In recent history, wars guided by external policies and interests, both regional and global, have been fought in Afghanistan. In the process, human security was ignored and indigenous knowledge and bottom–up approaches to resolving conflicts for sustainable peace were neither required nor mobilised for the benefit of the Afghan people. Because of these factors and since the US invasion of Afghanistan in 2001, not only did the Taliban consolidate their position in many rural parts of the country but also propagated their extreme (and often incorrect) religious narratives to gain wider public support. With the Taliban back in power after the US withdrawal in August 2021, Afghanistan has reverted to the pre-2001 situation, with policy makers and humanitarian agencies concerned about the socioeconomic gains—especially education and gender rights—made during the two decades of coalition presence in the country. Against this backdrop, swisspeace organised a roundtable discussion on 5 May 2022, in Basel, where Afghan policy experts and scholars spoke on various issues faced by Afghanistan today and presented, in the form of policy recommendations, a way forward for the war-torn country. The panel highlighted the need to focus on and incorporate indigenous voices and prioritise the interests of the Afghan people and women in policy-making and establishing sustainable (positive) peace in the country.

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Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), 2022

Analyses of women's rights and gender equality in Afghanistan have historically depicted a clear ... more Analyses of women's rights and gender equality in Afghanistan have historically depicted a clear binary: patriarchal and conservative men resisting aspirational women. Neglected in these analyses are the many men who have spoken up for women's rights and have worked for a gender-just society in Afghanistan. For instance, the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) in Afghanistan has had as many as 10,000 active members, out of which, at times, nearly 3,000 have been men. These figures may come as a surprise for those used to monolithic depictions of predictably patriarchal Afghan men. The cognitive double-take these numbers often elicit reflects the limited space in international coverage given to the Afghan men who, while keeping a low profile, work alongside women activists for gender equality in the country. The report jointly developed by WILPF and swisspeace shares the life histories, motivations, and rationales of men and women who have worked together to advance women's rights and feminist peace in Afghanistan

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GIGA Focus Asia, 2022

Norway’s and Switzerland’s recent hosting of the de facto Taliban regime representatives in early... more Norway’s and Switzerland’s recent hosting of the de facto Taliban regime representatives in early 2022 has overshadowed the risks to women and their rights in the aftermath of the US withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021. Unless international and European policymakers make significant policy interventions while engaging with the de facto Taliban regime, these risks will only escalate.

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à propos | The KOFF Peacebuilding Magazine, 2021

Peace is an integral concept in the discourses and practices of International Relations (IR). The... more Peace is an integral concept in the discourses and practices of International Relations (IR). There are varying definitions and "perceptions" of peace, especially when it comes to the material and conceptual divide between the Global North and the Global South. It is important to acknowledge the contributions of discursive constructions of peace, along with their operational usage in policymaking that emanates from Western scholarship. However, for those suffering from conflict and violence on a daily basis, the "reality" of peace and the desire to survive supersedes the (western) "perceptions" and operational definitions. There is also an ideological divide between the Global North and South in understanding how conflicts are "resolved" on a local level, especially in traditional societies. One such case, where these differences in the perceptions and realities of peace and justice were evident in recent years, was Afghanistan. The (western) "peacebuilding project" in Afghanistan did introduce positive initiatives, such as democracy, education for all, and the inclusion of women in governance and decisionmaking processes. As a result, Afghanistan held several elections and, in 2015, adopted its first National Action Plan (NAP) on Women, Peace and Security (WPS) based around the pillars of participation, protection, prevention, and relief and recovery. However, contrary to its own WPS (2019) strategy of prioritizing women in conflict, the US and its coalition

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Journal of Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism, 2021

On August 31, 2021, the US completed its twenty-year war on terror in Afghanistan. Soon after, th... more On August 31, 2021, the US completed its twenty-year war on terror in Afghanistan. Soon after, the Taliban and its allies established full control over Afghanistan. As the days pass, observers, both within and outside the country, are wondering what the future holds for a Taliban-led Afghanistan. This paper, using mainstream and social media sources in Pashto, English and Urdu, seeks to paint a picture of the Taliban’s PR campaign, propaganda messaging and future direction in terms of governance in Afghanistan. The paper argues that the Taliban of 2021 are different from the Taliban of 1996, at least in terms of their media messaging, propaganda and political manoeuvring. However, even with this evolution, the situation for gender and media rights presents a grim future. In its concluding section, the paper proposes short, medium and long-term policy recommendations for the international community that focus on ensuring basic human rights, evacuation of under-threat Afghan and foreign nationals, clear messaging on the Taliban, a possible working relationship with a Taliban regime and focusing on the long-term well-being of the Afghan population.

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SwissPeace, 2021

This policy brief informs on the situation on the ground in Afghanistan and what the future holds... more This policy brief informs on the situation on the ground in Afghanistan and what the future holds for the war-torn country under a Taliban regime. The brief discusses recent developments in the country, Taliban’s PR campaign and the (grim) situation for gender and media rights under the Taliban regime in the country. In its concluding section, the brief proposes short, medium and long-term recommendations that could be considered by the international community, particularly the western bloc, when dealing with Taliban regime. These recommendations focus on ensuring gender and media rights, evacuation of under-threat Afghan and foreign nationals, clear messaging on Taliban from the western bloc, a possible working relationship with a Taliban regime and reviving Afghanistan’s economy.

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Critical Studies on Security, 2021

Ethnic Pashtuns, especially in Pakistan, have suffered from racialised colonial narratives and re... more Ethnic Pashtuns, especially in Pakistan, have suffered from racialised colonial narratives and representations that portray them as 'uncivilised', 'primitive', and 'violence-condoning' individuals. Adding to this predicament, many ethnographic and political, especially colonial, accounts on the Pashtuns are authored by non-native writers leading to an absence of 'Pashtun voices' and counter-narratives in the literature. Pakistani policymakers and security experts, mainly based in and around the "centre" (Punjab province) more specifically, have also failed in highlighting the consequential role of the colonial legacies which made the 'tribal' Pashtun region an 'area of legal exception', keeping it out of the scope of the Pakistani constitution and contributed to the 'othering' of Pashtuns in the country. As a result, Pashtuns, even today, are perceived as terrorists and traitors. Overcoming and countering these Orientalist generalisations, the 'academy' can start by encouraging and mainstreaming native and indigenous perspectives, giving them equal representation and space in literature.

Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact

East Asia Forum, 2020

Pakistan’s Pashtun tribal areas — formerly known as the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA... more Pakistan’s Pashtun tribal areas — formerly known as the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) — have remained a centre of violence since the United States invaded Afghanistan in October 2001. Various militant groups have since used the region as a base for attacks in Afghanistan and Pakistan. This conflict has not only affected the socio-political and cultural dynamics of the Pashtun tribal areas but also directly impacted Pakistan’s domestic security situation, with militant groups attacking civil-military installations in the country.

Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact

Peace Review, 2019

Pakistan’s Pashtun tribal region, formerly known as the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA... more Pakistan’s Pashtun tribal region, formerly known as the Federally
Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), has witnessed decades of instability,
conflict, and deterioration in the postcolonial state of Pakistan. Soon after Pakistan’s independence on August 14, 1947, the Pashtun tribal frontier (later known as FATA), carved out by the British Raj to tame the Pashtun tribes on the border through the Durand Line agreement in 1896, was also absorbed by the newly formed state of Pakistan and governed under the colonial-era Frontier Crimes Regulation, 1901 (FCR). The FATA region was a semi-autonomous Pashtun tribal region, composed of seven tribal agencies and six Frontier Regions (FR). The region was carved out by the British Raj, through the Durand Line, to separate urban “civilized" Pashtun from the rural “savage" Pashtuns. After Pakistan’s independence in 1947, the Pakistani state kept the FATA region in its colonial form, governing with colonial-era Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR) until May 24, 2018.

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East Asia Forum, 2020

The rise of lockdown radicalism 14 October 2020 Author: Farooq Yousaf, University of Newcastle C... more The rise of lockdown radicalism
14 October 2020
Author: Farooq Yousaf, University of Newcastle

COVID-19 lockdowns throughout the world have aggravated socio-political inequalities, especially in the Global South as governments try to respond to the pandemic. Various terrorist, radical and violent extremist groups, especially the so-called Islamic State, are trying to cash in on these inequalities to propagate hate-filled narratives.

Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact

Australian Strategic Policy Institute - The Strategist, 2020

Following its territorial losses in Iraq and Syria and in the aftermath of the Covid-19 pandemic,... more Following its territorial losses in Iraq and Syria and in the aftermath of the Covid-19 pandemic, which has led to tighter territorial, border and air controls, the Islamic State may seek to use unconventional methods for its radicalisation and recruitment drives. Two such methods are stepping up its online presence and propaganda and exploiting family ties to expand its networks.

Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact

Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses, 2020

Since territorial and organisational setbacks in Iraq and Syria, coupled with improvements in fin... more Since territorial and organisational setbacks in
Iraq and Syria, coupled with improvements in
financial and border controls, the Islamic State
(IS) terrorist group is employing
unconventional strategies to attract recruits,
such as the use of kinship and family
networks. This paper discusses the potential
of kinship and family ties in IS’ terror
recruitment in South Asia. This study
underscores that kin terrorism remains
understudied in South Asia and requires
systematic investigation for a better
understanding in relation to terrorist
recruitment. The paper concludes with the
recommendation that future CT and PCVE
strategies in South Asia should factor in kin
terrorism and the role of familial networks in
recruitment and radicalisation to effectively
counter the twin threats of extremism and
terrorism.

Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact

South Asia Democratic Forum, 2020

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Social Identities: Journal for the Study of Race, Nation and Culture, 2020

Pakistan and Kenya, though culturally and geographically different, are two states where certain ... more Pakistan and Kenya, though culturally and geographically different, are two states where certain colonial legacies exist in the state and political sphere, even after independence from their colonial masters. This especially applies when dealing with the ‘peripheral’ groups. In the case of Pakistan, the ‘tribal’ Pashtuns have suffered due to persistence of more than a century old colonial-era legal framework in the form of the Frontier Crimes Regulations (FCR), which was finally repealed in May 2018 after the ‘tribal’ region’s merger with the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) province. In the case of Kenya, the Kenyan-Somalis for a long time have had to endure a closed district created by the British colonial administration, special laws, a confrontational relationship with the state and unequal treatment by post-colonial administrations. The essay comparatively discusses both these cases in detail and argues that for peace in Pakistan’s Pashtun ‘tribal’ region, a smooth merger, in its true spirit, with the KP province along with shedding of anti-Pashtun narratives is necessary. Whereas for Kenya, the best opportunity for political and socio-economic integration of Kenyan Somalis is to be found in the framework of the new governance structure contained in the new constitution of Kenya 2010, where executive power has been reduced and significant fiscal and political authority is devolved to county governments.

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Small Wars and Insurgencies, 2020

The U.S. drone campaign in Pakistan’s Pashtun ‘tribal’ areas, formerly known as FATA, has remaine... more The U.S. drone campaign in Pakistan’s Pashtun ‘tribal’ areas, formerly known as FATA, has remained one of the most contentious issues since the war on terror began in 2001 in Afghanistan. Though drone strikes have polarised opinions, they have also resulted in the elimination of lower, middle and higher-level leaders of all militant groups based in the ‘tribal’ region. The U.S. drone campaign in the former-FATA region had some success in the elimination of terrorists. But lack of access to the ‘tribal’ areas coupled with the secrecy surrounding the drone campaign resulted in major discrepancies in the total number of U.S. drone strikes and the resultant casualties. These factors have contributed towards an anti-drone and anti-U.S. narrative in Pakistan, largely manufactured by Pakistani mainstream media. With the last drone strike taking place almost a year ago, this article argues that the U.S. drone campaign may have finally halted in Pakistan. However, even with a gradual halt, the ‘tribal’ areas can witness drone strikes in the future if high-profile terrorists, based on actionable intelligence, are located in the region.

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Third World Quarterly, 2020

There is growing recognition and appreciation of traditional approaches towards peace and conflic... more There is growing recognition and appreciation of traditional approaches towards peace and conflict resolution across the world. This article aims to highlight the crucial role and consequential importance of traditional mechanisms of peace and conflict resolution in Pakistan’s terror-hit Pashtun ‘tribal’ areas, formerly known as the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). These ‘peripheral’ areas of Pashtun tribes stand in relative isolation from the ‘centre’ of the Pakistani ruling establishment. Moreover, with the onset of militancy since 2001 in the Afghanistan–Pakistan region, the situation has turned worse for the local Pashtun tribes. The article discusses the changing role of traditional mechanisms and local structures of peace and conflict resolution, arguing that colonial legacies have failed to prevent, manage, resolve or transform conflicts in post-colonial states such as Pakistan. Furthermore, the Pashtun cultural code of Pashtunwali, along with its various tenets and structures, especially Jirga (Pashtun tribal council) and Lashkar (tribal militia), is also discussed in the article. The article concludes that the changing socio-political situation, along with the rise of the secular Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM), is presenting a challenge to ‘tribal’ Pashtun patriarchal values as well as traditional structures like Jirga in the region.

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SAGE Open, 2019

The tribal Pashtuns of Pakistan, based in the Afghanistan–Pakistan border region, have historical... more The tribal Pashtuns of Pakistan, based in the Afghanistan–Pakistan border region, have historically been portrayed as “violent”
and “warrior-like,” both in the colonial and contemporary literature. However, a brief review of archival literature suggests
that oriental representation of tribal Pashtuns is based on various generalizations that were formed and propagated during
the British military expeditions against the tribal Pashtuns. Moreover, these generalizations and stereotypes against the
tribal Pashtuns have persisted since Pakistan’s independence in 1947. Recent developments in Pakistan’s Pashtun tribal belt,
with various tribes convening Jirga meetings, condemning and countering militant activities and protesting against the state’s
injustices explain the importance and desire for peace among the tribal Pashtuns. Finally, a brief analysis of the recently
started Pashtun Tahafuz (protection) movement (PTM), an indigenous peace and human rights movement involving both men
and women, and its nonviolent nature also reinforces the importance of peace for the tribal Pashtuns.

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SAGE Open, 2019

The tribal Pashtuns of Pakistan, based in the Afghanistan–Pakistan border region, have historical... more The tribal Pashtuns of Pakistan, based in the Afghanistan–Pakistan border region, have historically been portrayed as “violent” and “warrior-like,” both in the colonial and contemporary literature. However, a brief review of archival literature suggests that oriental representation of tribal Pashtuns is based on various generalizations that were formed and propagated during the British military expeditions against the tribal Pashtuns. Moreover, these generalizations and stereotypes against the tribal Pashtuns have persisted since Pakistan’s independence in 1947. Recent developments in Pakistan’s Pashtun tribal belt, with various tribes convening Jirga meetings, condemning and countering militant activities and protesting against the state’s injustices explain the importance and desire for peace among the tribal Pashtuns. Finally, a brief analysis of the recently started Pashtun Tahafuz (protection) movement (PTM), an indigenous peace and human rights movement involving both men and women, and its nonviolent nature also reinforces the importance of peace for the tribal Pashtuns.

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Contemporary Justice Review, 2018

(First 100 Copies Free) Since the process of decolonization started after the conclusion of the S... more (First 100 Copies Free)
Since the process of decolonization started after the conclusion of the Second World War, a major victim of this process was indigenous cultures and social structures in most of the former colonies. This paper draws its analysis from postcolonial theory by considering the detrimental effects that colonialism has left on the culture and governance in tribal societies. The paper attempts to contribute to the growing body of knowledge on indigenous/traditional conflict transformation and peace strategies by studying the role of indigenous strategies in resolving conflicts in Pakistan and Tanzania. In Pakistan, the Pashtun Jirga is a council of elders that plays a significant role in mediating and resolving conflicts among Pashtuns, especially tribal Pashtuns. In Tanzania, two cases of extractive resource conflicts in North Mara and Mtwara show how these conflicts have been resolved and what role indigenous strategies played or could have played if they were to be effectively used. In both Pakistan and Tanzania cases, we find that indigenous strategies of peace and conflict transformation are an important and necessary ingredient to conflict resolution. However, despite their significance, indigenous strategies are hardly a priority for respective post-colonial governments and the international community.

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South Asia Research, 2018

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South Asia Democratic Forum, 2019

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University of Erfurt , 2014

The U.S. drone campaign was formally started in Pakistan’s FATA (Federally Administered Tribal Ar... more The U.S. drone campaign was formally started in Pakistan’s FATA (Federally Administered Tribal Areas) region in 2004. These CIA-operated drone strikes are negatively perceived in Pakistan. This research explores the factors that influence and shape such a negative drone discourse and perception in Pakistan. A combination of secondary literature and primary data, which included a perception survey from residents of FATA, is employed to discuss the US drone campaign and public perception in Pakistan. Preliminary findings and survey results indicate that the statements from the U.S. and Pakistani governments, along with political leaders and media in Pakistan, serve as the primary factors influencing the drone narrative in Pakistan. Finally, even though the perception survey found a majority of the respondents opposing the drone strikes, they still did not consider these strikes as a major issue faced by their region.

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Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, Jul 31, 2022

Analyses of women's rights and gender equality in Afghanistan have historically depicted a clear ... more Analyses of women's rights and gender equality in Afghanistan have historically depicted a clear binary: patriarchal and conservative men resisting aspirational women. Neglected in these analyses are the many men who have spoken up for women's rights and have worked for a gender-just society in Afghanistan. For instance, the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) in Afghanistan has had as many as 10,000 active members, out of which, at times, nearly 3,000 have been men. These figures may come as a surprise for those used to monolithic depictions of predictably patriarchal Afghan men. The cognitive double-take these numbers often elicit reflects the limited space in international coverage given to the Afghan men who, while keeping a low profile, work alongside women activists for gender equality in the country.

The report jointly developed by WILPF and swisspeace shares the life histories, motivations, and rationales of men and women who have worked together to advance women's rights and feminist peace in Afghanistan

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Routledge, 2020

Book Description This book shows how colonial legacies and the postcolonial state of Pakistan neg... more Book Description
This book shows how colonial legacies and the postcolonial state of Pakistan negatively influenced the socio-political and cultural dynamics and the security situation in Pakistan’s Pashtun ‘tribal’ areas, formerly known as the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA).

It discusses the history and background of the former-FATA region, the role of Pashtun conflict resolution mechanism of Jirga, and the persistence of colonial-era Frontier Crimes Regulations (FCR) in the region. The author argues that the persistence of colonial legacies in the Pashtun ‘tribal’ areas, especially the FCR, coupled with the overarching influence of the military on security policy has negatively impacted the security situation in the region. By focusing on the Jirga and Jirga-based Lashkars (or Pashtun militias), the book shows how Pashtuns have engaged in their own initiatives to handle the rise of militancy in their region. Moreover, the book argues that, even after the introduction of constitutional reforms and FATA’s merger with the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, little has changed in the region, especially regarding the treatment of ‘tribal’ Pashtuns as equal citizens of Pakistan.

Historically and contextually informed with a focus on North-West Pakistan, this book will be of interest to academics studying South Asian Studies, peacebuilding, terrorism, and traditional justice and restorative forms of peace-making.

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Global Policy, 2022

In recent history, wars guided by external policies and interests, both regional and global, have... more In recent history, wars guided by external policies and interests, both regional and global, have been fought in Afghanistan. In the process, human security was ignored and indigenous knowledge and bottom-up approaches to resolving conflicts for sustainable peace were neither required nor mobilised for the benefit of the Afghan people. Because of these factors and since the US invasion of Afghanistan

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