John R Stein | Independent Researcher (original) (raw)

Papers by John R Stein

El Palacio, 1989

CONTENTS EL PALACIO ispublished by the Museum of New Mexico Foundation under the aegis of the Mus... more CONTENTS EL PALACIO ispublished by the Museum of New Mexico Foundation under the aegis of the Museum of New Mexico.

Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/usgsstaffpub Part of the Archa... more Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/usgsstaffpub Part of the Archaeological Anthropology Commons, Geology Commons, History of Art, Architecture, and Archaeology Commons, Indigenous Studies Commons, Oceanography and Atmospheric Sciences and Meteorology Commons, Other Earth Sciences Commons, Other Environmental Sciences Commons, and the Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons

Histories of Maize, 2006

Akchin farming In true akchin farming, the akchin is the specific area on the active alluvial fan... more Akchin farming In true akchin farming, the akchin is the specific area on the active alluvial fan where floodwaters spread out (i.e., the akchin area is located between the zone of concentration where wash channels are converging and the zone of distribution where channels are diverging). Alluvial fan A gently sloping mass of loose rock and sediment shaped like an open fan deposited by a tributary stream at the place it issues from an upland canyon or valley. Chaco side canyon One of the relatively small canyons on the north or south side of Chaco Wash (e.g., Clys Canyon). These canyons are the sites of alluvial-fan sediments. Check dam A berm-like structure built across a drainage that impedes the movement of water and sediment. Great houses Large, multistoried, multiroomed, masonry buildings usually having more or more great kivas (e.g., Pueblo Bonito in Chaco Canyon). Gridded garden Formal rectangular plots for planting maize and other crops in floodwater irrigated farms. In Chaco the flood water is thought to be supplied by sidecanyon tributaries, which empty into a ditch that diverts water to a garden via a headgate system. Newcomb area An area on the eastern slope of the Chuska Mountains about 100 kilometers north of Gallup, New Mexico. The Newcomb area and the Chuskas probably supplied maize, chert, timbers, and ceramics to Chaco Canyon. The Totah Navajo word for "rivers coming together." An archaeological area surrounding the confluences of the Animas and La Plata rivers with the San Juan River in the northwestern San Juan Basin. Aztec and Salmon ruins are located in the Totah.

Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 2003

In this article, we compare chemical ( 87 Sr/ 86 Sr and elemental) analyses of archaeological mai... more In this article, we compare chemical ( 87 Sr/ 86 Sr and elemental) analyses of archaeological maize from dated contexts within Pueblo Bonito, Chaco Canyon, New Mexico, to potential agricultural sites on the periphery of the San Juan Basin. The oldest maize analyzed from Pueblo Bonito probably was grown in an area located 80 km to the west at the base of the Chuska Mountains. The youngest maize came from the San Juan or Animas river floodplains 90 km to the north. This article demonstrates that maize, a dietary staple of southwestern Native Americans, was transported over considerable distances in pre-Columbian times, a finding fundamental to understanding the organization of pre-Columbian southwestern societies. In addition, this article provides support for the hypothesis that major construction events in Chaco Canyon were made possible because maize was brought in to support extra-local labor forces.

Journal of Archaeological Science, 2008

Strontium (Sr)-isotope values on bone from deer mice pairs from 12 field sites in the Chaco Canyo... more Strontium (Sr)-isotope values on bone from deer mice pairs from 12 field sites in the Chaco Canyon area, New Mexico, were compared with isotope values of synthetic soil waters from the same fields. The data indicate that mice obtain Sr from near-surface sources and that soil samples collected at depths ranging from 25 to 95 cm contain Sr that is more accessible to the deep roots of maize; thus, synthetic soil solutions provide better data for the sourcing of archaeological maize. However, the Sr-isotope composition of mice may be more valuable in sourcing archaeological remains of animals such as rabbit, turkey, and deer. In a separate study, five Native American maize (Zea mays L. ssp. mays) accessions grown out at New Mexico State University Agricultural Science Center, Farmington, New Mexico were used to determine if soil-water metal pairs partition systematically into cobs and kernels. The sampled maize included landraces from three Native American groups (Acoma, Hopi, Zuni) that still occupy the Four Corners area. Two cobs each were picked from 10 plants of each landrace. Partitioning of the Ba/Mn, Ba/Sr, Ca/Sr, and K/Rb metal pairs from the soil water to the cob appears to behave in a systematic fashion. In addition, 51 rare earth element (REE) pairs also appear to systematically partition from the soil water into cobs; however, the ratios of the REE dissolved in the soil waters are relatively invariant; therefore, the distribution coefficients that describe the partitioning of REE from the soil water to the cob may not apply to archeological cobs grown under chemically heterogeneous conditions. Partitioning of Ba/Rb, Ba/Sr, Mg/P, and Mn/P metal pairs from the soil water to kernels also behaves in a systematic fashion. Given that modern Native American landraces were grown under optimal environmental conditions that may not have been duplicated by prehistoric Native Americans, the distribution coefficients obtained in this study should be used with caution.

Journal of Archaeological Science, 2009

Journal of Archaeological Science, 2014

The structure at Mesa Verde National Park known historically as Mummy Lake and more recently as F... more The structure at Mesa Verde National Park known historically as Mummy Lake and more recently as Far View Reservoir is not part of a water collection, impoundment, or redistribution system. We offer an alternative explanation for the function of Mummy Lake. We suggest that it is an unroofed ceremonial structure, and that it serves as an essential component of a Chacoan ritual landscape. A wide constructed avenue articulates Mummy Lake with Far View House and Pipe Shrine House. The avenue continues southward for approximately 6 km where it apparently divides connecting with Spruce Tree House and Sun Temple/Cliff Palace. The avenue has previously been interpreted as an irrigation ditch fed by water impounded at Mummy Lake; however, it conforms in every respect to alignments described as Chacoan roads. Tree-ring dates indicate that the construction of Spruce Tree House and Cliff Palace began about A.D. 1225, roughly coincident with the abandonment of the Far View community. This pattern of periodically relocating the focus of an Anasazi community by retiring existing ritual structures and linking them to newly constructed facilities by means of broad avenues was first documented by Fowler and Stein (1992) in Manuelito Canyon, New Mexico. Periods of intense drought appear to have contributed to the relocation of prehistoric Native Americans from the Far View group to Cliff Palace/Spruce Tree House in the mid-13th century and eventually to the abandonment of all Anasazi communities in southwestern Colorado in the late-13th century.

Anasazi Regional Organization and the Chaco System, edited by Doyel, 1992

lnlroduction This paper offers a new perspective on the eyolution, structure, and geographic dist... more lnlroduction This paper offers a new perspective on the eyolution, structure, and geographic distribution of Anasazi communities. Much of the data used in this presentation derive from the Anasazi Monuments Project (AMP). a reconnaissance survey that covered most of west-central New Mexico and oortheastern Arizona (Fowler et al. 1987). A major effort was concentrated on a series of large communities located within Manuelito Canyon National Historic Landmark. We describe a temporal sequence in the evolution ofgreat house architecture within Manuelito Canyon, and then place this sequence within the context of Chaco Canyon and developments occurring within the Anasazi region.

Religion in the Prehistoric Southwest, edited by Vanpool, Vanpool, and Phillips, 2006

Pueblo Bonito: Center of the Chacoan World, edited by Neitzel, 2003

Anasazi Architecture and American Design, edited by Morrow and Price, 1997

The Prehistoric Pueblo World, A.D. 1150-1350, edited by Adler, 1996

All rights reserved 6 This booL is printed on .cid-fieg .rchival-qudity p.pcr. Manufactured in th... more All rights reserved 6 This booL is printed on .cid-fieg .rchival-qudity p.pcr. Manufactured in the United States ofAmeric, 99 98 97 96 +32r Libr.ryof Congress C.t.loging-in-Publication D.ta The prchistoric Pu€blo world, ^.D. rr5o-r35o / edited by Michael A. Adler. P Crn. Based on e confer€nce hcld at the Crow Cenyon Archaeological Centcr in C,ortez, Colo., from M.ar "J to Apr r, r99o. It was organizcd by Willian Lipe and Stephen I-ekson, Includes bibliognphical reGrences and index. t-sBN o-8r65-r468-2 r.

Unit Issues in Archaeology Measuring Time, Space, and Material, edited by Ramenofsky and Steffen, 1998

Severe droughts in the middle-12th and late-13th centuries appear to have affected Anasazi (pre-C... more Severe droughts in the middle-12th and late-13th centuries appear to have affected Anasazi (pre-Columbian Native American) populations. During the first drought most of the great houses in the central San Juan Basin were vacated; the second drought resulted in the abandonment of the Four Corners region. During the first drought, villages may not have been completely abandoned. The multi-year drought periods probably were characterized by reductions in both winter and summer precipitation. Maize is dependent on winter precipitation for its germination and initial growth and on summer (monsoonal) precipitation for its continued growth. Reductions in precipitation are hypothesized to have resulted in low yields of maize, the dietary staple of the Anasazi. A comparison of historic climate data and tree-ring-based reconstructions of precipitation in the Four Corners region with tree-ring-based reconstructions of the Pacific Decadal Oscillation (PDO) and the Atlantic Multidecadal Oscillation (AMO) indicate that severe and persistent drought in the Four Corners region occurs when the PDO is negative and the AMO is positive. Historic climate data from the greater San Juan Basin indicate that a negative PDO is characterized by reductions in both water-year and summer precipitation, reinforcing the concept that at least some multi-year droughts involved weakening of the summer monsoon with attendant decreases in the yields of maize.

Scientific American, 1988

Journal of Archaeological Science, 2005

Previous analysis of 87 Sr/ 86 Sr ratios shows that 10th through 12th century Chaco Canyon was pr... more Previous analysis of 87 Sr/ 86 Sr ratios shows that 10th through 12th century Chaco Canyon was provisioned with plant materials that came from more than 75 km away. This includes (1) corn (Zea mays) grown on the eastern flanks of the Chuska Mountains and floodplain of the San Juan River to the west and north, and (2) spruce (Picea sp.) and fir (Abies sp.) beams from the crest of the Chuska and San Mateo Mountains to the west and south. Here, we extend 87 Sr/ 86 Sr analysis to ponderosa pine (Pinus ponderosa) prevalent in the architectural timber at three of the Chacoan great houses (Pueblo Bonito, Chetro Ketl, Pueblo del Arroyo). Like the architectural spruce and fir, much of the ponderosa matches the 87 Sr/ 86 Sr ratios of living trees in the Chuska Mountains. Many of the architectural ponderosa, however, have similar ratios to living trees in the La Plata and San Juan Mountains to the north and Lobo Mesa/Hosta Butte to the south. There are no systematic patterns in spruce/fir or ponderosa provenance by great house or time, suggesting the use of stockpiles from a few preferred sources. The multiple and distant sources for food and timber, now based on hundreds of isotopic values from modern and archeological samples, confirm conventional wisdom about the geographic scope of the larger Chacoan system. The complexity of this procurement warns against simple generalizations based on just one species, a single class of botanical artifact, or a few isotopic values.

Books by John R Stein

El Palacio, 1989

Histories of Maize, 2006

Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 2003

Journal of Archaeological Science, 2008

Journal of Archaeological Science, 2009

Journal of Archaeological Science, 2014

Anasazi Regional Organization and the Chaco System, edited by Doyel, 1992

Religion in the Prehistoric Southwest, edited by Vanpool, Vanpool, and Phillips, 2006

Pueblo Bonito: Center of the Chacoan World, edited by Neitzel, 2003

Anasazi Architecture and American Design, edited by Morrow and Price, 1997

The Prehistoric Pueblo World, A.D. 1150-1350, edited by Adler, 1996

Unit Issues in Archaeology Measuring Time, Space, and Material, edited by Ramenofsky and Steffen, 1998

Scientific American, 1988

Journal of Archaeological Science, 2005

This volume represents the next phase of prehistoric roads research. Here, the authors apply the ... more This volume represents the next phase of prehistoric roads research. Here, the authors apply the methodologies developed earlier to evaluate and verify the presence of dispersed prehistoric road systems throughout the San Juan Basin. New and exciting patterns of road-site association are discovered. Methods fine-tuned in this study to locate roads, inventory their characteristics, classify them based on physical traits, and establish clear definitions for terms describing road attributes will greatly aid future research on these fascinating and subtle prehistoric phenomenon. Stephen L. Fosberg, Series Editor Forward A lmost four years have passed since completion of the research reported in this publication. During these years a number of new Chacoan buildings were recognized and many have associated road segments. Non-residential characteristics of these structures continue to emerge as consistent aspects of Chacoan architecture. These include roads, earthworks, and areolasthe road-like swales which often encircle Bonito style buildings. It is now clear that such roads are much more widespread than previously suspected. Despite these new discoveries, our overall understanding of prehistoric roads and their role in Chacoan society has advanced little. There is a growing consensus that the roads were a part of social organization rather than as transportation features, but no clear interpretation of their function is apparent. The overall layout of the road network is also unknown. The roads may represent a single integrated system or may comprise a series of sub-regional networks. It is even possible that many road segments relate solely to single Bonito style buildings. Many different hypotheses can be framed around these issues but most interpretation hinges upon more thorough reconstruction of the entire road network. This poses the most serious problem in managing prehistoric roadstheir initial identification. Once roads have been identified or even suspected, they are relatively easy to deal with. By comparison to other archeological features, roads are not complex. They lend themselves well to data recovery in the context of individual surfacedisturbing projects. In contrast, it is very unlikely that new roads will be discovered in the course of specific projects. The roads are very subtle features and are almost never identified through traditional archeological surveys. Their initial discovery requires application of specialized methodologies over extensive areas. It is a situation in which our normal project-specific approach to managing cultural resources is insufficient. The only long-term solution to this problem is to continue making concerted areawide efforts to trace known road segments and to identify new segments before they are impacted. Although imposing, this task will become easier as our knowledge of the distribution of Chacoan structures becomes more complete and we learn more about the nature of prehistoric roads. The BLM hopes to undertake another project in the near future focusing on roads outside the immediate Chaco Canyon area. It is hoped that publication of the present study will also encourage similar efforts elsewhere on the Colorado Plateau. John Roney, Albuquerque District Archeologist 10. Kin Nizhoni Complex 23 11. Haystack Complex 23 12. Gasco Herradura 23 13. Andrews to Casamero 14. Muddy Water Complex 15. Kin Bineola to Bee Burrow 16. Kin Ya'a to Kin Bineola 17. Chacra Face Road 18. Mexican Springs Road