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Papers by Svetlana Dzardanova
Springer International Publishing eBooks, Dec 9, 2022
Among the former Soviet countries, Turkmenistan is the second largest gas producer, after Russia;... more Among the former Soviet countries, Turkmenistan is the second largest gas producer, after Russia; moreover, it possesses the world's fourth largest gas reserves. However, it has also been the slowest to adapt to independence and the market economy. Its self-imposed isolation has limited foreign involvement, even in its most promising economic sectors. With the sudden death of Turkmenistan's first president, Saparmurat Niyazov, his successor, Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov, now controls vast hydrocarbon resources. The new leadership has been pushing hard to increase foreign investment, particularly in the energy sector, which still lacks investment and technology. While some steps have been taken to improve the investment climate, other policies adopted by the government have hindered the operations of international oil companies (IOCs). Positive changes include the adoption of a new law 'On Hydrocarbon Resources' and the creation of a State Agency for Management and Use of Hydrocarbon Resources under the president of the country. The new law allows for the extension of contracts from 25 to 35 years; and with the State Agency, power over the sector is concentrated into one legal entity. The creation of this agency also represents a move towards greater centralization in the energy sector. These rearrangements have had little effect on IOC operations, as the sector still lacks transparency. Personal relations with Turkmen officials remain important for conducting business in the energy sector. Given the geopolitical position of the country, its dependence on Russian transit routes, and its more recent reliance on Chinese demand (as some experts see it, Turkmenistan has gained another assertive player), there are substantial obstacles facing its attempts to maintain resource nationalism as well as its desire to diversify markets. While these obstacles must be taken into account when planning business in this challenging environment, there has not really been a trend towards greater resource nationalism. The Turkmen government seeks foreign investment and export market diversification, so this is definitely not a good time for it to step up pressure on foreign investors.
Turkmenistan education system has gone through a series of ambivalent reforms both in the seconda... more Turkmenistan education system has gone through a series of ambivalent reforms both in the secondary and higher education during last twenty years.
The reforms were related to the language policy and more directly involved reducing the number of years of schooling, number of subjects and composition of the educational curriculum. As a result, Turkmenistan has to put much of the economic and political will to reform its education system to overcome the consequences of
the previous drastic experiments. While possessing impressive natural resources and quite a small population of about 5.4 million people, the prospects and potential of the positive reform appears very ambiguous.
Among the former Soviet countries, Turkmenistan is the second largest gas producer, after Russia;... more Among the former Soviet countries, Turkmenistan is the second largest
gas producer, after Russia; moreover, it possesses the world’s fourth largest gas reserves. However, it has also been the slowest to adapt to independence and the market economy. Its self-imposed isolation has limited foreign involvement, even in its most promising economic sectors.
With the sudden death of Turkmenistan’s first president, Saparmurat Niyazov, his successor, Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov, now controls
vast hydrocarbon resources. The new leadership has been pushing hard to increase foreign investment, particularly in the energy sector, which still lacks investment and technology. While some steps have been taken to improve the investment climate, other policies adopted by the government have hindered the operations of international oil companies (IOCs).
Positive changes include the adoption of a new law ‘On Hydrocarbon
Resources’ and the creation of a State Agency for Management and Use
of Hydrocarbon Resources under the president of the country. The new
law allows for the extension of contracts from 25 to 35 years; and with
the State Agency, power over the sector is concentrated into one legal
entity. The creation of this agency also represents a move towards greater centralization in the energy sector.
Addressing Central Asia security challenges always brings speculations. On one hand, geopolitical... more Addressing Central Asia security challenges always brings speculations. On one hand, geopolitically experts traditionally tie Afghanistan and it’s problems to the regional stability. On the other, we should admit that Central Asia is facing other lifelong security challenges. And properly addressing these issues will help the countries of the region better navigate in the long-term perspective.
During Strategic Studies Network meeting in Almaty, Central Asia Working Group members agreed to focus on four main concerns that bother all the countries of Central Asia. They are education, extremism, environment and energy security. In this regard, this paper provides a short overview of what the status quo is and how it will affect the countries’ development in the future.
Edited by Anna Gussarova
We found that while both Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan tend to have strict regulations and policies t... more We found that while both Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan tend to have strict regulations and policies that affect civil society and youth, how they apply them in practice, and what that means for social activism, differs. In this short article I explore the conditions for youth social activism in each country.
The European Union’s (EU) engagement policy towards authoritarian and hydrocarbon-rich Turkmenist... more The European Union’s (EU) engagement
policy towards authoritarian and
hydrocarbon-rich Turkmenistan has so
far yielded little success. It is indeed
a challenge for the EU to find the right
balance between its growing energy
consumption on the one hand, and its
commitment towards improving human
rights, the rule of law and sustainable
human development in Central Asia, on
the other hand.
Turkmenistan adopted its new military defense doctrine in January 2016, a month after celebrating... more Turkmenistan adopted its new military defense doctrine in January 2016, a month after celebrating the 20th anniversary of the adoption of its permanent neutrality status. The doctrine, according to president Berdimuhamedov, ‘is aimed at strengthening peace across the world, and at the development of friendly, fraternal and good-neighborly relations with all countries’.47 Obviously, Ashgabat is now forced to pay more attention to the number of its military forces, its quality and wise, as the attacks on the porous 744 km-long Afghan-Turkmen border increased since 2013. Mass media and a part of the expert community interpret this as the end of Turkmen neutrality. Many hold the view that external security threats can force Turkmenistan to give up, or at least to move away from the positive neutrality status in order to allow enhanced military cooperation on bilateral or multilateral levels.48 Hence, the paper analyzes what recent security developments and financial complications entail for the state and regional security. It has a close look at limitations and provisions of the policy and at possible contradictions regarding military build-up and cooperation. In order to better understand both the economic situation and security context in which Turkmenistan operates at the moment, the relationships with the main players, such as China, Russia, US, EU, the four other states of Central Asia and Afghanistan are analyzed in the paper. It also looks at how well the state is prepared to respond to pending security challenges and discusses if positive neutrality is still a viable option for Turkmen foreign policy.
In spite of heavy criticism of the international presence in Afghanistan, complete withdrawal wil... more In spite of heavy criticism of the international presence
in Afghanistan, complete withdrawal will not be feasible
for years to come, as the Afghan administration and
army are not ready to take up the responsibility for the
country’s future and rely heavily on donor support.
Caught in a cycle of dependency, Afghanistan needs
humanitarian assistance more than ever before as almost
90 per cent of the country’s public spending comes
from foreign aid. Despite pledges, some donors have
failed to fulfill their commitments and increasingly have
lost interest in the country. Moreover, the aid committed
is not sufficient to meet the needs of the population and
achieve the goals of donors, since a part of it bypasses
the Afghan administration, another part goes back to
donor countries and the aid that enters the system is
deployed ineffectively.
После прихода Гурбангулы Бердымухамедова к власти международное сообщество возлагало на нового пр... more После прихода Гурбангулы Бердымухамедова к власти международное сообщество возлагало на нового президента Туркменистана большие надежды, в том числе и по демократизации, улучшению состояния прав человека в стране, экономическому сотрудничеству и открытости. Ряд указов и действий, принятых Гурбангулы Бердымухамедовым в начале его правления, действительно, были направлены на устранение ошибок и экспериментов прошлого. Однако очень скоро стало очевидным, что эти надежды были беспочвенными.
Springer International Publishing eBooks, Dec 9, 2022
Among the former Soviet countries, Turkmenistan is the second largest gas producer, after Russia;... more Among the former Soviet countries, Turkmenistan is the second largest gas producer, after Russia; moreover, it possesses the world's fourth largest gas reserves. However, it has also been the slowest to adapt to independence and the market economy. Its self-imposed isolation has limited foreign involvement, even in its most promising economic sectors. With the sudden death of Turkmenistan's first president, Saparmurat Niyazov, his successor, Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov, now controls vast hydrocarbon resources. The new leadership has been pushing hard to increase foreign investment, particularly in the energy sector, which still lacks investment and technology. While some steps have been taken to improve the investment climate, other policies adopted by the government have hindered the operations of international oil companies (IOCs). Positive changes include the adoption of a new law 'On Hydrocarbon Resources' and the creation of a State Agency for Management and Use of Hydrocarbon Resources under the president of the country. The new law allows for the extension of contracts from 25 to 35 years; and with the State Agency, power over the sector is concentrated into one legal entity. The creation of this agency also represents a move towards greater centralization in the energy sector. These rearrangements have had little effect on IOC operations, as the sector still lacks transparency. Personal relations with Turkmen officials remain important for conducting business in the energy sector. Given the geopolitical position of the country, its dependence on Russian transit routes, and its more recent reliance on Chinese demand (as some experts see it, Turkmenistan has gained another assertive player), there are substantial obstacles facing its attempts to maintain resource nationalism as well as its desire to diversify markets. While these obstacles must be taken into account when planning business in this challenging environment, there has not really been a trend towards greater resource nationalism. The Turkmen government seeks foreign investment and export market diversification, so this is definitely not a good time for it to step up pressure on foreign investors.
Turkmenistan education system has gone through a series of ambivalent reforms both in the seconda... more Turkmenistan education system has gone through a series of ambivalent reforms both in the secondary and higher education during last twenty years.
The reforms were related to the language policy and more directly involved reducing the number of years of schooling, number of subjects and composition of the educational curriculum. As a result, Turkmenistan has to put much of the economic and political will to reform its education system to overcome the consequences of
the previous drastic experiments. While possessing impressive natural resources and quite a small population of about 5.4 million people, the prospects and potential of the positive reform appears very ambiguous.
Among the former Soviet countries, Turkmenistan is the second largest gas producer, after Russia;... more Among the former Soviet countries, Turkmenistan is the second largest
gas producer, after Russia; moreover, it possesses the world’s fourth largest gas reserves. However, it has also been the slowest to adapt to independence and the market economy. Its self-imposed isolation has limited foreign involvement, even in its most promising economic sectors.
With the sudden death of Turkmenistan’s first president, Saparmurat Niyazov, his successor, Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov, now controls
vast hydrocarbon resources. The new leadership has been pushing hard to increase foreign investment, particularly in the energy sector, which still lacks investment and technology. While some steps have been taken to improve the investment climate, other policies adopted by the government have hindered the operations of international oil companies (IOCs).
Positive changes include the adoption of a new law ‘On Hydrocarbon
Resources’ and the creation of a State Agency for Management and Use
of Hydrocarbon Resources under the president of the country. The new
law allows for the extension of contracts from 25 to 35 years; and with
the State Agency, power over the sector is concentrated into one legal
entity. The creation of this agency also represents a move towards greater centralization in the energy sector.
Addressing Central Asia security challenges always brings speculations. On one hand, geopolitical... more Addressing Central Asia security challenges always brings speculations. On one hand, geopolitically experts traditionally tie Afghanistan and it’s problems to the regional stability. On the other, we should admit that Central Asia is facing other lifelong security challenges. And properly addressing these issues will help the countries of the region better navigate in the long-term perspective.
During Strategic Studies Network meeting in Almaty, Central Asia Working Group members agreed to focus on four main concerns that bother all the countries of Central Asia. They are education, extremism, environment and energy security. In this regard, this paper provides a short overview of what the status quo is and how it will affect the countries’ development in the future.
Edited by Anna Gussarova
We found that while both Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan tend to have strict regulations and policies t... more We found that while both Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan tend to have strict regulations and policies that affect civil society and youth, how they apply them in practice, and what that means for social activism, differs. In this short article I explore the conditions for youth social activism in each country.
The European Union’s (EU) engagement policy towards authoritarian and hydrocarbon-rich Turkmenist... more The European Union’s (EU) engagement
policy towards authoritarian and
hydrocarbon-rich Turkmenistan has so
far yielded little success. It is indeed
a challenge for the EU to find the right
balance between its growing energy
consumption on the one hand, and its
commitment towards improving human
rights, the rule of law and sustainable
human development in Central Asia, on
the other hand.
Turkmenistan adopted its new military defense doctrine in January 2016, a month after celebrating... more Turkmenistan adopted its new military defense doctrine in January 2016, a month after celebrating the 20th anniversary of the adoption of its permanent neutrality status. The doctrine, according to president Berdimuhamedov, ‘is aimed at strengthening peace across the world, and at the development of friendly, fraternal and good-neighborly relations with all countries’.47 Obviously, Ashgabat is now forced to pay more attention to the number of its military forces, its quality and wise, as the attacks on the porous 744 km-long Afghan-Turkmen border increased since 2013. Mass media and a part of the expert community interpret this as the end of Turkmen neutrality. Many hold the view that external security threats can force Turkmenistan to give up, or at least to move away from the positive neutrality status in order to allow enhanced military cooperation on bilateral or multilateral levels.48 Hence, the paper analyzes what recent security developments and financial complications entail for the state and regional security. It has a close look at limitations and provisions of the policy and at possible contradictions regarding military build-up and cooperation. In order to better understand both the economic situation and security context in which Turkmenistan operates at the moment, the relationships with the main players, such as China, Russia, US, EU, the four other states of Central Asia and Afghanistan are analyzed in the paper. It also looks at how well the state is prepared to respond to pending security challenges and discusses if positive neutrality is still a viable option for Turkmen foreign policy.
In spite of heavy criticism of the international presence in Afghanistan, complete withdrawal wil... more In spite of heavy criticism of the international presence
in Afghanistan, complete withdrawal will not be feasible
for years to come, as the Afghan administration and
army are not ready to take up the responsibility for the
country’s future and rely heavily on donor support.
Caught in a cycle of dependency, Afghanistan needs
humanitarian assistance more than ever before as almost
90 per cent of the country’s public spending comes
from foreign aid. Despite pledges, some donors have
failed to fulfill their commitments and increasingly have
lost interest in the country. Moreover, the aid committed
is not sufficient to meet the needs of the population and
achieve the goals of donors, since a part of it bypasses
the Afghan administration, another part goes back to
donor countries and the aid that enters the system is
deployed ineffectively.
После прихода Гурбангулы Бердымухамедова к власти международное сообщество возлагало на нового пр... more После прихода Гурбангулы Бердымухамедова к власти международное сообщество возлагало на нового президента Туркменистана большие надежды, в том числе и по демократизации, улучшению состояния прав человека в стране, экономическому сотрудничеству и открытости. Ряд указов и действий, принятых Гурбангулы Бердымухамедовым в начале его правления, действительно, были направлены на устранение ошибок и экспериментов прошлого. Однако очень скоро стало очевидным, что эти надежды были беспочвенными.