Emily Metzgar | Indiana University (original) (raw)
Papers by Emily Metzgar
Established in 1987, the Japanese government’s Japan Exchange and Teaching (JET) Program has gene... more Established in 1987, the Japanese government’s Japan Exchange and Teaching (JET) Program has generated more than 60,000 alumni worldwide, half of them Americans. Coalescing over three decades, the American JET alumni community offers a compelling example of how the creation of “willing interpreters and receivers” (Nye) through an international exchange program can yield benefits for both sponsors and participants. Focused on the American JET alumni community’s composition and its efforts to organize into an independent actor in its own right, this paper offers insight into a large-scale effort to promote soft power in the context of the strategically important US—Japan relationship. This article is published as part of a collection on soft power.
This research characterizes American media coverage of China's Confucius Institutes and their rel... more This research characterizes American media coverage of China's Confucius Institutes and their related activities in the United States since their emergence more than 12 years ago. Although there are now more than 100 Confucius Institutes and 300 associated classrooms in the country, to date there has been no systematic study of how these Chinese government-sponsored organizations are portrayed in the American press. This study presents a content analysis of 426 articles mentioning these efforts at the heart of China's public diplomacy endeavors since 2003. Determining that fewer than half of the articles did more than mention these organizations, we dedicate particular attention to the 183 examples that do focus specifically on Confucius Institute and classroom activities across the country. While results point to some differences in tone, framing and sources across university, local, state, national and international news outlets, we find that the majority of coverage focuses uncritically on these Chinese institutions without providing broader context about China's rationale for engaging in such activities. The implications for China's public diplomacy efforts in the United States are considered.
Two flagship Chinese universities are home to newly established English-language graduate program... more Two flagship Chinese universities are home to newly established English-language graduate programs intended to arm international cohorts of future leaders with the skills, knowledge, and insights necessary to thrive in a world in which China will play a leading role. Employing the literature of international education and public diplomacy, this study considers the two new programs—Schwarzman Scholars at Tsinghua University and Yenching Academy at Peking University—presenting them as international educational exchanges with all the public diplomacy connotations that term implies. Although Confucius Institutes typically dominate discussion of China’s public diplomacy efforts in educational milieu overseas, the nearly simultaneous emergence of the Schwarzman and Yenching programs offers an opportunity to consider the role of institutions of higher education, this time within China, as part of that country’s ongoing soft power promotion efforts.
Communication Law and Policy, 2012
The U.S. Information and Educational Exchange Act of 1948, also known as the Smith-Mundt Act, is ... more The U.S. Information and Educational Exchange Act of 1948, also known as the Smith-Mundt Act, is a mostly unknown and widely misunderstood piece of legislation. Revised multiple times, the law bans domestic dissemination of Voice of America and other U.S. international broadcast content in the United States. Presenting government-supported international broadcasting as an example of public diplomacy, this article discusses the long-term misrepresentation of Smith-Mundt's original intent and highlights the consequences of the continuing ban. The article considers prospects for ending the ban and emphasizes potential opportunities presented by its elimination, concluding that ending the ban might eliminate incongruity between American foreign policy goals of democracy promotion and the reality of banned domestic content. Repeal of the ban may also result in unexpected remedies for challenges facing the American media industry and the American public's desire for international news.The United States government may be the largest broadcaster that few Americans know about. Although its networks reach 100 countries in 59 languages, they are banned from distribution in the United States by a 1948 law devised to prevent the government from turning its propaganda machine on its own citizens. 1
CPD Perspectives on Public Diplomacy
There is broad recognition that the Japan Exchange and Teaching (JET) Program is an important pro... more There is broad recognition that the Japan Exchange and Teaching (JET) Program is an important project undertaken by the Government of Japan.1 Such assertions are based on raw numbers of participants, diplomatic and academic intuition, and collected anecdotes. There is, however, no publicly available research considering the JET Program as a public diplomacy endeavor evaluating what effects former participants attribute to the JET Program. This study presents a theory- and data-driven foundation on which to stake claims about JET as a public diplomacy program. Introducing original survey data collected by the author in 2011, this study evaluates the responses of more than 500 American JET Program alumni and begins shedding light on the value of JET as a long-term, government-sponsored, public diplomacy program.
Place Branding & Public Diplomacy
This study considers U.S. public diplomacy efforts in Northeast Asia in the context of the countr... more This study considers U.S. public diplomacy efforts in Northeast Asia in the context of the country’s foreign policy “pivot” toward the region. Focused specifically on American efforts to communicate online with publics in China, Japan, and South Korea, this research examines embassy social media feeds in order to characterize the most visible aspects of American PD 2.0 in the region. Findings indicate that despite the interactive potential of these online tools, the U.S. approach to public diplomacy in the online context remains overwhelmingly unilateral, with one-way messaging the norm and instances of engagement with the target publics exceedingly rare. Implications of these findings are discussed.
CPD Perspectives on Public Diplomacy
At its December 2012 board meeting, members of the Broadcasting Board of Governors (BBG) announce... more At its December 2012 board meeting, members of the Broadcasting Board of Governors (BBG) announced that they needed more time to consider a plan that would create a single executive responsible for day-to-day operations of the organization responsible for overseeing U.S. government-supported international broadcasting efforts. Operating with a budget of more than $700 million and producing content in more than 50 languages, the Broadcasting Board of Governors qualifies as one of the world’s largest international news organizations. Using discussions about the need for reorganization of the BBG’s management structure as impetus, this article discusses the role of the Broadcasting Board of Governors in American public diplomacy efforts and considers its accompanying responsibilities as a large, media management organization. Noting a dearth of academic and policy-oriented research focused on the BBG, this article seeks to provide a foundation for future discussion of issues surrounding its leadership, its performance and its future.
Place Branding & Public Diplomacy
In 2011, the US Representative Dana Rohrabacher (R-CA) introduced the Chinese Media Reciprocity ... more In 2011, the US Representative Dana Rohrabacher (R-CA) introduced the Chinese Media Reciprocity Act (H.R. 2899). The legislation seeks to amend American immigration law to ensure that the United States does not issue more visas to journalists working for China’s state-controlled media in the United States than China issues to journalists working for the US government-funded broadcasters in China. This article contends that while highlighting disparities in the number of visas issued to journalists working for state-owned media operated by the two countries makes for compelling political theater, actual passage of the legislation would be counterproductive. Analysis presented here suggests that although the Act’s passage would have little effect on the news Americans get about China, it would destabilize the US–China bilateral relationship, threaten the United States’ international reputation as a supporter of global press freedoms and ultimately result in a net loss for American public diplomacy efforts worldwide. Alternatives for tackling visa disparities and other issues related to both public diplomacy and American concerns about press freedom in China are considered.
This article discusses communication concepts associated with the practice of public diplomacy 2.... more This article discusses communication concepts associated with the practice of public diplomacy 2.0, applying those concepts to analysis of American implementation of PD 2.0 directed toward Iran, a country with which the United States has lacked formal diplomatic relations for more than 30 years. Although interaction between the United States and the Iranian people may be limited, may not always take place in real time, and certainly cannot serve as a substitute for the interactions facilitated by a bricks-and-mortar embassy on the ground, the Virtual Embassy Tehran and its social media accouterments represent an interesting application of American public diplomacy priorities. The effort is consistent not only with the goals of 21st Century Statecraft, but also with the Administration’s stated preference for engagement while still pursuing vigorous economic sanctions toward the Iranian regime. The effort also has potent symbolic value given the United States’ promotion of global internet freedom as a foreign policy goal. The case of American engagement with the Iranian people as examined here is a unique study in the practice of public diplomacy 2.0 and it offers an opportunity to test some of the more idealistic arguments associated with application of social media to diplomatic efforts.
Agenda-setting theory is central to understanding the connection between media and American gover... more Agenda-setting theory is central to understanding the connection between media and American government. Indeed, legislative and executive branches of American gov- ernment are often characterized by their publicity-seeking behavior. This is not true of the judicial branch. However, the importance of media coverage is magnified for the United States Supreme Court because, lacking the public affairs mechanisms of the other two branches, the Court is dependent on media dissemination of information about its decisions. Despite this important role, little is known about what attracts media to cover Supreme Court cases. We ask what case characteristics attract media attention. We examine the effect of case variables on general media coverage of Court decisions (a concept we call “newsworthiness,” measured by whether mention of a given case deci- sion appears on the front page of the New York Times) and on inclusion of a case on a list of legally significant cases over time (a concept we call “legal salience,” measured by the appearance of a case in the Congressional Quarterly’s Guide to the Supreme Court). Examining cases over a 54-year period, we identify characteristics of cases appearing in either the New York Times or the CQ Guide or both. We conclude media news values may not always lead to coverage of the most legally salient cases, but some overlap indicates several cues used to judge immediate newsworthiness of cases stand the retrospective evaluation of legal significance.
Communication Law and Policy, 2007
The relative dearth of coverage of juvenile justice issues in American journalism suggests the ne... more The relative dearth of coverage of juvenile justice issues in American journalism suggests the need for discussion of standards governing media access to juvenile courts. This article provides a brief history of the nation's juvenile court system and presents the existing legal and policy justifications for regular media presence in juvenile courts. The article argues that it is possible to improve media coverage of juvenile justice and thus raise public awareness of the issues without jeopardizing either the confidentiality or the futures of the youths the juvenile courts exist to serve. Moreover, the article suggests that increased access to juvenile courts is indeed possible; the media need only to better exploit existing opportunities for coverage.
Journal of Mass Media Ethics
Using the recommendations of the Commission on Freedom of the Press (Hutchins Commission), we ask... more Using the recommendations of the Commission on Freedom of the Press (Hutchins Commission), we ask today’s media consumers how they rate the performance of modern American journalism. We employ original survey data collected from journalism students at a major Midwest university, framing our findings in the context of the commission’s 1947 recommendations. The result is presentation of contemporary opinions about the performance of American media in the context of journalism ideals articulated more than 60 years ago.
Although the word ‘hyperlocal’ appears regularly in discussions about the future of the news medi... more Although the word ‘hyperlocal’ appears regularly in discussions about the future of the news media, there is no agreed-upon definition for the term. Recognizing that shortcoming, we demonstrate the need for a more precise definition. We then propose a definition and criteria for evaluating media operations described as hyperlocal. Finally, we apply our working definition to six operations widely regarded as exemplars of the hyperlocal prototype, comparing each to established standards of journalism and to one another. We conclude that hyperlocal media operations are evolving on a continuum. As they evolve, these organizations will showcase both a range of journalism acting in the public good and engagement facilitated through interactive media. We expect the definition of hyperlocal to evolve, too, as more voices enter the discussion and closer attention is given to the characteristics of websites deemed worthy of the appellation.
Journalism Studies, 2010
As traditional media operations struggle to find their footing in a world of rapidly evolving int... more As traditional media operations struggle to find their footing in a world of rapidly evolving interactive technology and economic turmoil, media innovators are exploring new ways to identify, collect, and disseminate information. One innovation that is attracting attention is the development of hyperlocal media. Hyperlocal media are characterized by their narrow focus on a handful of topics or geographic areas, but they vary widely in the type and reliability of funding that supports their operations; the training, expertise, and size of their staffs; and their ability to attract an audience. They also follow in a long line of media reform efforts that have tried to fill the gap in public affairs coverage left by the shrinking traditional media, including civic journalism, C-SPAN (CableÁSatellite Public Affairs Network), and statewide public affairs television networks. And like these earlier reform efforts, hyperlocal media operations face the same dilemma*how to create a sustainable funding model that will allow them to provide the information members of the public need. This paper examines the various funding models used by hyperlocal media operations and assesses whether they are sustainable for the long term.
Public Relations Review, 2007
Using a post-test only experimental design with control group, this study investigated the impact... more Using a post-test only experimental design with control group, this study investigated the impact of blogs on relationship management during a crisis. Participants (N = 109) were exposed to a personal blog (n = 45), organizational blog (n = 46), or control (n = 18). Results indicate blogs impact the perception of the level of crisis an organization experiences. Additionally, relationships created through blogs impact the perception of crisis. Use and credibility were also investigated.
Established in 1987, the Japanese government’s Japan Exchange and Teaching (JET) Program has gene... more Established in 1987, the Japanese government’s Japan Exchange and Teaching (JET) Program has generated more than 60,000 alumni worldwide, half of them Americans. Coalescing over three decades, the American JET alumni community offers a compelling example of how the creation of “willing interpreters and receivers” (Nye) through an international exchange program can yield benefits for both sponsors and participants. Focused on the American JET alumni community’s composition and its efforts to organize into an independent actor in its own right, this paper offers insight into a large-scale effort to promote soft power in the context of the strategically important US—Japan relationship. This article is published as part of a collection on soft power.
This research characterizes American media coverage of China's Confucius Institutes and their rel... more This research characterizes American media coverage of China's Confucius Institutes and their related activities in the United States since their emergence more than 12 years ago. Although there are now more than 100 Confucius Institutes and 300 associated classrooms in the country, to date there has been no systematic study of how these Chinese government-sponsored organizations are portrayed in the American press. This study presents a content analysis of 426 articles mentioning these efforts at the heart of China's public diplomacy endeavors since 2003. Determining that fewer than half of the articles did more than mention these organizations, we dedicate particular attention to the 183 examples that do focus specifically on Confucius Institute and classroom activities across the country. While results point to some differences in tone, framing and sources across university, local, state, national and international news outlets, we find that the majority of coverage focuses uncritically on these Chinese institutions without providing broader context about China's rationale for engaging in such activities. The implications for China's public diplomacy efforts in the United States are considered.
Two flagship Chinese universities are home to newly established English-language graduate program... more Two flagship Chinese universities are home to newly established English-language graduate programs intended to arm international cohorts of future leaders with the skills, knowledge, and insights necessary to thrive in a world in which China will play a leading role. Employing the literature of international education and public diplomacy, this study considers the two new programs—Schwarzman Scholars at Tsinghua University and Yenching Academy at Peking University—presenting them as international educational exchanges with all the public diplomacy connotations that term implies. Although Confucius Institutes typically dominate discussion of China’s public diplomacy efforts in educational milieu overseas, the nearly simultaneous emergence of the Schwarzman and Yenching programs offers an opportunity to consider the role of institutions of higher education, this time within China, as part of that country’s ongoing soft power promotion efforts.
Communication Law and Policy, 2012
The U.S. Information and Educational Exchange Act of 1948, also known as the Smith-Mundt Act, is ... more The U.S. Information and Educational Exchange Act of 1948, also known as the Smith-Mundt Act, is a mostly unknown and widely misunderstood piece of legislation. Revised multiple times, the law bans domestic dissemination of Voice of America and other U.S. international broadcast content in the United States. Presenting government-supported international broadcasting as an example of public diplomacy, this article discusses the long-term misrepresentation of Smith-Mundt's original intent and highlights the consequences of the continuing ban. The article considers prospects for ending the ban and emphasizes potential opportunities presented by its elimination, concluding that ending the ban might eliminate incongruity between American foreign policy goals of democracy promotion and the reality of banned domestic content. Repeal of the ban may also result in unexpected remedies for challenges facing the American media industry and the American public's desire for international news.The United States government may be the largest broadcaster that few Americans know about. Although its networks reach 100 countries in 59 languages, they are banned from distribution in the United States by a 1948 law devised to prevent the government from turning its propaganda machine on its own citizens. 1
CPD Perspectives on Public Diplomacy
There is broad recognition that the Japan Exchange and Teaching (JET) Program is an important pro... more There is broad recognition that the Japan Exchange and Teaching (JET) Program is an important project undertaken by the Government of Japan.1 Such assertions are based on raw numbers of participants, diplomatic and academic intuition, and collected anecdotes. There is, however, no publicly available research considering the JET Program as a public diplomacy endeavor evaluating what effects former participants attribute to the JET Program. This study presents a theory- and data-driven foundation on which to stake claims about JET as a public diplomacy program. Introducing original survey data collected by the author in 2011, this study evaluates the responses of more than 500 American JET Program alumni and begins shedding light on the value of JET as a long-term, government-sponsored, public diplomacy program.
Place Branding & Public Diplomacy
This study considers U.S. public diplomacy efforts in Northeast Asia in the context of the countr... more This study considers U.S. public diplomacy efforts in Northeast Asia in the context of the country’s foreign policy “pivot” toward the region. Focused specifically on American efforts to communicate online with publics in China, Japan, and South Korea, this research examines embassy social media feeds in order to characterize the most visible aspects of American PD 2.0 in the region. Findings indicate that despite the interactive potential of these online tools, the U.S. approach to public diplomacy in the online context remains overwhelmingly unilateral, with one-way messaging the norm and instances of engagement with the target publics exceedingly rare. Implications of these findings are discussed.
CPD Perspectives on Public Diplomacy
At its December 2012 board meeting, members of the Broadcasting Board of Governors (BBG) announce... more At its December 2012 board meeting, members of the Broadcasting Board of Governors (BBG) announced that they needed more time to consider a plan that would create a single executive responsible for day-to-day operations of the organization responsible for overseeing U.S. government-supported international broadcasting efforts. Operating with a budget of more than $700 million and producing content in more than 50 languages, the Broadcasting Board of Governors qualifies as one of the world’s largest international news organizations. Using discussions about the need for reorganization of the BBG’s management structure as impetus, this article discusses the role of the Broadcasting Board of Governors in American public diplomacy efforts and considers its accompanying responsibilities as a large, media management organization. Noting a dearth of academic and policy-oriented research focused on the BBG, this article seeks to provide a foundation for future discussion of issues surrounding its leadership, its performance and its future.
Place Branding & Public Diplomacy
In 2011, the US Representative Dana Rohrabacher (R-CA) introduced the Chinese Media Reciprocity ... more In 2011, the US Representative Dana Rohrabacher (R-CA) introduced the Chinese Media Reciprocity Act (H.R. 2899). The legislation seeks to amend American immigration law to ensure that the United States does not issue more visas to journalists working for China’s state-controlled media in the United States than China issues to journalists working for the US government-funded broadcasters in China. This article contends that while highlighting disparities in the number of visas issued to journalists working for state-owned media operated by the two countries makes for compelling political theater, actual passage of the legislation would be counterproductive. Analysis presented here suggests that although the Act’s passage would have little effect on the news Americans get about China, it would destabilize the US–China bilateral relationship, threaten the United States’ international reputation as a supporter of global press freedoms and ultimately result in a net loss for American public diplomacy efforts worldwide. Alternatives for tackling visa disparities and other issues related to both public diplomacy and American concerns about press freedom in China are considered.
This article discusses communication concepts associated with the practice of public diplomacy 2.... more This article discusses communication concepts associated with the practice of public diplomacy 2.0, applying those concepts to analysis of American implementation of PD 2.0 directed toward Iran, a country with which the United States has lacked formal diplomatic relations for more than 30 years. Although interaction between the United States and the Iranian people may be limited, may not always take place in real time, and certainly cannot serve as a substitute for the interactions facilitated by a bricks-and-mortar embassy on the ground, the Virtual Embassy Tehran and its social media accouterments represent an interesting application of American public diplomacy priorities. The effort is consistent not only with the goals of 21st Century Statecraft, but also with the Administration’s stated preference for engagement while still pursuing vigorous economic sanctions toward the Iranian regime. The effort also has potent symbolic value given the United States’ promotion of global internet freedom as a foreign policy goal. The case of American engagement with the Iranian people as examined here is a unique study in the practice of public diplomacy 2.0 and it offers an opportunity to test some of the more idealistic arguments associated with application of social media to diplomatic efforts.
Agenda-setting theory is central to understanding the connection between media and American gover... more Agenda-setting theory is central to understanding the connection between media and American government. Indeed, legislative and executive branches of American gov- ernment are often characterized by their publicity-seeking behavior. This is not true of the judicial branch. However, the importance of media coverage is magnified for the United States Supreme Court because, lacking the public affairs mechanisms of the other two branches, the Court is dependent on media dissemination of information about its decisions. Despite this important role, little is known about what attracts media to cover Supreme Court cases. We ask what case characteristics attract media attention. We examine the effect of case variables on general media coverage of Court decisions (a concept we call “newsworthiness,” measured by whether mention of a given case deci- sion appears on the front page of the New York Times) and on inclusion of a case on a list of legally significant cases over time (a concept we call “legal salience,” measured by the appearance of a case in the Congressional Quarterly’s Guide to the Supreme Court). Examining cases over a 54-year period, we identify characteristics of cases appearing in either the New York Times or the CQ Guide or both. We conclude media news values may not always lead to coverage of the most legally salient cases, but some overlap indicates several cues used to judge immediate newsworthiness of cases stand the retrospective evaluation of legal significance.
Communication Law and Policy, 2007
The relative dearth of coverage of juvenile justice issues in American journalism suggests the ne... more The relative dearth of coverage of juvenile justice issues in American journalism suggests the need for discussion of standards governing media access to juvenile courts. This article provides a brief history of the nation's juvenile court system and presents the existing legal and policy justifications for regular media presence in juvenile courts. The article argues that it is possible to improve media coverage of juvenile justice and thus raise public awareness of the issues without jeopardizing either the confidentiality or the futures of the youths the juvenile courts exist to serve. Moreover, the article suggests that increased access to juvenile courts is indeed possible; the media need only to better exploit existing opportunities for coverage.
Journal of Mass Media Ethics
Using the recommendations of the Commission on Freedom of the Press (Hutchins Commission), we ask... more Using the recommendations of the Commission on Freedom of the Press (Hutchins Commission), we ask today’s media consumers how they rate the performance of modern American journalism. We employ original survey data collected from journalism students at a major Midwest university, framing our findings in the context of the commission’s 1947 recommendations. The result is presentation of contemporary opinions about the performance of American media in the context of journalism ideals articulated more than 60 years ago.
Although the word ‘hyperlocal’ appears regularly in discussions about the future of the news medi... more Although the word ‘hyperlocal’ appears regularly in discussions about the future of the news media, there is no agreed-upon definition for the term. Recognizing that shortcoming, we demonstrate the need for a more precise definition. We then propose a definition and criteria for evaluating media operations described as hyperlocal. Finally, we apply our working definition to six operations widely regarded as exemplars of the hyperlocal prototype, comparing each to established standards of journalism and to one another. We conclude that hyperlocal media operations are evolving on a continuum. As they evolve, these organizations will showcase both a range of journalism acting in the public good and engagement facilitated through interactive media. We expect the definition of hyperlocal to evolve, too, as more voices enter the discussion and closer attention is given to the characteristics of websites deemed worthy of the appellation.
Journalism Studies, 2010
As traditional media operations struggle to find their footing in a world of rapidly evolving int... more As traditional media operations struggle to find their footing in a world of rapidly evolving interactive technology and economic turmoil, media innovators are exploring new ways to identify, collect, and disseminate information. One innovation that is attracting attention is the development of hyperlocal media. Hyperlocal media are characterized by their narrow focus on a handful of topics or geographic areas, but they vary widely in the type and reliability of funding that supports their operations; the training, expertise, and size of their staffs; and their ability to attract an audience. They also follow in a long line of media reform efforts that have tried to fill the gap in public affairs coverage left by the shrinking traditional media, including civic journalism, C-SPAN (CableÁSatellite Public Affairs Network), and statewide public affairs television networks. And like these earlier reform efforts, hyperlocal media operations face the same dilemma*how to create a sustainable funding model that will allow them to provide the information members of the public need. This paper examines the various funding models used by hyperlocal media operations and assesses whether they are sustainable for the long term.
Public Relations Review, 2007
Using a post-test only experimental design with control group, this study investigated the impact... more Using a post-test only experimental design with control group, this study investigated the impact of blogs on relationship management during a crisis. Participants (N = 109) were exposed to a personal blog (n = 45), organizational blog (n = 46), or control (n = 18). Results indicate blogs impact the perception of the level of crisis an organization experiences. Additionally, relationships created through blogs impact the perception of crisis. Use and credibility were also investigated.