Jorge M P Silva Paulo | ISCTE - University Institute of Lisbon (ISCTE-IUL) (original) (raw)

Papers by Jorge M P Silva Paulo

CIES e-working papers, 2023

A Armada defendeu publicamente que foi criada em 1317 e que é a mais antiga do mundo. Associa es... more A Armada defendeu publicamente que foi criada em 1317 e que é a
mais antiga do mundo. Associa essa tese ao contrato firmado em
1317 entre o rei D.Dinis e o genovês Manuel Pessanha, que nomeou almirante. Este artigo apresenta alguns factos sustentados na investigação histórica, em especial sobre as entidades de almirante e de capitão de porto, que lançam dúvidas sobre esta tese.
Assim, nem se encontra fundamento para afirmar que a Armada foi institucionalmente criada em 1317, nem, muito menos, para afirmar que antes de 1317 não houve qualquer organização militar-naval no mundo.
The Portuguese Navy claimed publicly that it was created in 1317, and that it is the oldest in the world. It ties this claim to the contract signed in 1317 between King Dinis and the Genovese Manuel Pessanha, whom he appointed admiral. This paper presents some facts established by historical research, on the entities of admiral and captain of the port, that throw doubts over these claims. Hence, there is neither grounds to
state that the Portuguese Navy was institutionally created in 1317, nor, moreover, to state that before 1317 there has never been any naval organization in the world.

CIES e-Working Paper , 2019

doutorando em Políticas Públicas no ISCTE-IUL e é capitão-demar-e-guerra na reforma. Começou a su... more doutorando em Políticas Públicas no ISCTE-IUL e é capitão-demar-e-guerra na reforma. Começou a sua carreira militar como profissional de engenharia de máquinas, tendo passado para a arquitetura naval após um mestrado nesse âmbito na University College, London; depois de um MBA na Heriot-Watt University lecionou economia na Escola Naval, e acabou a sua carreira a chefiar o combate à poluição do mar da Autoridade Marítima. Tem estudado a gestão pública, sobretudo no âmbito da defesa, e desde 2007 que se dedicou à Autoridade Marítima e à Polícia Marítima em especial. Tem alguns livros e vários papers publicados, alguns em revistas com peer review, destacando a Revista de Direito e Segurança e a Nação e Defesa. RESUMO Este artigo descreve sucintamente o modelo de exercício da autoridade do Estado no mar no Reino Unido e nos EUA. Estes modelos representam a abordagem anglosaxónica, e definem uma referência essencial para comparar políticas públicas de Autoridade Marítima. A influência do modelo inglês sobre o americano foi importante na Independência, mas depois cada Estado seguiu o seu percurso próprio. No presente, ambos têm uma guarda costeira, mas a americana exerce mais funções do que a britânica. O modelo americano foi rejeitado pelos britânicos nos anos 1970s, mas estão a convergir nos últimos vinte anos.

CIES e-Working Paper , 2018

Jorge Silva Paulo é doutorando em Políticas Públicas no ISCTE-IUL e é capitão-de-mar-eguerra na r... more Jorge Silva Paulo é doutorando em Políticas Públicas no ISCTE-IUL e é capitão-de-mar-eguerra na reforma. Começou a sua carreira militar como profissional de engenharia de máquinas, tendo passado para a arquitetura naval após um mestrado nesse âmbito na University College, London; depois de um MBA na Heriot-Watt University lecionou economia na Escola Naval, e acabou a sua carreira a chefiar o combate à poluição do mar da Autoridade Marítima. Tem estudado a gestão pública, sobretudo no âmbito da defesa, e desde 2007 que se dedicou à Autoridade Marítima e à Polícia Marítima em especial. Tem alguns livros e vários papers publicados, alguns em revistas com peer review, destacando a Revista de Direito e Segurança e a Nação e Defesa. Resumo A Direção-Geral da Autoridade Marítima e a Polícia Marítima são os serviços nucleares da política pública de Autoridade Marítima. Não têm dotação orçamental própria, são financeiramente administradas pelo comandante da Armada e são dirigidas em exclusivo por oficiais da Armada. Esta militarização da Autoridade Marítima pela Armada, sem fundamento na Constituição, tem sido defendida por um discurso teórico com argumentos de natureza profissional, histórica e económica, apenas no plano teórico. Este artigo apresenta e analisa este discurso, sobretudo o argumento económico, o mais usado pelos defensores da militarização. Conclui-se que a narrativa assente naqueles argumentos não sustenta a referida militarização.

CIES e-Working Paper , 2017

Jorge Silva Paulo é doutorando em Políticas Públicas no ISCTE-IUL e é capitão-de-mar-eguerra na r... more Jorge Silva Paulo é doutorando em Políticas Públicas no ISCTE-IUL e é capitão-de-mar-eguerra na reforma. Começou a sua carreira militar como profissional de engenharia de máquinas, tendo passado para a arquitetura naval após um mestrado nesse âmbito na University College, London; depois de um MBA na Heriot-Watt University lecionou economia na Escola Naval, e acabou a sua carreira a chefiar o combate à poluição do mar da Autoridade Marítima. Tem estudado a gestão pública, sobretudo no âmbito da defesa, e desde 2007 que se dedicou à Autoridade Marítima e à Polícia Marítima em especial. Tem alguns livros e vários papers publicados, alguns em revistas com peer review, destacando a Revista de Direito e Segurança e a Nação e Defesa. Resumo A Autoridade Marítima é uma política pública que foi sempre dirigida por oficiais da Armada em comissões temporárias, usufruindo de benefícios pecuniários, poder e prestígio adicionais. Desde 1982, a Constituição estabelece que as Forças Armadas não têm competências domésticas próprias; mas a Armada continuou a dominar a Autoridade Marítima. Até 2002 esteve mesmo integrada na Armada. Com a criação da Autoridade Marítima Nacional em 2002, definiu-se uma separação formal, mas a Direção-Geral da Autoridade Marítima e a Polícia Marítima continuam a ser, também financeiramente, dirigidas pelo Chefe do Estado-Maior da Armada, contrariando as normas da Constituição que afastaram as Forças Armadas dos cenários domésticos. Este artigo analisa estas situações à luz da public choice e dos três neoinstitucionalismos, concluindo que a primeira e o histórico entre as seguintes oferecem a melhor interpretação dos factos.

Revista Electrónica de Direito, 2016

This paper concurs to the institutional history of the public policy of Maritime Authority. The s... more This paper concurs to the institutional history of the public policy of Maritime Authority. The study centered on the emblematic administrative official of “harbor captain”, created by law in 1839; and investigated its legal evolution up to the first Constitutional Amendment (1982), which determined that the Maritime Authority would leave the Navy. The paper describes the evolution of the legal powers of the harbor captain in rescue, lighthouses and buoys, harbor pilots, registry offices for maritime personnel and ships, regulation of maritime professions, and the Maritime Police, created in 1919 as the “operational arm” of the harbor captain.

Nação e Defesa, 2016

Resumo A ciência económica desenvolveu um modelo de análise, positivo e normativo, das decisões c... more Resumo A ciência económica desenvolveu um modelo de análise, positivo e normativo, das decisões coleti-vas e, em particular, do Estado, que explica a exis-tência de forças armadas e de polícias para produ-zir o bem público-segurança para os membros duma comunidade. Esse modelo admite o tradicio-nal modo de provisão e produção pelo Estado, e o modo de provisão pelo Estado e produção privada, neste caso por empresas militares e de segurança, pois há uma dimensão privada da segurança que pode ser mais eficaz e eficientemente obtida pela provisão e produção privadas. Em algumas situa-ções, como Estados falhados e a pirataria no alto mar, o Estado tem sido mesmo substituído pelas empresas que combinam capacidades militares e policiais. Esta realidade tem décadas e tem-se imposto, mas é contestada pelas correntes ideológi-cas e políticas que atribuem ao Estado o monopólio da violência legítima e um papel diretor nas comu-nidades. Abstract Economy and Security: Public and Private Economic science developed a model of analysis, positive and normative, of collective decisions particularly the state's, which explains the existence of Armed Forces and Police Forces to produce the public good of security for the members of the community. This model accommodates the traditional mode of state provision and production , and the state provision with private production, in this case by military and security firms, since there is a private dimension of security that can more effective and efficiently be obtained by private provision and private production. In some instances, like failed states and maritime piracy, the state has been replaced by firms that combine military and police capabilities. This reality is decades old and has been asserting itself, but is contested by ideological and political schools of thought that assign to the state the monopoly of legitimate violence and a directing role in communities.

Revista Portuguesa e Brasileira de Gestão, Oct 1, 2003

By applying concepts of law, economics and management sciences, it was argued that a dillema betw... more By applying concepts of law, economics and management sciences, it was argued that a dillema between effectiveness and efficiency exists in public administration, in that it is inevitable to avoid a trade-off: to increase effectiveness one has to accept lower efficiency and vice-versa. This trade-off explains problems of effectiveness and efficiency, due in turn to the nature of the public administration: the legality principle and the privilege of previous execution; the mixed objectives and their complexity, due to their value for people, that frustrate all hierarquization of objectives and the lasting quantification of benefits; the tolerance of inefficiency as long as the formal rules are followed; and the minor role the citizen plays, in relation to the direct users of the public administration, ie politicians. However, these structural aspects of the public administration are essential to ensure the respect for basic human and citizen rights and the control of the public purse. Therefore, the increase in autonomous state agencies and the application of corporate management should be insufficient and inadequate to get a significant improvement; it might be better to aim at separate provision (by the state) and production of public goods and privatization of all the rest.

Revista de Segurança e Defesa, Nov 1, 2012

Revista de Segurança e Defesa, Dec 1, 2013

This essay analyses the new Strategic Defense Concept, approved in April 2013 and, according to t... more This essay analyses the new Strategic Defense Concept, approved in April 2013 and, according to the National Defense Law, brought into force by a Resolution of the Council of Ministers. It describes the contents and the language used, noting the confusion raised by some expressions like “concept of national strategic action” and “national security and defense strategy”, that go beyond a strategic defense concept, which is what the law commands the Government to do. These expressions suggest an aim to merge internal security and defense, diverging from the constitutional model. It also analyses the absence of an enemy or threatening wills against Portugal, that make the text too long and obscure, when it should establish priorities about resource allocation when resources fall short for all demands. Lastly, it recommends the replacement of the NDI by a new multidisciplinary national
institute of security and strategy, to study security in its multiple dimensions and in an integrated way.

Revista de Segurança e Defesa, Aug 1, 2014

The frontiers between internal security and defense are of the essence of democracy and the rule ... more The frontiers between internal security and defense are of the essence of democracy and the rule of law. They are the most basic assurance of its healthy functioning, because they restrict the use of force to their key stronghold, giving the widest possible room to the law to regulate the community. This
thesis coincides with the spirit and the letter of the Constitution and the law (in Portugal). But it faces corporatist scuffle. It is not how innovative is the security challenge, its external origin or the fact that the armed forces have capacities to match that justify their domestic competences. Under the rule of law, it is the law, and not the capacities, that determine competences; and there has to be proportionality on its deployment. Hence, domestically, except under martial law, the armed forces
should at best support the police forces.

The concept of security widened after the Cold War and nowadays includes human, environmental and... more The concept of security widened after the Cold War and nowadays includes human, environmental and economic security; demographic tendencies affect several security dimensions. In this report, the seven demographic tendencies with strongest impact on security are described in abstract
terms and over the world: (1) nature and composition of the military and the police forces; (2) populations growth; (3) ageing and lack of young men in developed countries; (4) excess of young men, particularly without job; (5) international migrations; (6) internal migrations; (7) epidemics. The integration of minorities and immigrants highlights the fact that the State is also cause of human insecurity.

People look for certainty, so the uncertain future makes them anxious. The concept of risk allows... more People look for certainty, so the uncertain future makes them anxious. The concept of risk allows a rational treatment of future hazards, but as it sets up in the present uncertain and unknown future hazards, it creates an illusion of certainty and anxiety. This paper deals with the risk discourse on the European environment, highlighting climate change and their most likely and relevant effects: extreme meteorological events, fresh water scarcity, poverty and immigration to Europe. Since it is not possible to define probabilities for future environmental events, “hazards” is preferred to “risks”. The environmental risk discourse is here studied with sociological, economics and political science lenses. It concludes that environmental events will always bring threats and opportunities, to current and future generations, and all will be challenged, but all will have more instruments and knowledge than the their predecessors to overcome them and improve on their well being.

Capitão de mar e guerra (Reserva) 1. INTRODUÇÃO A Autoridade Marítima Nacional (AMN) foi criada e... more Capitão de mar e guerra (Reserva) 1. INTRODUÇÃO A Autoridade Marítima Nacional (AMN) foi criada em 2002, e é a peça nuclear da reforma do Sistema de Autoridade Marítima (SAM) desse ano. Com a AMN, implantou-se um modelo original no domínio da regulação. Este artigo aborda esta reforma, de acordo com o modelo "policy cycle" de análise das políticas públicas (Knoepfel et al; 2007, 30-37 e cap.6), composto por cinco fases raramente estanques entre si: a identificação do problema, que se seguiu à 1ª Revisão Constitucional (1982); o agendamento, ocorrido no Programa do XII Governo Constitucional (1991); a formulação, ainda por concluir; a concretização; e a avaliação. Só em 2012, após uma avaliação de que se sabe pouco, se corrigiram os desvios da concretização. O intervalo de trinta anos sugere que houve dificuldades a vencer, também neste artigo consideradas. 1. ENQUADRAMENTO 2.1 Autoridade Marítima A autoridade do Estado no mar, ou autoridade marítima, é o poder público a exercer nos espaços marítimos sob soberania ou jurisdição nacional, e no domínio público marítimo. O SAM e o respectivo conceito foram criados em 1984. É constituído pelas entidades, órgãos ou serviços de nível central, regional ou local que, com funções de coordenação, executivas, consultivas ou policiais, exercem poderes de autoridade marítima (Faria: 2012, 112-118). O pessoal que serve ou serviu na Armada/Marinha poderá reunir a maior experiência, memória e capacidade técnica em Portugal para tratar as questões do mar, e tem recursos e capacidades ímpares para o exercício da autoridade do Estado no mar (Nogueira: 1995, 17). Mas não tem a formação nem o treino prévios necessários para operar na segurança interna. 2.2 ANTECEDENTES Os antecedentes normativos decisivos da reforma do SAM de 2002 e da criação da AMN são: a lei constitucional nº1/1982 (30-Set) que pôs em vigor a 1ªRevisão Constitucional e estabeleceu as fronteiras entre a segurança interna e a defesa nacional, pelas quais as Forças Armadas (FA) só têm por missão a defesa militar perante ameaças externas; a lei nº29/82 (11-Dez), Lei de Defesa Nacional e das Forças Armadas (LDNFA), que regulou a atuação das FA, no quadro constitucional pós-1982; a lei nº20/87 (12-1 de 9 Página A Criação da Autoridade Marítima Nacionale 30-06-2014

Revista de Direito e Segurança

The creation of the National Maritime Authority was the flagship measure of the reform of 2002 of... more The creation of the National Maritime Authority was the flagship measure of the reform of 2002 of the System of Maritime Authority. The problem this reform was intended to solve was identified after the 1st Constitutional Revision (1982), which established frontiers between internal security and defense, as in other democracies. The agenda-setting only occurred in 1991, and the implementation happened in phases from 1991 to 2002; it is still not complete. The investigation now revealed biases and deviations in the formulation, implementation and reformulations because they failed to erect the barriers between the Navy (military) and the National Maritime Authority (non-military), which with the substance of maritime authority were at a loss. Reactions in the media lead the government to evaluate the situation in 2012 and to reinforce the orientations to implement the constitutional model. But the legal framework remains unclear in 2015. To ensure the autonomy, effectiveness and efficiency of the maritime authority it is necessary to change the political oversight to the department of the maritime activities.

Nação e Defesa

The tasks to which the Europeans are assigning their resources are growing, and the competition o... more The tasks to which the Europeans are assigning their resources are growing, and the competition on them and a lesser perception of threats have increased the scarcity felt by the military, who are now asked to do crisis management and humanitarian relief tasks (Petersberg Missions), unlike state defense against external threats, the primary concern of the military, a contentious and economically inefficient resource
to employ in many of these tasks. Economic efficiency may be better served by contracting with the private sector tasks with low intensity of violence, albeit at the cost of the weberian dogma of the state monopoly of legitimate violence. This dogma has been superseded in internal security tasks, with an
adequate and solid regulation, whose gains are consensual; it can thus inspire a change on the external level, by incentivating the creation and sustainability of private security and military
firms, replacing mercenaries and false firms as the supply in the market. The market of security and defense exists, it has supply and demand, although it is not widely acknowledged, and it can help improve the allocative efficiency in Europe, as long as it is
well regulated and works where it has advantage over the military.

Nação e Defesa

This paper aims to show that the deployment of private military companies is technical and ethica... more This paper aims to show that the deployment of private military companies is technical and ethical. Security fulfills effectiveness, efficiency and economy criteria, and an idea of good and evil, richer or poorer. States are short of resources concerning the strategic demands of defense over security frontiers, but people want something done to solve the misery they see on television.
It is argued that a division of the strategic work is under way that, in broad terms, allocates the mission of defense of the sanctuary to the nation’s armed forces and peacekeeping missions far away to private firms.
A good moral reason for this division is economic efficiency, because private military contractors are more agile and cheaper than the armed forces. However there is still some way to go in regulating the private security sector.

Nação e Defesa

The most important innovation the United Nations Charter brought to international relations and i... more The most important innovation the United Nations Charter brought to international relations and international law was the prohibition of the use of force, with two exceptions: authorized by the Security Council, and self-defense. It is accepted
the use of force in reaction to an ongoing or imminent armed attack, but the unauthorized and preventive use of force tends to be considered aggression. However, the combination of rogue states, nihilistic terrorists, weapons of mass destruction – portable, devastating and lethal – and missile systems for long distance delivery allows threats to form in days or hours, while in 1945 it was necessary to generate, move and support large military forces for months to create a threat. Rogue states or nihilistic terrorists with those weapons are a threat and may justify the preventive use of force, in ways that look like
balance of power, responsible for devastating wars. That should not happen with mature democracies subject to the rule of law, because the use of force – unusual among themselves – is under intense scrutiny with politicians liable for their decisions,
and taking the discussion and the analysis of several alternatives to the public arena. Therefore, the use of force, and more so if preventive, only happens when, at least, each government is convinced that, for their country, that is the best.
The costs of error in the use of force are so high that these governments will only decide to use it in exceptional and well argued cases; that insures against vicious preventive use of force or abusive use of force.

Nação e Defesa

Offsets are compensatory, reciprocal trade agreements for industrial products as a condition for ... more Offsets are compensatory, reciprocal trade agreements
for industrial products as a condition for military-related
exports. Free movement of capital, the European integration and the Euro emptied the original reasoning behind offsets in Europe. But import compensation is a concept dear to mercantilism, protectionism and the media, so they persist. They are a “sweetener” of unpopular (like arms) or onerous (like commercial aircraft) imports. Benefits are not proven, but costs
and waste are known and measure up in long and complex contract negotiations, litigation over failure to comply with offsets contracts, distracting the alleged beneficiary companies from innovation and production, and lack of transparency. That is why, despite their “good press”, offsets are a bad idea and a flop.

Nação e Defesa

By measuring productivity one is evaluating the effectiveness and the efficiency of production, a... more By measuring productivity one is evaluating the effectiveness
and the efficiency of production, aiming at increasing both, in
organizations, including more and more the military, as part of
the public sector. It is complex and polemic to measure the
productivity of public goods, such as national defence, because of its nature and the difficulty of valuing these goods, which both create the free-rider problem and the effectiveness-efficiency dilemma. Even when it seems simple to build numerical indicators it is possible that the lack of control by the final users allows or even supports the perverse use of indicators, with extra effort in areas subject to measurement at the cost of those that are not. This paper reports the creation of nineteen partial productivity indicators and indexes (base: 2001), with data available in the official statistical publications, according to the division of omissions, tasks and subtasks of Booth (1977), which together may form a composite idea of the Portuguese Navy productivity tendencies, and even to compare it with other navies. The report aims to prove the validity of the model of analysis, but not a critical analysis of the navy productivity results; hence, it identified the need to define coefficients to missions, tasks and subtasks, but stopped short of defining them, due to its political nature. Finally, the report recognizes that to use many indicators to reduce possible perverse effects of measurement may not be the only, not even the best, solution to that problem; it is left for later research the building of composite indicators that embody and measure the perverse effects, in a way that compensates them in the productivity indicators, making these more reliable.

Connections: The Quarterly Journal, 2008

CIES e-working papers, 2023

A Armada defendeu publicamente que foi criada em 1317 e que é a mais antiga do mundo. Associa es... more A Armada defendeu publicamente que foi criada em 1317 e que é a
mais antiga do mundo. Associa essa tese ao contrato firmado em
1317 entre o rei D.Dinis e o genovês Manuel Pessanha, que nomeou almirante. Este artigo apresenta alguns factos sustentados na investigação histórica, em especial sobre as entidades de almirante e de capitão de porto, que lançam dúvidas sobre esta tese.
Assim, nem se encontra fundamento para afirmar que a Armada foi institucionalmente criada em 1317, nem, muito menos, para afirmar que antes de 1317 não houve qualquer organização militar-naval no mundo.
The Portuguese Navy claimed publicly that it was created in 1317, and that it is the oldest in the world. It ties this claim to the contract signed in 1317 between King Dinis and the Genovese Manuel Pessanha, whom he appointed admiral. This paper presents some facts established by historical research, on the entities of admiral and captain of the port, that throw doubts over these claims. Hence, there is neither grounds to
state that the Portuguese Navy was institutionally created in 1317, nor, moreover, to state that before 1317 there has never been any naval organization in the world.

CIES e-Working Paper , 2019

doutorando em Políticas Públicas no ISCTE-IUL e é capitão-demar-e-guerra na reforma. Começou a su... more doutorando em Políticas Públicas no ISCTE-IUL e é capitão-demar-e-guerra na reforma. Começou a sua carreira militar como profissional de engenharia de máquinas, tendo passado para a arquitetura naval após um mestrado nesse âmbito na University College, London; depois de um MBA na Heriot-Watt University lecionou economia na Escola Naval, e acabou a sua carreira a chefiar o combate à poluição do mar da Autoridade Marítima. Tem estudado a gestão pública, sobretudo no âmbito da defesa, e desde 2007 que se dedicou à Autoridade Marítima e à Polícia Marítima em especial. Tem alguns livros e vários papers publicados, alguns em revistas com peer review, destacando a Revista de Direito e Segurança e a Nação e Defesa. RESUMO Este artigo descreve sucintamente o modelo de exercício da autoridade do Estado no mar no Reino Unido e nos EUA. Estes modelos representam a abordagem anglosaxónica, e definem uma referência essencial para comparar políticas públicas de Autoridade Marítima. A influência do modelo inglês sobre o americano foi importante na Independência, mas depois cada Estado seguiu o seu percurso próprio. No presente, ambos têm uma guarda costeira, mas a americana exerce mais funções do que a britânica. O modelo americano foi rejeitado pelos britânicos nos anos 1970s, mas estão a convergir nos últimos vinte anos.

CIES e-Working Paper , 2018

Jorge Silva Paulo é doutorando em Políticas Públicas no ISCTE-IUL e é capitão-de-mar-eguerra na r... more Jorge Silva Paulo é doutorando em Políticas Públicas no ISCTE-IUL e é capitão-de-mar-eguerra na reforma. Começou a sua carreira militar como profissional de engenharia de máquinas, tendo passado para a arquitetura naval após um mestrado nesse âmbito na University College, London; depois de um MBA na Heriot-Watt University lecionou economia na Escola Naval, e acabou a sua carreira a chefiar o combate à poluição do mar da Autoridade Marítima. Tem estudado a gestão pública, sobretudo no âmbito da defesa, e desde 2007 que se dedicou à Autoridade Marítima e à Polícia Marítima em especial. Tem alguns livros e vários papers publicados, alguns em revistas com peer review, destacando a Revista de Direito e Segurança e a Nação e Defesa. Resumo A Direção-Geral da Autoridade Marítima e a Polícia Marítima são os serviços nucleares da política pública de Autoridade Marítima. Não têm dotação orçamental própria, são financeiramente administradas pelo comandante da Armada e são dirigidas em exclusivo por oficiais da Armada. Esta militarização da Autoridade Marítima pela Armada, sem fundamento na Constituição, tem sido defendida por um discurso teórico com argumentos de natureza profissional, histórica e económica, apenas no plano teórico. Este artigo apresenta e analisa este discurso, sobretudo o argumento económico, o mais usado pelos defensores da militarização. Conclui-se que a narrativa assente naqueles argumentos não sustenta a referida militarização.

CIES e-Working Paper , 2017

Jorge Silva Paulo é doutorando em Políticas Públicas no ISCTE-IUL e é capitão-de-mar-eguerra na r... more Jorge Silva Paulo é doutorando em Políticas Públicas no ISCTE-IUL e é capitão-de-mar-eguerra na reforma. Começou a sua carreira militar como profissional de engenharia de máquinas, tendo passado para a arquitetura naval após um mestrado nesse âmbito na University College, London; depois de um MBA na Heriot-Watt University lecionou economia na Escola Naval, e acabou a sua carreira a chefiar o combate à poluição do mar da Autoridade Marítima. Tem estudado a gestão pública, sobretudo no âmbito da defesa, e desde 2007 que se dedicou à Autoridade Marítima e à Polícia Marítima em especial. Tem alguns livros e vários papers publicados, alguns em revistas com peer review, destacando a Revista de Direito e Segurança e a Nação e Defesa. Resumo A Autoridade Marítima é uma política pública que foi sempre dirigida por oficiais da Armada em comissões temporárias, usufruindo de benefícios pecuniários, poder e prestígio adicionais. Desde 1982, a Constituição estabelece que as Forças Armadas não têm competências domésticas próprias; mas a Armada continuou a dominar a Autoridade Marítima. Até 2002 esteve mesmo integrada na Armada. Com a criação da Autoridade Marítima Nacional em 2002, definiu-se uma separação formal, mas a Direção-Geral da Autoridade Marítima e a Polícia Marítima continuam a ser, também financeiramente, dirigidas pelo Chefe do Estado-Maior da Armada, contrariando as normas da Constituição que afastaram as Forças Armadas dos cenários domésticos. Este artigo analisa estas situações à luz da public choice e dos três neoinstitucionalismos, concluindo que a primeira e o histórico entre as seguintes oferecem a melhor interpretação dos factos.

Revista Electrónica de Direito, 2016

This paper concurs to the institutional history of the public policy of Maritime Authority. The s... more This paper concurs to the institutional history of the public policy of Maritime Authority. The study centered on the emblematic administrative official of “harbor captain”, created by law in 1839; and investigated its legal evolution up to the first Constitutional Amendment (1982), which determined that the Maritime Authority would leave the Navy. The paper describes the evolution of the legal powers of the harbor captain in rescue, lighthouses and buoys, harbor pilots, registry offices for maritime personnel and ships, regulation of maritime professions, and the Maritime Police, created in 1919 as the “operational arm” of the harbor captain.

Nação e Defesa, 2016

Resumo A ciência económica desenvolveu um modelo de análise, positivo e normativo, das decisões c... more Resumo A ciência económica desenvolveu um modelo de análise, positivo e normativo, das decisões coleti-vas e, em particular, do Estado, que explica a exis-tência de forças armadas e de polícias para produ-zir o bem público-segurança para os membros duma comunidade. Esse modelo admite o tradicio-nal modo de provisão e produção pelo Estado, e o modo de provisão pelo Estado e produção privada, neste caso por empresas militares e de segurança, pois há uma dimensão privada da segurança que pode ser mais eficaz e eficientemente obtida pela provisão e produção privadas. Em algumas situa-ções, como Estados falhados e a pirataria no alto mar, o Estado tem sido mesmo substituído pelas empresas que combinam capacidades militares e policiais. Esta realidade tem décadas e tem-se imposto, mas é contestada pelas correntes ideológi-cas e políticas que atribuem ao Estado o monopólio da violência legítima e um papel diretor nas comu-nidades. Abstract Economy and Security: Public and Private Economic science developed a model of analysis, positive and normative, of collective decisions particularly the state's, which explains the existence of Armed Forces and Police Forces to produce the public good of security for the members of the community. This model accommodates the traditional mode of state provision and production , and the state provision with private production, in this case by military and security firms, since there is a private dimension of security that can more effective and efficiently be obtained by private provision and private production. In some instances, like failed states and maritime piracy, the state has been replaced by firms that combine military and police capabilities. This reality is decades old and has been asserting itself, but is contested by ideological and political schools of thought that assign to the state the monopoly of legitimate violence and a directing role in communities.

Revista Portuguesa e Brasileira de Gestão, Oct 1, 2003

By applying concepts of law, economics and management sciences, it was argued that a dillema betw... more By applying concepts of law, economics and management sciences, it was argued that a dillema between effectiveness and efficiency exists in public administration, in that it is inevitable to avoid a trade-off: to increase effectiveness one has to accept lower efficiency and vice-versa. This trade-off explains problems of effectiveness and efficiency, due in turn to the nature of the public administration: the legality principle and the privilege of previous execution; the mixed objectives and their complexity, due to their value for people, that frustrate all hierarquization of objectives and the lasting quantification of benefits; the tolerance of inefficiency as long as the formal rules are followed; and the minor role the citizen plays, in relation to the direct users of the public administration, ie politicians. However, these structural aspects of the public administration are essential to ensure the respect for basic human and citizen rights and the control of the public purse. Therefore, the increase in autonomous state agencies and the application of corporate management should be insufficient and inadequate to get a significant improvement; it might be better to aim at separate provision (by the state) and production of public goods and privatization of all the rest.

Revista de Segurança e Defesa, Nov 1, 2012

Revista de Segurança e Defesa, Dec 1, 2013

This essay analyses the new Strategic Defense Concept, approved in April 2013 and, according to t... more This essay analyses the new Strategic Defense Concept, approved in April 2013 and, according to the National Defense Law, brought into force by a Resolution of the Council of Ministers. It describes the contents and the language used, noting the confusion raised by some expressions like “concept of national strategic action” and “national security and defense strategy”, that go beyond a strategic defense concept, which is what the law commands the Government to do. These expressions suggest an aim to merge internal security and defense, diverging from the constitutional model. It also analyses the absence of an enemy or threatening wills against Portugal, that make the text too long and obscure, when it should establish priorities about resource allocation when resources fall short for all demands. Lastly, it recommends the replacement of the NDI by a new multidisciplinary national
institute of security and strategy, to study security in its multiple dimensions and in an integrated way.

Revista de Segurança e Defesa, Aug 1, 2014

The frontiers between internal security and defense are of the essence of democracy and the rule ... more The frontiers between internal security and defense are of the essence of democracy and the rule of law. They are the most basic assurance of its healthy functioning, because they restrict the use of force to their key stronghold, giving the widest possible room to the law to regulate the community. This
thesis coincides with the spirit and the letter of the Constitution and the law (in Portugal). But it faces corporatist scuffle. It is not how innovative is the security challenge, its external origin or the fact that the armed forces have capacities to match that justify their domestic competences. Under the rule of law, it is the law, and not the capacities, that determine competences; and there has to be proportionality on its deployment. Hence, domestically, except under martial law, the armed forces
should at best support the police forces.

The concept of security widened after the Cold War and nowadays includes human, environmental and... more The concept of security widened after the Cold War and nowadays includes human, environmental and economic security; demographic tendencies affect several security dimensions. In this report, the seven demographic tendencies with strongest impact on security are described in abstract
terms and over the world: (1) nature and composition of the military and the police forces; (2) populations growth; (3) ageing and lack of young men in developed countries; (4) excess of young men, particularly without job; (5) international migrations; (6) internal migrations; (7) epidemics. The integration of minorities and immigrants highlights the fact that the State is also cause of human insecurity.

People look for certainty, so the uncertain future makes them anxious. The concept of risk allows... more People look for certainty, so the uncertain future makes them anxious. The concept of risk allows a rational treatment of future hazards, but as it sets up in the present uncertain and unknown future hazards, it creates an illusion of certainty and anxiety. This paper deals with the risk discourse on the European environment, highlighting climate change and their most likely and relevant effects: extreme meteorological events, fresh water scarcity, poverty and immigration to Europe. Since it is not possible to define probabilities for future environmental events, “hazards” is preferred to “risks”. The environmental risk discourse is here studied with sociological, economics and political science lenses. It concludes that environmental events will always bring threats and opportunities, to current and future generations, and all will be challenged, but all will have more instruments and knowledge than the their predecessors to overcome them and improve on their well being.

Capitão de mar e guerra (Reserva) 1. INTRODUÇÃO A Autoridade Marítima Nacional (AMN) foi criada e... more Capitão de mar e guerra (Reserva) 1. INTRODUÇÃO A Autoridade Marítima Nacional (AMN) foi criada em 2002, e é a peça nuclear da reforma do Sistema de Autoridade Marítima (SAM) desse ano. Com a AMN, implantou-se um modelo original no domínio da regulação. Este artigo aborda esta reforma, de acordo com o modelo "policy cycle" de análise das políticas públicas (Knoepfel et al; 2007, 30-37 e cap.6), composto por cinco fases raramente estanques entre si: a identificação do problema, que se seguiu à 1ª Revisão Constitucional (1982); o agendamento, ocorrido no Programa do XII Governo Constitucional (1991); a formulação, ainda por concluir; a concretização; e a avaliação. Só em 2012, após uma avaliação de que se sabe pouco, se corrigiram os desvios da concretização. O intervalo de trinta anos sugere que houve dificuldades a vencer, também neste artigo consideradas. 1. ENQUADRAMENTO 2.1 Autoridade Marítima A autoridade do Estado no mar, ou autoridade marítima, é o poder público a exercer nos espaços marítimos sob soberania ou jurisdição nacional, e no domínio público marítimo. O SAM e o respectivo conceito foram criados em 1984. É constituído pelas entidades, órgãos ou serviços de nível central, regional ou local que, com funções de coordenação, executivas, consultivas ou policiais, exercem poderes de autoridade marítima (Faria: 2012, 112-118). O pessoal que serve ou serviu na Armada/Marinha poderá reunir a maior experiência, memória e capacidade técnica em Portugal para tratar as questões do mar, e tem recursos e capacidades ímpares para o exercício da autoridade do Estado no mar (Nogueira: 1995, 17). Mas não tem a formação nem o treino prévios necessários para operar na segurança interna. 2.2 ANTECEDENTES Os antecedentes normativos decisivos da reforma do SAM de 2002 e da criação da AMN são: a lei constitucional nº1/1982 (30-Set) que pôs em vigor a 1ªRevisão Constitucional e estabeleceu as fronteiras entre a segurança interna e a defesa nacional, pelas quais as Forças Armadas (FA) só têm por missão a defesa militar perante ameaças externas; a lei nº29/82 (11-Dez), Lei de Defesa Nacional e das Forças Armadas (LDNFA), que regulou a atuação das FA, no quadro constitucional pós-1982; a lei nº20/87 (12-1 de 9 Página A Criação da Autoridade Marítima Nacionale 30-06-2014

Revista de Direito e Segurança

The creation of the National Maritime Authority was the flagship measure of the reform of 2002 of... more The creation of the National Maritime Authority was the flagship measure of the reform of 2002 of the System of Maritime Authority. The problem this reform was intended to solve was identified after the 1st Constitutional Revision (1982), which established frontiers between internal security and defense, as in other democracies. The agenda-setting only occurred in 1991, and the implementation happened in phases from 1991 to 2002; it is still not complete. The investigation now revealed biases and deviations in the formulation, implementation and reformulations because they failed to erect the barriers between the Navy (military) and the National Maritime Authority (non-military), which with the substance of maritime authority were at a loss. Reactions in the media lead the government to evaluate the situation in 2012 and to reinforce the orientations to implement the constitutional model. But the legal framework remains unclear in 2015. To ensure the autonomy, effectiveness and efficiency of the maritime authority it is necessary to change the political oversight to the department of the maritime activities.

Nação e Defesa

The tasks to which the Europeans are assigning their resources are growing, and the competition o... more The tasks to which the Europeans are assigning their resources are growing, and the competition on them and a lesser perception of threats have increased the scarcity felt by the military, who are now asked to do crisis management and humanitarian relief tasks (Petersberg Missions), unlike state defense against external threats, the primary concern of the military, a contentious and economically inefficient resource
to employ in many of these tasks. Economic efficiency may be better served by contracting with the private sector tasks with low intensity of violence, albeit at the cost of the weberian dogma of the state monopoly of legitimate violence. This dogma has been superseded in internal security tasks, with an
adequate and solid regulation, whose gains are consensual; it can thus inspire a change on the external level, by incentivating the creation and sustainability of private security and military
firms, replacing mercenaries and false firms as the supply in the market. The market of security and defense exists, it has supply and demand, although it is not widely acknowledged, and it can help improve the allocative efficiency in Europe, as long as it is
well regulated and works where it has advantage over the military.

Nação e Defesa

This paper aims to show that the deployment of private military companies is technical and ethica... more This paper aims to show that the deployment of private military companies is technical and ethical. Security fulfills effectiveness, efficiency and economy criteria, and an idea of good and evil, richer or poorer. States are short of resources concerning the strategic demands of defense over security frontiers, but people want something done to solve the misery they see on television.
It is argued that a division of the strategic work is under way that, in broad terms, allocates the mission of defense of the sanctuary to the nation’s armed forces and peacekeeping missions far away to private firms.
A good moral reason for this division is economic efficiency, because private military contractors are more agile and cheaper than the armed forces. However there is still some way to go in regulating the private security sector.

Nação e Defesa

The most important innovation the United Nations Charter brought to international relations and i... more The most important innovation the United Nations Charter brought to international relations and international law was the prohibition of the use of force, with two exceptions: authorized by the Security Council, and self-defense. It is accepted
the use of force in reaction to an ongoing or imminent armed attack, but the unauthorized and preventive use of force tends to be considered aggression. However, the combination of rogue states, nihilistic terrorists, weapons of mass destruction – portable, devastating and lethal – and missile systems for long distance delivery allows threats to form in days or hours, while in 1945 it was necessary to generate, move and support large military forces for months to create a threat. Rogue states or nihilistic terrorists with those weapons are a threat and may justify the preventive use of force, in ways that look like
balance of power, responsible for devastating wars. That should not happen with mature democracies subject to the rule of law, because the use of force – unusual among themselves – is under intense scrutiny with politicians liable for their decisions,
and taking the discussion and the analysis of several alternatives to the public arena. Therefore, the use of force, and more so if preventive, only happens when, at least, each government is convinced that, for their country, that is the best.
The costs of error in the use of force are so high that these governments will only decide to use it in exceptional and well argued cases; that insures against vicious preventive use of force or abusive use of force.

Nação e Defesa

Offsets are compensatory, reciprocal trade agreements for industrial products as a condition for ... more Offsets are compensatory, reciprocal trade agreements
for industrial products as a condition for military-related
exports. Free movement of capital, the European integration and the Euro emptied the original reasoning behind offsets in Europe. But import compensation is a concept dear to mercantilism, protectionism and the media, so they persist. They are a “sweetener” of unpopular (like arms) or onerous (like commercial aircraft) imports. Benefits are not proven, but costs
and waste are known and measure up in long and complex contract negotiations, litigation over failure to comply with offsets contracts, distracting the alleged beneficiary companies from innovation and production, and lack of transparency. That is why, despite their “good press”, offsets are a bad idea and a flop.

Nação e Defesa

By measuring productivity one is evaluating the effectiveness and the efficiency of production, a... more By measuring productivity one is evaluating the effectiveness
and the efficiency of production, aiming at increasing both, in
organizations, including more and more the military, as part of
the public sector. It is complex and polemic to measure the
productivity of public goods, such as national defence, because of its nature and the difficulty of valuing these goods, which both create the free-rider problem and the effectiveness-efficiency dilemma. Even when it seems simple to build numerical indicators it is possible that the lack of control by the final users allows or even supports the perverse use of indicators, with extra effort in areas subject to measurement at the cost of those that are not. This paper reports the creation of nineteen partial productivity indicators and indexes (base: 2001), with data available in the official statistical publications, according to the division of omissions, tasks and subtasks of Booth (1977), which together may form a composite idea of the Portuguese Navy productivity tendencies, and even to compare it with other navies. The report aims to prove the validity of the model of analysis, but not a critical analysis of the navy productivity results; hence, it identified the need to define coefficients to missions, tasks and subtasks, but stopped short of defining them, due to its political nature. Finally, the report recognizes that to use many indicators to reduce possible perverse effects of measurement may not be the only, not even the best, solution to that problem; it is left for later research the building of composite indicators that embody and measure the perverse effects, in a way that compensates them in the productivity indicators, making these more reliable.

Connections: The Quarterly Journal, 2008